--- Page 1 ---
The
Haitian
Declaration
of
Independence
Creation,
Context, and
Legacy
EDITED BY JULIA
GAFFIELD
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The Haitian Declaration
of Independence --- Page 3 ---
Jeffersonian America
JAN ELLEN LEWIS, PETER S. ONUF,
AND ANDREW O'SHAUGHNESSY, EDITORS --- Page 4 ---
The Haitian Declaration
of Independence
Creation, Context, and Legacy
EDITED BY JULIA GAFFIELD
University of Virginia Press
CHARLOTTESVILLE AND LONDON --- Page 5 ---
University of Virginia Press
2016 by the Rector and Visitors of the University of Virginia
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
First published 2016
9 8 765 4 3 2 1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
The Haitian Declaration ofl Independence : creation, context, and legacy / edited by
Julia Gaffield.
pages cm.-(leffersonian America)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-8139-3787-8 (cloth : acid-free paper)-ISBN 978-0-8139-3788-; (e-book)
1. Haiti-History--utonomy and independence movements. 2. ProclamationsHaiti-History and criticism. 3- Liberty- Political aspects-Haiti-History-i9th
century. 4- Dessalines, Jean-Jacques, 1758-1806. 5. Hait--History- Revolution,
1791-1804- 6. Haiti-History-1804-1844- I. Gaffield, Julia.
F1924.H22 2015
972.94'04-dcz3
Aoftrm
Publication of this volume has been supported by the Thomas
MONTICELLO Jefferson Foundation.
ProclamationsHaiti-History and criticism. 3- Liberty- Political aspects-Haiti-History-i9th
century. 4- Dessalines, Jean-Jacques, 1758-1806. 5. Hait--History- Revolution,
1791-1804- 6. Haiti-History-1804-1844- I. Gaffield, Julia.
F1924.H22 2015
972.94'04-dcz3
Aoftrm
Publication of this volume has been supported by the Thomas
MONTICELLO Jefferson Foundation. --- Page 6 ---
Contents
Preface vii
Acknowledgments xi
Introduction: The Haitian Declaration of Independence
in an Atlantic Context 1
DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD
PART I Writing the Declaration
Haiti's Declaration of Independence 25
DAVID GEGGUS
"Victims of Our Own Credulity and Indulgence": The Life of
Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre 42
JOHN GARRIGUS
The Debate Surrounding the Printing oft the Haitian Declaration
of Independence: A Review oft the Literature 58
PATRICK TARDIEU
Living by Metaphor in the Haitian Declaration of Independence:
Tigers and Cognitive Theory 72
DEBORAH JENSON
PART II Haitian Independence and the Atlantic
Law, Atlantic Revolutionary Exceptionalism, and the Haitian
Declaration of Independence 95
MALICK W. GHACHEM --- Page 7 ---
vi CONTENTS
Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Norbert Thoret, and the Violent Aftermath
of the Haitian Declaration of Independence 115
JEREMY D. POPKIN
Did Dessalines Plan to Export the Haitian Revolution? 136
PHILIPPE GIRARD
PART III The Legacy of the Haitian Declaration ofIndependence
"Outrages on the Laws of Nations": American Merchants and Diplomacy
after the Haitian Declaration of Independence 161
JULIA GAFFIELD
The Sovereign People of Haiti during the Eighteenth
and Nineteenth Centuries 181
JEAN CASIMIR
Thinking Haitian Independence in Haitian Vodou 201
LAURENT DUBOIS
Revolutionary Commemorations: Jean-Jacques Dessalines and Haitian
Independence Day, 1804-1904 219
ERIN ZAVITZ
Appendix: The Haitian Declaration of Independence 239
Bibliography 249
Notes on Contributors 267
Index 269
Haitian Declaration of Independence 161
JULIA GAFFIELD
The Sovereign People of Haiti during the Eighteenth
and Nineteenth Centuries 181
JEAN CASIMIR
Thinking Haitian Independence in Haitian Vodou 201
LAURENT DUBOIS
Revolutionary Commemorations: Jean-Jacques Dessalines and Haitian
Independence Day, 1804-1904 219
ERIN ZAVITZ
Appendix: The Haitian Declaration of Independence 239
Bibliography 249
Notes on Contributors 267
Index 269 --- Page 8 ---
Preface
commentator Rachel
Index and middle finger crossed, the American political
show,
informed viewers of her April 1, 2010, MSNBC primetime
Maddow
have been." 77 At frst glance, this
"us and Haiti, we're like this. We always
raised eyebrow; in fact,
comment worthy of a
may seem like a throwaway
histories of Haiti and the United
Maddow's reference to the interconnected
Scholars recin the field of Atlantic history.'
States reflects a transformation Haitian Revolutions as part of a broader
ognize the American, French, and
occurring across the Atlantic World.
set of changes
could be seen most explicitly in a recent exThis historiographical shift
Revolution! The Atlantic World
hibition at the New-York Historical Society, which focused on the material and
Reborn (November 11, 201-April 15, 2012), revolutions. At this exhibition, the
symbolic connections between the three
for the first time.
Declaration of Independence was put on display
Haitian
printed this document less
Haitian government
The newly independent
Dessalines delivered its text as a speech
than three weeks after Jean-Jacques
to be distributed to the powers of
on January 1, 1804. The printed version was twist of fate,' " Maddow reported,
World. "And then, in a very sad
the Atlantic
For the next two hundred years, the
"every known copy of it disappeared.
in newspapers and in
Haitian Declaration of Independence was reprinted itself, the actual, original
handwritten duplicates. But the actual document
of Haitian independence
eight-page pamphlet, the physical representation
was lost."
discovered one of the original government-printed
In February 2010, I
records at The National Archives
versions of the declaration in the Jamaican
this to be the only
in London. At the time, I thought
ofthe United Kingdom
however, I discovered another printed copy
extant copy. Just over a year later,
archives. This time the declaration was
in the Admiralty records of the same
known remaining offiThese documents are the only
printed as a broadside.
ofindependence. The text of the docucial copies ofthe Haitian Declaration
physical representation
was lost."
discovered one of the original government-printed
In February 2010, I
records at The National Archives
versions of the declaration in the Jamaican
this to be the only
in London. At the time, I thought
ofthe United Kingdom
however, I discovered another printed copy
extant copy. Just over a year later,
archives. This time the declaration was
in the Admiralty records of the same
known remaining offiThese documents are the only
printed as a broadside.
ofindependence. The text of the docucial copies ofthe Haitian Declaration --- Page 9 ---
viii PREFACE
original or an official printed
ment was well known, but a signed manuscript believed.
did not exist in Haiti or elsewhere, historians
copy
documents in London tells a story of international
The presence of the
The proclacommunication in the early months of Haiti's independence. World that the
to the nations and empires of the Atlantic
mation announced
instead, the new "Haytian"
territory was no longer under French authority;
from France
ruled it. Haitians leaders knew that independence
government
recognized and supported
could only be complete if foreign governments
the new nation.
the Atlantic, and portions of it were reThe document circulated around
and London, and even as
printed in newspapers in cities like Philadelphia oft this document, however,
The international reception
far away as Bombay.
and saw Haitian independence
was mixed. Some readers were sympathetic Others, however, were terrified
the
reaction to French cruelties.
as justifiable
mean for their own nation's colby the implications that this success might
spread? was the question
Would the Revolution
onies and personal property.
on everyone's mind.
the document, a magnitude 7.0 earthSeveral weeks before I discovered
area. The world's atdevastated Port-au-Prince and the surrounding
outlets
quake
it often is when that nation is in crisis. Media
tention was on Haiti, as
Maddow Show, published digital copies of
around the world, like the Rachel
the first time many peothe Haitian Declaration of Independence, marking with interest and intrigueple read or saw the document. They responded
came from readers who
sometimes with hostility. Much of the hostility
and
the Haithe Haitian document against its American equivalent; hatred and
compared
is a call to arms that expresses
tian Declaration of Independence
commenters also wanted to see
toward the French. Many
eternal vengeance
problems in its founding document, parthe roots of Haiti's contemporary
Pat Robertson's claim that
ticularly in the context of American televangelist
Haitians had "sworn a pact with the devil." >2
declaration of
of the first countries in the world to issue a
Haiti was one
The American Declaration ofIndepenindependence after the United States.
for similar documents
dence, David Armitage writes, "provided the model of other new states.' >3 Inaround the world that asserted the independence
of
forces in the French colony Saint-Domingue
deed, when the revolutionary followed the United States' lead in proclaimdefeated Napoléon's troops, they
the words "liberté ou
their determination to "live free or die" -choosing
ing
letterhead and the title of their Acte de Mindépendance.
la mort" for the state
drew distantly on Jefferson's document
However, while the Haitian leaders declaration based on his original had
earlier draft of the
for inspiration-an
new states.' >3 Inaround the world that asserted the independence
of
forces in the French colony Saint-Domingue
deed, when the revolutionary followed the United States' lead in proclaimdefeated Napoléon's troops, they
the words "liberté ou
their determination to "live free or die" -choosing
ing
letterhead and the title of their Acte de Mindépendance.
la mort" for the state
drew distantly on Jefferson's document
However, while the Haitian leaders declaration based on his original had
earlier draft of the
for inspiration-an --- Page 10 ---
PREFACE ix
tailored their own words to the
been rejected as too tame for the task-they
different yet
Thus, the two documents are distinctly
circumstances at hand.
connected in motivation, meaning, and genre.
the
clearly
exhibit, the New-York Historical Society put
As part of its Revolution!
along with the Stamp Act
Haitian Declaration of Independence on display
in Surinam (1752-1758),
Greenwood's Sea Captains Carousing
(1765), John
and other documents, paintings, and obThomas Clarkson's "African Box,"
of Revolution. In conjunction
the interconnected Age
jects that symbolized
entitled, "The Age of Revwith the exhibit, the society hosted a symposium The goal of this symposium
olution: A Whole History," on January 21, 2012. ofeach revolution as well
was to better understand the unique characteristics
this conference, I
threads that wove them together. During
as the common
historian David Armitage, and during our
had the good fortune of meeting
to
a collaborative study
conversation he inspired and encouraged me pursue
oft the Haitian Declaration of Independence. the Robert H. Smith InternaWith this in mind, on March 7-8, 2013,
the direction of Andrew
tional Center for Jefferson Studies (ICJS), under
"The Haitian Declasponsored and hosted the conference
O'Shaughnessy,
Context." s The ICJS seeks to support
ration of Independence in an Atlantic
interdisciplinary and
of" Thomas Jefferson and his legacy through
the study
of
was the first
research. While the US Declaration Independence
innovative
document helped to confirm it as a genre; the Haiof its kind, the Haitian
therefore, is a crucial part of the legacy of
tian Declaration of Independence,
to
the scope of its
document. The efforts of the ICJS expand
the American
America reflects a series of historiographresearch beyond continental early
of the early modern
that highlight the interconnectedness
ical interventions
of Revolution. Scholars have also
Atlantic World, particularly during the Age
and to look
situate Haiti at the center of the Age of Revolution
begun to
the context, character, and develbeyond its revolution in order to appreciate
opment of Haiti as an independent nation. scholars in the field and aim to
The essays in this volume are by leading
external influences that
of the internal and
provide a better understanding
declaration of independence. How
shaped the world's second successful Declaration of Independence intightly and in what ways was the Haitian
shared
of the Age
What
aspects
tertwined with its American predecessor?
document? What distinctive
of Revolution were articulated in the Haitian
And how can a focus
features were added and what elements were omitted? discussion about the larger
documents provide a point of entry for a
on these
in the Atlantic revolutions? As the
questions of meaning and significance
in the world, the Haitian Decproduct of the only successful slave revolution --- Page 11 ---
X PREFACE
laration of Independence is representative of the turbulent Age of Revolution, and this volume advances our comprehension of its expansive significance in the making of the modern world.
Notes
1. See www.nbcnews.com/id/36148068/ns/msnbc-rachel_maddow_show/#.UWQSda
WnukQ (accessed April 8, 2013).
2. See www.cbsnews.com/8301-504083-162-12017-504083.htm (accessed April 9,
2013).
3- David Armitage, The Declaration ofIndependence: A Global History (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 3-
advances our comprehension of its expansive significance in the making of the modern world.
Notes
1. See www.nbcnews.com/id/36148068/ns/msnbc-rachel_maddow_show/#.UWQSda
WnukQ (accessed April 8, 2013).
2. See www.cbsnews.com/8301-504083-162-12017-504083.htm (accessed April 9,
2013).
3- David Armitage, The Declaration ofIndependence: A Global History (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 3- --- Page 12 ---
Acknowledgments
conference sponsored by the Robert H. Smith
This volume originated at a
and held in Charlottesville, VirInternational Center for Jefferson Studies
the Saunders Director ofthe
ginia, in March 2013. Andrew O'Shaughnessy, ofthe conference, and I am
and enthusiastic supporter
ICJS, was a generous
collaboration as well as the funding provided by
grateful for his delightful
Hammond, and the rest of the ICJS
the ICJS. Mary Scott-Fleming, Michele
with the aftermath of a
immensely helpful, especially in dealing
staff were
freak snowstorm.
occurred without the support and encourThe conference would not have
that
The idea emerged during a conversation
agement of David Armitage.
World Reborn, presented by the New-York
we had at Revolution! The Atlantic
to collaborate with and I owe
Historical Society in 2011. David has been a joy
in this initiative.
for his inspiration and support
him my deep appreciation
with such a collegial group
to have been able to collaborate
I am grateful
sincere thanks to each off the contribofs scholars, and I would like to offer my
field and their enthusiasm
their dedication to the
by
utors. I am inspired by
for the study of Haitian history.
Press has contributed much
Dick Holway at the University of Virginia
his enthusiastic support
editorial insight, and I thank him for
appreciated
The staff members at the University of Virginia
throughout this project.
with. I am also indebted to the anonyPress have been a pleasure to work
feedback.
readers who provided thoughtful and productive
mous
thank the Andrew W. Mellon Sawyer Seminar at
Finally, I would like to
of History and the Coland the Department
Brandeis University (2013-2014)
for providing me with
lege of Arts and Sciences at Georgia State University
the time and funding necessary to complete this project.
of Virginia
his enthusiastic support
editorial insight, and I thank him for
appreciated
The staff members at the University of Virginia
throughout this project.
with. I am also indebted to the anonyPress have been a pleasure to work
feedback.
readers who provided thoughtful and productive
mous
thank the Andrew W. Mellon Sawyer Seminar at
Finally, I would like to
of History and the Coland the Department
Brandeis University (2013-2014)
for providing me with
lege of Arts and Sciences at Georgia State University
the time and funding necessary to complete this project. --- Page 13 --- --- Page 14 ---
The Haitian Declaration
of Independence --- Page 15 --- --- Page 16 ---
Introduction
The Haitian Declaration ofIndependence
in an Atlantic Context
ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD
DAVID
Revolution! The Atlantic World Reborn
For the New-York Historical Society's Rabinowitz and Lynda B. Kaplan
exhibit in 2011-2012, curators Richard
Palace of Versailles from artists
commissioned a miniature sculpture of the
Mexico. The artAvila and Benita Rodriguez Alvarez of Guanajuato,
Martin
constructed entirely of sugar tinted with
ists created a desktop-sized palace
Rabinowitz explained, the
dyes. Their message was crystal clear; as
vegetable
the French Empire "was in some ways a kingdom
sculpture emphasized that
of France's wealth in the
>1 Indeed, an estimated 30 percent
based on sugar.
Saint-Domingue, the
eighteenth century came from its colonies, especially
the richest spots
colony and one of
Atlantic World's most wealth-producing
on the face of the earth.
another that had been created just
This modern sugar sculpture echoed
anniversary of Haitian
hundred
earlier to mark the second
over two
years
Haîtien, the independence celebraindependence on January 1, 1806. At Cap
Declaration of Indea military review, a reading of the
tions had comprised
later that day, Emperor Jean-Jacques
pendence, and a high mass; in Gonaives
the leading officers,
feast attended by
Dessalines laid on a commemorative
American visitor reported
military and civil, of the infant state. A horrified imitation of the skeleton of a
that, "after dinner, a piece of confectionary in
no doubt,
served upon the table. The object in view . was
white man, was
and cherish in the minds of the
that day of national jubilee, to excite
upon
French, exhibiting to their sight such expressive
chiefs, their hatred of the
by
the remembrance of
not fail to call to their recollection,
symbols as could
the victors of their triumph
their past deeds. >2 What better way to remind And what more approprithan this macabre effigy oftheir former masters? that had once been grown
material for its construction than the sugar
ate
with their sweat and blood?
and Alvarez might have tinted
To mirror that historic confection, Avila
extract-such a morwith blood instead of vegetable
their modern sculpture
upon
French, exhibiting to their sight such expressive
chiefs, their hatred of the
by
the remembrance of
not fail to call to their recollection,
symbols as could
the victors of their triumph
their past deeds. >2 What better way to remind And what more approprithan this macabre effigy oftheir former masters? that had once been grown
material for its construction than the sugar
ate
with their sweat and blood?
and Alvarez might have tinted
To mirror that historic confection, Avila
extract-such a morwith blood instead of vegetable
their modern sculpture --- Page 17 ---
2 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD
reminded viewers that France's palatial opulence was
bid touch would have
and death. Haiti was often called the
shot through with untold suffering
metaphor ignored the massive
"Pearl ofthe Antilles," but that whitewashed
to slave tradthat millions of enslaved men and women paid
human price
and government agents to enable their
ers, plantation owners, merchants,
in the Caribbean characteristically
wealth. The colonial and slave systems
to replace them.
worked the slaves to death; it was more cost-effective
richest colony beachieved its status as the Atlantic's
Saint-Domingue
and imported people
cause slave traders and plantation owners purchased them to work as slaves on
from West and West-Central Africa and forced
other goods such as inand coffee plantations. The colony produced
sugar
but coffee and sugar were the real moneymakdigo, cacao, and mahogany,
fostered a life-crushing labor system
Saint-Domingue
ers. Prerevolutionary
opportunities for the development
but at the same time provided unique of
de couleurs. Free people of
and socially rich class gens
of an economically
colonies, but in Saint-Domingue their
color also lived in other American
made the situation unique. The
political and social strength and number
and an
of the population, however, was enslaved,
overwhelming majority
on the eve of the Haitian
estimated two-thirds of the enslaved population
to
Jean Casimir calls these people "captives"
Revolution was African-born."
removed from
describe the process through which they were violently
better
thousand slaves in Sainttheir homelands." 5 Of the estimated five hundred thousand had been imtwo hundred and forty
Domingue in 1791, nearly
rate spurred the continported to the colony since 1780. The high mortality
forty thousand
numbers of African captives:
ued importation of increasing
The result was that, at the beginning of
captives alone were imported in 1791.
as one hundred and eighty
the Haitian Revolution, it is possible that as many the
five years,
enslaved men and women had arrived in
previous
thousand
been in the colony for a very short time.
and half of them may have only
the
east of the Kingdom of
African captives came from regions
Most ofthese.
River. And, while most came from the same
Congo and south of the Congo
and culturally diverse. This
region in central Africa, they were linguistically differences within Saintonto racial, legal, and regional
diversity was layered
become Haitian citizens,
Domingue. The population that would eventually and held distinct and dispaoften in conflict,
therefore, was heterogeneous,
revolution.
rate goals in the context of the unfolding
colonial system came in 1789
The first attack on the immensely profitable
rights as French citizens.
free
of color began to agitate for equal
when
people
sometimes turned violent since the esThis battle for full French citizenship
to the discriminatory
tablished colonial state did not welcome this challenge
however,
that kept whites in power. Events in Europe,
social-racial hierarchy
ersity was layered
become Haitian citizens,
Domingue. The population that would eventually and held distinct and dispaoften in conflict,
therefore, was heterogeneous,
revolution.
rate goals in the context of the unfolding
colonial system came in 1789
The first attack on the immensely profitable
rights as French citizens.
free
of color began to agitate for equal
when
people
sometimes turned violent since the esThis battle for full French citizenship
to the discriminatory
tablished colonial state did not welcome this challenge
however,
that kept whites in power. Events in Europe,
social-racial hierarchy --- Page 18 ---
INTRODUCTION 3
in France of the Declaration ofthe Rights of Man
and especially the publication
difficult for the colonial elite to
and ofthe Citizen (1789), made it increasingly
in the colony.
justify the subversion of about half the free population
when enslaved
The spark of discontent soon exploded in Saint-Domingue fire to the cane fields,
in the northern part of the colony rose up, set
at a
people
masters. The plan for the uprising was sealed
and killed their brutal
under the leadership of
ceremony in Bois Caîman in August 1791
religious
Boukman." Despite the dubious odds for success,
an enslaved man named
initiated the world's only
uprising across the northern plains
the coordinated
initial
of the rebels appear to have been
successful slave revolution. The
goals
time to cultivate their own
reforms to the institution of slavery, mainly extra
inspired by
and less severe forms of punishment-goals
subsistence crops
that the king of France had in fact granted
al rumor circulating in the colony
their implebut that the colonists were preventing
them these concessions
cultivated by the enslaved would, as Jean
mentation. The small plots ofland
form the basis for land
Casimir and Laurent Dubois discuss in their essays,
as the former
in the independence period
tenure and social organization
system."
slaves developed a "counter-plantation" victories but were not able to attain their
The rebels achieved some early
from the international war raging
desired goal. They received aid, however,
the slave rebellion as
the Atlantic. The British and Spanish saw
throughout
Caribbean colony. These foreign empires
an opportunity to acquire another
armies to help their cause. The
vied for control and often enlisted insurgent
wars involving enRevolution, therefore, was a series of overlapping
Haitian
and French, British, and Spanish colonists
slaved people; free people of color;
Indeed, the many different
in armies composed ofa mixture ofthese groups. alliances between them
internally united, and the
groups were not always
how to best achieve their own unique goals.
changed as each considered
the South and West of Saint-Domingue
British forces from Jamaica occupied
ownership of the eastern part of
from 1794 to 1798, and the French secured
the island in 1795 under the Peace of Basel.
for the rebellious slaves.
warfare provided openings
This international
offer rewards for allegiance. In an extraordiDifferent armies were willing to
Sonthonax and Étienne
nary move, two French commissioners, Léger-Félicité those who would fight for the
Polverel, offered freedom and citizenship to
to
pressured the commissioners
French Republic. These new soldier-citizens
complied
of their offer of freedom, and the commissioners
expand the scope
needed their loyalty. In August of 1793, Sonthonax
because they desperately
of
A multiPolverel abolished slavery in the colony Saint-Domingue.
and
carried the document to France
racial delegation of elected representatives The Convention went one step
to have it ratified in the National Convention.
, two French commissioners, Léger-Félicité those who would fight for the
Polverel, offered freedom and citizenship to
to
pressured the commissioners
French Republic. These new soldier-citizens
complied
of their offer of freedom, and the commissioners
expand the scope
needed their loyalty. In August of 1793, Sonthonax
because they desperately
of
A multiPolverel abolished slavery in the colony Saint-Domingue.
and
carried the document to France
racial delegation of elected representatives The Convention went one step
to have it ratified in the National Convention. --- Page 19 ---
4 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD
in the entire French Empire and extended citfurther and abolished slavery
izenship to all men.
returned to a level of relAfter the abolition of slavery, Saint-Domingue Louverture. Louverture had
ative stability under the leadership of Toussaint
he was a free
been enslaved, but at the time of the 1791 uprising
a
previously
leader early in the revolution but spent
man. He established himself as a
After the 1794 abolisignificant amount of time fighting for the Spanish.
after he was
Louverture joined the French forces and soon
tion of slavery,
the French government. Louverof the colony by
named governorgeneral
and instituted a quasi-slave system
ture maintained the plantation system forced to return to the sugar and
in which the laborers, or cultivateurs, were
burned to the ground.
many of which they had recently
coffee plantations,
that maintained a loose alliance to
In 1801, Louverture issued a constitution
Saint-Domingue to operate as
the French Empire but that essentially allowed
a sovereign state.
established as First Consul of France, reNapoléon Bonaparte, recently
and sent an army to
sented what he perceived as a challenge to his authority Louverture's govdisarm, kill, and deport the colonial leadership (meaning instructed his brotherernment). It is also widely believed that Bonaparte in the colony; at the
in-law, General Charles Leclerc, to reinstitute slavery
the case. 10 Lebegan to spread in the colony that this was
very least, rumors
in February 1802 reignited the smoldering
clerc's arrival in Saint-Domingue
for
While
the conflict into a war independence.
revolution and transformed
the revolution had
Louverture had struggled for greater colonial autonomy, arrival changed
independence. The French army's
not been about political
former slaves in the colony that their
this. Only when it became clear to the
did they begin
freedom could not be assured under French authority
legal
the fight for independence.
by extreme viobetween 1802 and 1803 was characterized
The period
the complete eradication of the opposlence on both sides as each sought
Leclerc, and the colonial
Louverture was tricked and deported by
ing army.
"rebels"- fought under the leadership of Jean-Jacques
armies-now labeled
a break in the revolution. AntiDessalines. The period after 1802 represents
Dessalines and his leading
slavery was still at the core of the movement, but
under French
and freedom could not be assured
generals knew that liberty
rule.
able to achieve the swift victory that they anticiLeclerc's army was not
waited out the battle until the rainy season
pated: Dessalines and his troops
fever. Indeed, the
of the Europeans' susceptibility to yellow
to take advantage
rebels and the vulnerability of the French troops
guerrilla-style warfare of the
Despite the fact that Britain
to disease put the French in a desperate position.
alines and his leading
slavery was still at the core of the movement, but
under French
and freedom could not be assured
generals knew that liberty
rule.
able to achieve the swift victory that they anticiLeclerc's army was not
waited out the battle until the rainy season
pated: Dessalines and his troops
fever. Indeed, the
of the Europeans' susceptibility to yellow
to take advantage
rebels and the vulnerability of the French troops
guerrilla-style warfare of the
Despite the fact that Britain
to disease put the French in a desperate position. --- Page 20 ---
INTRODUCTION 5
General Donatien RochamFrance's enemy, Leclerc and his successor,
was
of Jamaica to help them. The governor, however,
beau, begged the governor
a rebel victory because
preferred to let the war continue and even supported 11 By mid-1803, it was
blow to the French Empire.'
it would land an important
hand and he began making prepaclear to Dessalines that he had the upper
Girard shows us in
He sent letters, as Philippe
rations for independence.
and Cuba and to the president of the
his essay, to the governors of Jamaica
United States inviting merchants to Saint-Domingue.: signed a treaty coorOn November 19, 1803, Dessalines and Rochambeau
The articles
the evacuation of the French Army from Cap Français. wished to
dinating
evacuation ofthe army and any civilians who
provided for the safe
to leave. As Rochambeau's ships set
follow. The French would have ten days
that lay waiting to
they faced a fleet of British ships
sail from Cap Français,
to Jamaica as prisoners of war
them. The French were then brought
capture
and were eventually sent to Europe.
side of the island, Dessalines
With the French gone from the western
official
for the
independence
and his leading generals could now prepare
Henry Christophe, and
of the country. On November 29, 1803, Dessalines, the independence of
Augustin Clervaux issued a proclamation announcing and Men of Colour
under the authority ofthe "Black People
Saint-Domingue
the success of their war, raging
of St. Domingo." > They proudly announced
veil of prejudice is torn
for freedom and dignity. "The frightful
since 1789.
Woe be to whomsoever would
declared, "and is SO forever.
to pieces," they
tatters." 1 The proclamation was therefore
dare again to put together its bloody
the abolition of slavery by
also a warning; the authors justified preserving
hinted that the fight
"every means are lawful.' They
any means necessary,
was not respected. "Were they
could erupt into a global war if their liberty
of blood to run," 7 they
defenders of liberty] to cause rivers and torrents
the
[the
in order to maintain their liberty, to conflagrate
announced, "were they,
before the tribunal of Proviseven-eighths of the globe, they are innocent
under a harsh and
dence, that has not created men to see them groaning
and ClerChristophe,
shameful servitude. s With this document, Dessalines,
nations
for the inclusion of Haiti in the community of recognized
vaux vied
their goals of peace and organized governof the Atlantic by emphasizing
to the troubles of a dreadment. 'Now that the calm of victory has succeeded ought to assume a new
ful war," they concluded, "everything in St. Domingo
v13
henceforward to be that of justice.
face, and its Government
the hard-won freedom that they had
Even as they jealously protected Clervaux were also careful to ease the
achieved, Dessalines, Christophe, and
attempted to justify and paranxiety of the international community. They the revolution and made
don those who may have been excessive during
and organized governof the Atlantic by emphasizing
to the troubles of a dreadment. 'Now that the calm of victory has succeeded ought to assume a new
ful war," they concluded, "everything in St. Domingo
v13
henceforward to be that of justice.
face, and its Government
the hard-won freedom that they had
Even as they jealously protected Clervaux were also careful to ease the
achieved, Dessalines, Christophe, and
attempted to justify and paranxiety of the international community. They the revolution and made
don those who may have been excessive during --- Page 21 ---
6 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD
them
guilt in the eyes of foreign onlookers.
excuses SO as to absolve
oftheir
to return to their properties and
Secondly, they invited French landholders
however, the
As the essays in this volume highlight,
promised protection.
in Haiti, and this promise might even have been
French were not in fact safe
a set up for the postindependence massacres. contentious role in the historiograThe 1803 declaration has occupied a
essays highTardieu and David Geggus's
phy of the revolution, as Patrick
and dissemination are mostly
light, and the details surrounding its creations
the November 1803 docunknown." Furthermore, the relationship between
de
of January 1, 1804, are murky.
ument and the official Acte l'Indépendance
Why is Janfeel the need to issue two proclamations?
Why did the generals
and not November 29? What was the
uary 1 celebrated as Independence Day
1 document in place
and distribution of the January
motivation in the writing
oft the November 29 document?
these issues in the context ofassessing
The essays in this volume address
document now canonized as "the
the broader historical significance of the
and
n Throughout this Introduction,
Haitian Declaration of Independence."
the Haitian "Declaration of
the volume itself, we refer to the document as
in
words, and that title, never appeared
Independence," " even though those
shall see, it was in fact an "act" of
versions of the text. As we
the original
to the parallel, and later, Latin
independence, closer in form and meaning
of 1776.
documents than to the US Declaration of Independence
American
commentators it appeared as a "proclamation" of
To many contemporary
of the spoken word. The docindependence, an utterance with the power
and fumultifaceted as the Haitian Revolution, open-ended
ument was as
innovative and even anomalous, but
ture-oriented but arising from history;
of its moment. The recent
akin to other events and texts
also recognizably
scholars and wider publics closely tracks
rediscovery of the "Declaration" by
collected here contribute
reconsideration of the revolution itself. The essays
and its contexts.
vision through a close focus on a single text
to that broader
argued that the Haitian Revolution had been
In 1995, Michel-Rolph Trouillot
actors and historians alike, particularly
intentionally "silenced" by historical
however, some notable exoutside of Haiti's borders. There were,
by people
book The Black Jacothe most important is C. L. R. James's popular
ceptions;
to this purposeful neglect
The attention that Trouillot brought
bins (1938).5
revolution
a small insurgency in
ofthe world's only successful slave
sparked de Cauna, Mats Lundahl,
the field. Scholars such as Carolyn Fick, Jacques
John Garrigus,
David Geggus, Vertus Saint-Louis,
Gérard Barthélémy,
and other nineteenth- and
and Laurent Dubois built on the work of James
Madiou, Beaubrun
Haitian historians such as Thomas
twentieth-century
. L. R. James's popular
ceptions;
to this purposeful neglect
The attention that Trouillot brought
bins (1938).5
revolution
a small insurgency in
ofthe world's only successful slave
sparked de Cauna, Mats Lundahl,
the field. Scholars such as Carolyn Fick, Jacques
John Garrigus,
David Geggus, Vertus Saint-Louis,
Gérard Barthélémy,
and other nineteenth- and
and Laurent Dubois built on the work of James
Madiou, Beaubrun
Haitian historians such as Thomas
twentieth-century --- Page 22 ---
INTRODUCTION 7
Auguste Nemours, Gérard Mentor
Ardouin, Claude and Marcel Auguste, historical neglect of this momentous
Laurent, and others to re-evaluate the work, the Haitian Revolution is no
event. 16 Because of their groundbreaking
Atlantic World history.
the
of the Age of Revolution or of
longer at
margins
of course, but this volume is part of a
There is still much work to be done,
the Haitian Revolumovement to research, understand, and explain
broader
tion in Atlantic and global contexts.
oft the Haitian Revolution and
Recent developments in the historiography
in undertakperiod reveal not only the challenges
the early independence
but also the many opportunities availing archival research on the period
innovations.
able because of new archival strategies and methodological
over
archives of the Haitian state were destroyed
"Many of the original
out; "thus there is great depenthe years," sociologist Mimi Sheller points historians like Thomas Madiou or
dence on the writings of a few Haitian
foreign consulates and
Beaubrun Ardouin, or the records kept by hostile w17 Indeed, all studies on
the (often racist) publications of European visitors.' period use the valuable
the Haitian Revolution and the early independence and Ardouin. These early
nineteenth-century histories produced by Madiou
the
documents-and often reproduced
Haitian historians relied on archival
oral histories of veterans of the
full documents in their histories-as well as
"indispensable
revolution. They therefore remain, as David Geggus argues, not without their
>18 As scholarly resources, however, they are
sources today.'
Ardouin both had political, national, and social
complications. Madiou and
histories. While "both were determined
agendas when they produced their
would meet the standards of the
serious works of history that
to produce
1 scholars have criticized their bias in
leading European scholars of the time,"
negative portrayfavor of the mulâtre class in their efforts to counterbalance should not be disFurthermore, while they
als of Haiti and Haitian history."
and, when possible, supported
missed, their sources should be questioned
with complementary sources.
the scholars responsible for the boom
Over the course of the past decade,
revealed the
for new
on the Haitian Revolution have
possibilities
in research
the field and the importance of connecting Haitian
archival discoveries in
developments more generally.
and theoretical
history to new methodological
2 Geggus argued
the revolution's extensive historiography,"
Notwithstanding
remains little or entirely unexploited by
in 2002, "much of these sources
from private hands into
historians. Moreover, as material continues to pass
for
domain and finding aids multiply in number, opportunities
the public
>20 Since then, as can be seen in this volume,
research continue to increase.'
sources, and the field has
scholars have begun to study these unexploited
undertaking.
immensely from this creative and collaborative
benefitted
and theoretical
history to new methodological
2 Geggus argued
the revolution's extensive historiography,"
Notwithstanding
remains little or entirely unexploited by
in 2002, "much of these sources
from private hands into
historians. Moreover, as material continues to pass
for
domain and finding aids multiply in number, opportunities
the public
>20 Since then, as can be seen in this volume,
research continue to increase.'
sources, and the field has
scholars have begun to study these unexploited
undertaking.
immensely from this creative and collaborative
benefitted --- Page 23 ---
8 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD
collections in Haiti and throughout the Atlantic
Newly discovered archival
sources, and the use of oral
World, careful readings of historical secondary allowed scholars to gain new
histories and contemporary Vodou songs have
Revolution and the early
into a variety oft topics related to the Haitian
insights
independence period.
to the Haitian Revoluof attention that scholars are devoting
The amount
research is also the result of a historiotion and the developments in archival
the multidirectional
shift in Atlantic World history that highlights
cultural
graphical
information, goods, ideas, political philosophies,
flows of people,
mode of social, economic, and political
practices, and every other imaginable
of as being at the margins
interaction. The colonies are no longer thought
structures. Inthe
receivers of metropolitan power
of empire or as
passive
and the disenfranchised) are increasstead, colonial peoples (both subjects
in the creation of empires. The
ingly being understood as active participants
as an offshoot of the
Revolution, therefore, cannot be seen simply
Haitian
intertwined movement with sometimes
French Revolution; rather it was an
and outcomes," This
and sometimes convergent events, goals,
independent
in popular understandings
too long underemphasized
interconnectedness,
has resulted in an emphaof Haiti's history as well as in the historiography, This fact is most evident in
in the Americas.
sis on Haitian exceptionalism
in the months following the devastating
contemporary descriptions of Haiti
and foreign oband in the years since then. Most journalists
2010 earthquake
the
came to be nicknamed "the poorservers sought to explain how country
repeated in the media SO
est country in the Western Hemisphere"-a) phrase
like a single, run-on
after the earthquake that it began to sound
frequently
and marked the country as an exception
word. This expression set Haiti apart
that the different counof the Americas and the history
rather than as part
ownership of their current
tries share. The expression also seems to assign become their identity and
troubles to Haiti and Haitians; poverty and distress
not part of a historical process.
to the Haitian Revolution in
While much more attention is being paid
the
pethis focus has yet to spill over into independence
the historiography,
period, the American OCriod. Scholars still tend to study the revolutionary
22 There are, of course, important
cupation, and the Duvalier dictatorships."
and the years between the
exceptions that focus on the nineteenth century overall result, however, is
occupation and the Duvalier era.2 The
American
Haiti is oversimplified, often in
that the traditional image of independent The narrative tends to emphasize
an attempt to explain "what went wrong.
and suggests, sometimes
and internal instability
isolation, stigmatization,
from day one. The reality of the early indeexplicitly, that Haiti was doomed
The entirety of Haiti's history
pendence period was much more complicated.
course, important
cupation, and the Duvalier dictatorships."
and the years between the
exceptions that focus on the nineteenth century overall result, however, is
occupation and the Duvalier era.2 The
American
Haiti is oversimplified, often in
that the traditional image of independent The narrative tends to emphasize
an attempt to explain "what went wrong.
and suggests, sometimes
and internal instability
isolation, stigmatization,
from day one. The reality of the early indeexplicitly, that Haiti was doomed
The entirety of Haiti's history
pendence period was much more complicated. --- Page 24 ---
INTRODUCTION 9
from celebrated revolution to thirdcannot simply be seen as a linear path
world devastation.
the
period is perhaps
The valuing of the revolution over
independence match our idealized
the first decades after January 1, 1804, do not
because
when the disenfranchised
version of the Haitian Revolution as a moment barriers fell. The indepenand when racial
won, when equality triumphed,
of the colonial hierarchies remaineddence period makes clear that many the end of the revolution. There are
sometimes in a reimagined way-after that we cannot study in the same
of the independence period
some aspects
revolution. The massacres initiated by Dessalines,
celebratory way as the
resembled slavery, the militarizathe revised labor regime that too much
another-we cannot chamthe overthrow of one dictator after
tion of society,
modern world as we do the rest
pion these as the roots of the enlightened
To sharpen our sense of
of the ideals laid out in the Haitian Revolution.
Revolution, this voland
arising from the Haitian
these anomalies
paradoxes
document, the text generally known as
ume concentrates on a single pivotal
the Haitian Declaration of Independence.
before him the oath ofliving free and independent, Jean-Jacques
"Take then
in the city of Gonaives on JanDessalines announced to a crowd gathered that will try to place you back
"and to prefer death to anything
uary 1, 1804,
forever the traitors and the enemies
under the yoke. Swear at last, to pursue
of the victorious Armée In-
" Dessalines, the leader
of your independence."
what was, in effect if not in name,
digène in Saint-Domingue, proclaimed
Before July 1776, no
of the world's earliest declarations of Findependence.
one
had formally declared its "independence"
people or nation, country or state,
created by
of the model for declaring independence
to the world; adoption
and slow. In the years
ofthe United States was piecemeal
the representatives
there had been only two simbetween American and Haitian independence,
Vermont's
both patterned after the American template:
ilar announcements,
States (1777) and the manofi
from the new United
declaration independence
seceded briefly from the Austhe Flemish estates when they
ifesto issued by
trian Empire in 1790.
therefore not the first or even the second
The Haitian "Declaration" was
the Atlantic World more
either in the Americas or in
such pronouncement,
the first
ofthe independence
broadly defined; it was not even
announcement that
to the future
However, it was novel in ways
pointed
of Saint-Domingue.
to initiate the feverish "contagion of sovrather than to the past. And it helped
America to South Asia, in the first
ereignty" that swept the world, from Latin
declaration did not follow
While the Haitian
half of the nineteenth century.
Declaration of Independence, it
the same style or format as the American
Atlantic World more
either in the Americas or in
such pronouncement,
the first
ofthe independence
broadly defined; it was not even
announcement that
to the future
However, it was novel in ways
pointed
of Saint-Domingue.
to initiate the feverish "contagion of sovrather than to the past. And it helped
America to South Asia, in the first
ereignty" that swept the world, from Latin
declaration did not follow
While the Haitian
half of the nineteenth century.
Declaration of Independence, it
the same style or format as the American --- Page 25 ---
AND JULIA GAFFIELD
10 DAVID ARMITAGE
of
writing. The
the
of a new genre political
helped to solidify
development
American
but the
different from its
predecessor,
content and tone were quite
and sovereignty of a tergoal was the same: to announce the independence hundred similar documents
ritory and its people. Since 1776, more than one
the world, from
and the number continues to grow across
have been issued,
Kosovo to South Sudan.25
assembled in this volume, we now
Thanks to the work of the scholars
about any other
about the 1804 Haitian declaration than we do
know more
of the US Declaration of Indepensimilar document, with the exception
because the physical document
dence.2 This fact is all the more striking
in Haitian history or
of the Haitian declaration has never been prominent there is to the US declaration in
memory. There is no national shrine toit, as
Hall in PhilArchives in Washington, DC, and at Independence
the National
or general reveradelphia. It was not the subject of popular reproductions to find original
the nineteenth or twentieth centuries. Attempts
ence during
anniversaries of
copies ofit ahead ofthe hundredth and hundred-and-fifteth: scholarship on the decwere fruitless."7 Meanwhile,
Haitian independence
from November 1803) appeared infrelaration (and the similar document
of Haiti by Ardouin and Madiou
quently, initially folded into early histories
broken out into a handful of
century, but only recently
in the mid-nineteenth
anniversary of independence in
separate studies.? 28 Since the two-hundredth
and the discovery of the
2004--and especially after the earthquake in 2010 Archives of the United
of the declaration in The National
earliest printings
declaration has greatly accelerated. We may
Kingdom-study of the Haitian
like about its composition or its circulation,
not know everything we would
better understood than at any
and significance are now
but its meanings
time since 1804.
on the creation and
This volume's three sections shed light, respectively,
and on its af
oft the declaration, on its content and reception,
dissemination
centuries. Part I, "Writterlives in the nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first behind the declaration; the
the Declaration," investigates the motivations
ing
writer, Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerres;
social background of its most likely
and the psychological
and circulation of the document;
the initial printing
Part II, "Haitian Independence
implications of its uniquely violent imagery.
the connections between
and the Atlantic,' " broadens the frame to illuminate
the meanings
in Haitian history more generally;
violence and independence
for
violence that unfolded after 1804; and the declamiorsimpications
ofthe
impact of the Haitian Revoluneighboring islands and for the international
of
"The Legacy of Haitian Declaration Independence,
tion. Finally, Part III,
across Haitian history and its
traces the enduring impact of the declaration its role in the recognition of
relationship with the outside world: specifically,
Independence
implications of its uniquely violent imagery.
the connections between
and the Atlantic,' " broadens the frame to illuminate
the meanings
in Haitian history more generally;
violence and independence
for
violence that unfolded after 1804; and the declamiorsimpications
ofthe
impact of the Haitian Revoluneighboring islands and for the international
of
"The Legacy of Haitian Declaration Independence,
tion. Finally, Part III,
across Haitian history and its
traces the enduring impact of the declaration its role in the recognition of
relationship with the outside world: specifically, --- Page 26 ---
INTRODUCTION 11
of a new state and in the elaboration of a new
Haiti; its role in the creation
its remembrance and celebraconception oft the Haitian people as sovereign;
in the annual celein Haitian Vodou song and ceremony; and its place
tion
Taken together, the book's essays use
brations of independence since 1804.
the intricacies of a document
research and novel methods to uncover
new
with every new perspective on its complex history.
whose importance grows
has three parts-at least, in the versions
The Haitian declaration itself
canonical since 1804-printed as an eight-page pamphlet
that have become
29 The first, headed "Armée Indigène," rebroadside.?
and as a single-sheet
by Dessalines's generals to renounce
corded the oath sworn and then signed
its dominion. The second,
France forever and to die rather than live under
the proclamation
the longest and most often reproduced section, comprises of"Hayti." 77 It explains why
by Dessalines and addressed to the people
with
signed
off their links with France and concludes
they should definitively cast
this section is closest in substance (if
an oath "to live free and independent";
before and after 1804.
not in form) to the other declarations of independence the
ofthe Haitian
section records another oath by which generals
The third
for life, with sovereign powers
army affirmed Dessalines as governor general The words "indépendance" or
to make peace, war, and name his successor.
three documents
eleven times in the document-the
"indépendant" appear
of Haitian independence ('indépendance
mark January 1 as the first day
slave
New Year's Day and a traditional holiday on
plantations)--but
d'Hayti, does the term "declaration" or its synonyms appear.
nowhere
first came from the
of the document as a "declaration"
The designation
be
because it was there
English-speaking world. This should not surprising when Edward Cordeclaration was already familiar: thus,
that the American
in early 1804, dispatched a printed copy
bet, the British agent sent to Haiti
of Jamaica, in Januof the document to George Nugent, lieutenantgovernor w30 In French docu1804, he called it "their declaration of Independence."
ary
often termed a "proclamation" or "acte" of independence
ments, it was more
the distinct genres available within
rather than a declaration, indicating
culture. As Patrick TarAnglophone and Francophone legal and political
Linstant de Pradine
dieu shows in his essay, when Jean-Baptiste Symphore de
of
Haiti's laws in 1851, he began with the Acte L'Indépendance
collected
postrevolutionary history:"
1804-year zero of Haiti's independent,
on the first day of
historical record of the proceedings at Gonaïves
As a
both
and confused. Acindependence, 1804, the declaration was
incomplete Dessalines delivThomas Madiou, that day began with the speech
cording to
brutalities of the French and urging his generals
ered in Kreyol recalling the
of the island territory now called by
to join in defense of the independence
becauseit
of"Hayti. 32 The declaration was incomplete
the indigenous name
revolutionary history:"
1804-year zero of Haiti's independent,
on the first day of
historical record of the proceedings at Gonaïves
As a
both
and confused. Acindependence, 1804, the declaration was
incomplete Dessalines delivThomas Madiou, that day began with the speech
cording to
brutalities of the French and urging his generals
ered in Kreyol recalling the
of the island territory now called by
to join in defense of the independence
becauseit
of"Hayti. 32 The declaration was incomplete
the indigenous name --- Page 27 ---
12 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD
contained no text oft that speech, for which
declaration was also confused
we have no other testimony. The
differently from the
because events must have unfolded somewhat
two
sequence implied by the 1804
In
separate oaths book-ended Dessalines's
printing. that version,
itselfthe first oath
proclamation, but on the
defending Haiti's
day
salines's Kreyol oration. Then,
independence must have followed Desprobably knew
switching to French-a language Dessalines
poorly and certainly could not
Louis Félix
write-one ofl his secretaries,
Boisrond-Tonnerre, read the
of Dessalines, explaining the
proclamation in the name and voice
ing Haiti even unto death: reasons for renouncing France and for
"The Generals have all
protectwhole universe, to renounce France
sworn to posterity, to the
dominion. n Later the
forever, and to die rather than live under its
same day, the military
swore the second oath naming
generals of the Armée Indigène
that the proclamation
Dessalines head ofstate. There is no evidence
translation
was ever issued in Kreyol: indeed, its first
into that language was not until 2011. 33
published
taken on a life of its own,
By then, it had long since
nied its initial
separate from the other documents that
dissemination in the Atlantic World.
accompaThe declaration rested on multiple authorities. The
of Dessalines
first was the
himself, as général en chef at the head
authority
ond, derived from the first, was Dessalines's
of his army. The secin their name. In similar
voice speaking to his people and
contexts-most
States in the summer of
notably, again, the infant United
that of manuscript
1776-the next layer of authority would have been
publication, often with
Although we can infer the existence of such affirmatory signatures attached.
rization, the textual trace of it
a stage of authority, and authono longer exists.
most immediately material and
Finally, the last authority, but
which publicly settled and
most enduring, was the authority of print,
namic and
circulated the form and content of otherwise
shifting texts. There seems to have been
dynaïves, and the pamphlet and broadside
no printing press in Gofrom the
versions of the declaration
imprimerie du gouvernement at
appeared
two in a sequence of public
Port-au-Prince, where they became
utterances issued in late 1803 and
Enlightenment ideals of public
early 1804.
ments be made not just before transparency demanded that such stateof international
witnesses but addressed to the wider
opinion. It is therefore not at all ironic that the
world
remaining copies of the 1804 printings of the
two known
among the papers ofa British
declaration were preserved
and that
governor of Jamaica and the
they can be found at The National
British Admiralty
and not in Haiti. Nor is it
Archives of the United Kingdom
tion had reached
surprising to learn that the text of the declaraThe
Venezuela by April 1804 and
text-or portions ofthe text-also
Bombay by January 1805. 34
the production of handwritten
circulated throughout the world with
transcriptions and translations in addition to
the 1804 printings of the
two known
among the papers ofa British
declaration were preserved
and that
governor of Jamaica and the
they can be found at The National
British Admiralty
and not in Haiti. Nor is it
Archives of the United Kingdom
tion had reached
surprising to learn that the text of the declaraThe
Venezuela by April 1804 and
text-or portions ofthe text-also
Bombay by January 1805. 34
the production of handwritten
circulated throughout the world with
transcriptions and translations in addition to --- Page 28 ---
INTRODUCTION 13
date,
about halfa dozen of these handits publication in newspapers. To
only
records reveal
are known to exist, but the newspaper
written transcriptions
distribution beyond the printed and manuscript
the document's widespread
transcriptions that remain. 35
for a new distribuUnderlying the authority of print was the authorization the US Declaration
sanctioned by Dessalines's generals. Like
tion of power
derived its force from representaof Independence, the Haitian declaration
When it spoke in the "name
tion and not from direct, plebiscitary authority. it did SO in the same way it spoke
of the people" (au nom du peuple d'Hayti),
abstractly but
the "name of liberty, [and] in the name of independence":
in
behalfbut not in their voice.
not directly, on the people's
in the voice of Dessalines, but this
The bulk of the declaration spoke
begins with
artful feat of ventriloquism. The proclamation
masked a more
direction-"Le Général en Chef, au
a title, which might also stand as a stage
"Signé, J-J. DESd'Hayti." > It ends consistently with the endorsement,
tranPeuple
otherwise anomalous for the presumed
SALINES," even though it was
as ifs signaling the hybrid
script ofa speech to carry any affirmatory signature,
and fixed. But
nature of the document as spoken and printed, spontaneous anachronismark ofauthorization, not ofauthorship-an
the signature was a
this
far from the determinants of
tic role in this period and certainly in
place,
operations of the
Romantic subjectivity, and the constraining
copyright law,
scholars is that the proclamation
"author-function." >36 The consensus among
Boisrond-Tonnerre, a
Dessalines's name was scripted by
distributed over
racial ancestry in Saint-Domingue.
metropolitan-educated free man ofmixed
discussions among
Behind the fixed text we read today surely lay multiple should therefore
leaders as well as many lost drafts and revisions. We
Haiti's
it was issued over the name
even though
think ofit as a collective production,
Dessalines and under the shaping hand of Boisrond-Tonnerre
of
showed what John Garrigus calls
Boisrond-Tonnerre's: family background
degree of political consuccessful economic conservatism with a striking
de-
"a
> The violence of the war of independence
fidence vis-à-vis white society."
have inflected the
termined his allegiances and, as Garrigus argues, 38 may Deborah Jenson had
notorious violence of the proclamation's language. which she reaffirms in
circumstantial argument,
earlier made a powerful
Dessalines himself as the "author" of
this volume, that we should think of
provides an index ofhis
and that the document's imagery
the proclamation,
of an unlettered, but not there-
"unschooled" poetics and the cognitive style
rhetorician. Although other essays (notably
fore conventionally illiterate,
analyze the declaration primarily as
those by David Geggus and Garrigus)
linguistic analysis reminds us
Boisrond-Tonnerre's text, Jenson's cognitive
as
document was the work of many hands, with Boisrond-Tonnerre
that the
this volume, that we should think of
provides an index ofhis
and that the document's imagery
the proclamation,
of an unlettered, but not there-
"unschooled" poetics and the cognitive style
rhetorician. Although other essays (notably
fore conventionally illiterate,
analyze the declaration primarily as
those by David Geggus and Garrigus)
linguistic analysis reminds us
Boisrond-Tonnerre's text, Jenson's cognitive
as
document was the work of many hands, with Boisrond-Tonnerre
that the --- Page 29 ---
AND JULIA GAFFIELD
14 DAVID ARMITAGE
in French and in tune with the
its literal scribe imaging Dessalines speaking
of his mixed-race audience. 39
passions
declaration were expressed in as many languages.
The many voices of the
ofviolence. The most frequently
The most obvious is its metaphorical freight
ofthe French
at length here by Jenson, is its figuration
noted image, analyzed
blood" of the Haitian people and their famistill covered with [the]
as "tigers
threatening, and implacably menacing
lies. Tigers are not only carnivorous, also not native to Haiti. Their promto weakened human beings: they are
was
suggests that Boisrond-Tonnere
inence in Dessalines's proclamation
mouth and, more pointedly, that
language into Dessalines's
putting a foreign
from distant climes. This underlined the
the French were alien creatures
of Haiti and the French
central claim that the inhabitants
proclamation's
Unlike the US Declaration of Indepenwere now wholly distinct peoples.
colonists' "British brethren" even at
dence, which still spoke of the former
definitively asserted that
of separation, the Haitian declaration
the moment
There could be no kinship with such a savage
French "are not our brothers.
to live free and independent.
people if the newly liberated Haitians were
derived from widely circuThe language of freedom and independence
the Swiss jurist
natural law, most notably
lated texts of eighteenth-century
Le droit des gens (1758). In that
Emer de Vattel's hugely popular compendium, condition ofl humans in the state
work, Vattel wrote repeatedly of the innate
words that rapidly
of nature as "free and independent" (libre et indépendant),
and states in
terms of legal and diplomatic art to describe peoples
became
40 Vattel's work may have been in the hands
the international state of nature.
here notes a possible echo of it
secretaries-Jeremy Popkin
of Dessalines's
on the massacres of whitesin Dessalines's April 28, 1804, proclamation from its immediate source, as
but his language had long since broken away "Vivons, mourons, ses vrais
in the refrain of the "Hymne Haytiène" (1803):
the connection
n41 In natural jurisprudence,
Enfans, / Libres, indépendans."
was metaphorical:
individual freedom and collective independence
between
sharing similar charachumans and states were both perceived as persons,
In the
and vulnerability to extinction, or unfreedom.
teristics of autonomy
the analogy was far more than metaphorrhetoric of the Haitian Revolution,
would be more than
ical. For the people of Haiti, losing their independence it could mean their
collective subordination within an empire:
a return to
before him the oath of living free and inactual re-enslavement. "Take then
death to anything that
(vivre libre et indépendant), "and to prefer
dependent"
back under the yoke," urged Dessalines.
will try to place you
of freedom and independence suited the
This double-edged language
The primary motive at Gomultiple purposes of Dessalines's proclamation. Haiti was not created by Hainaives was to forge a sovereign Haitian people.
the people of Haiti, losing their independence it could mean their
collective subordination within an empire:
a return to
before him the oath of living free and inactual re-enslavement. "Take then
death to anything that
(vivre libre et indépendant), "and to prefer
dependent"
back under the yoke," urged Dessalines.
will try to place you
of freedom and independence suited the
This double-edged language
The primary motive at Gomultiple purposes of Dessalines's proclamation. Haiti was not created by Hainaives was to forge a sovereign Haitian people. --- Page 30 ---
INTRODUCTION 15
began the process of making them
tians: the Declaration of Independence
of Haitian independence
into Haitians. As Jean Casimir notes, "the wars rather the invention of this
were not the exploits of a preexisting people, but existence and its sovereignty
ofi its sovereignty. Its
people as an expression
n42 Ifthat was the domestic aim of the decgenerated each other reciprocally."
to the existing powers of
laration, its outward-facing task was to announce
to join them
"free and independent" state had emerged
the earth that a new
43 As
Girard argues in his essay,
and that it sought their recognition."
Philippe
on a world stage, 77
"the declaration was an act of political theater performed black country led by
that the idea of an independent
in the full knowledge
to other slave SOemancipated slaves and free blacks was deeply threatening
not have
and the Americas. Dessalines may
cieties in the circum-Caribbean but the example of its success resonated
intended to export his revolution,
declaration itself did not. 44
long after his death in 1806, even ifthe
the oath ofthe generals,
The sequence of events in the declaration-from
as arbiter of
to the appointment of Dessalines
via Dessalines's S proclamation,
sovereignty, the rights of war and
ofinternational
the two major prerogatives
effectively communicated the revopeace (le droit de faire la paix, la guerre)-
However, as would often be
lution's success to an international readership.
securing recognition
with unilateral declarations of independence,
the case
much harder than asserting the claim
for the claim of independence was for the most part not cast in the prevailitself. Dessalines's proclamation was
it submitted to the wider world in
ing language oft the law of nations nor was
discourse, as an "act," " "declathe
genres of international
one of recognized
could not lead
7 "manifesto," ' for example. De facto independence
ration,' or
"The Acte" therefore,
de jure without foreign recognition.
to independence
to the world in the manner ofa found-
"has to negotiate the entry of Haitians
that
bedeviled
ritual.' n45 As Julia Gaffield shows in her essay,
ambiguity
ing
nineteenth century, Haiti "being neither indepenHaiti's status well into the
politician and
of the mother country," as the Swiss-American
dent nor part
diplomat Albert Gallatin put it in 1815.
still
much in flux in 1804.
The rules for declaring independence were
very Haitian declaration devideclaration stands as the model, then the
Iff the US
In this regard, David Geggus notes that
ated from it in almost every respect.
fifteen-year process we know
Haitian declaration signaled the end ofthe
the
setting the seal on a series of events, rather
as the Haitian Revolution."? By
for their progress, as most later
than being their trigger or an accelerant
declaration was anomalous
declarations of independence were, the Haitian declarations, which often
in its own time and also among most later similar
orally in
It was also unusual in being proclaimed
ignited such upheavals.
declaration had been written for oral delivits first instance. The American
ated from it in almost every respect.
fifteen-year process we know
Haitian declaration signaled the end ofthe
the
setting the seal on a series of events, rather
as the Haitian Revolution."? By
for their progress, as most later
than being their trigger or an accelerant
declaration was anomalous
declarations of independence were, the Haitian declarations, which often
in its own time and also among most later similar
orally in
It was also unusual in being proclaimed
ignited such upheavals.
declaration had been written for oral delivits first instance. The American --- Page 31 ---
16 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD
ery, but its initial form was in print, not speech. 48 The
foreshadowed later
Haitian declaration
spoken or shouted declarations in
as Mexico's Grito de Dolores
Iberian America, such
(1810) or Dom Pedro's declaration of
independence, the Grito de Iparanga (1822).19
Brazilian
The precedents for Haitian
couraging. Ofthe three
independence before 1804 were hardly enof
previous declarations, only one- the US
Independence-had led to lasting stability and formal
Declaration
dependence from the powers of the earth, but
recognition of inthy or recognition for other claims
it did not guarantee
to
sympaof the American declaration's
independent statehood. The history
successful declaration
reception also showed how rapidly
could be forgotten: after Great
even a
acknowledged American
Britain had formally
oblivion-little
independence in 1783, the document itself fell into
remembered, uncontested, and
Its formal work had been done and
certainly not mythologized.
affirm Haitian
its intentions achieved. The struggle to
independence and to achieve
more drawn out than it had been for the
external recognition would be
came in 1825 after the
United States: French recognition
payment of hefty
waited almost forty
reparations, but the United States
confirmed
years longer, until Abraham Lincoln's administration
recognition-along with the
The transformation ofthe act
independence of Liberia-in 1862.50
would always be
ofindependence into the fact
fraught.
ofindependence
After its initial circulation around the Atlantic
played by the declaration in that
World in 1804, the part
repertoire of other symbols and process was hardly minimal, but it joined a
across two centuries. As
customs that were replayed with variations
the afterlives of the
Laurent Dubois and Erin Zavitz showi in their essays,
declaration, and of the
which it sprang, were deep and continuous independence celebrations from
The kinds oflegal and political
across the centuries after 1804.
instance, did not
heritages familiar from the United States, for
project the Haitian declaration into the future.
commemorative ceremonies on the
By contrast,
memories of the war transmitted anniversary of independence and the
Vodou ritual were the main
through traditions of popular song and
vectors of historical
was read annually on
memory. The declaration
its reiteration
January 1 until French recognition in
of bloodthirsty
1825 rendered
Zavitz shows, the memory of Dessalines imprecations against France impolitic; also, as
following his murder in 1806. He
blossomed after a period of oblivion
hero to become an lwva,
finally emerged as "the only
or deity," in the Vodou
revolutionary
central figure in Vodou
pantheon and figured as a
songs recounting the oral
trauma, and victory in the Haitian
history of violence, loss,
The Haitian
struggle for independence." 51
declaration, no less than the revolution
was an event within multiple
from which it arose,
histories-Haitian, Caribbean, hemispheric,
, as
following his murder in 1806. He
blossomed after a period of oblivion
hero to become an lwva,
finally emerged as "the only
or deity," in the Vodou
revolutionary
central figure in Vodou
pantheon and figured as a
songs recounting the oral
trauma, and victory in the Haitian
history of violence, loss,
The Haitian
struggle for independence." 51
declaration, no less than the revolution
was an event within multiple
from which it arose,
histories-Haitian, Caribbean, hemispheric, --- Page 32 ---
INTRODUCTION 17
collected in this volume allow us to see why
Atlantic, and global. The essays
beginning in 1804, and why it
shaped national memory,
it SO immediately
and studied over two hundred years later. It
should still be commemorated
have the Haitian Revolution achas taken much of those two centuries to revolution structured around
cepted into the standard narratives of Atlantic take the Haitian declaration
and French Revolutions. Yet if we
the American
itself, it becomes increasingly evident how
as a synecdoche for the revolution
Atlantic hisanomalous it was even in the course of early nineteenth-century the end of the era oft the
Malick Ghachem argues here that "1804 marked
northe
tory.
revolutions," ' because it shared neither the methods
northern Atlantic
52 It might therefore be more
aims ofthe American and French Revolutions. the first of the Latin American
productive to see the Haitian Revolution as mixed-race plantation society
revolutions- American in its origins from a
overseas empire; in its turbulent grapplings
nurtured as a limb of European
and even in its passage to milwith new forms of sovereignty and authority;
The Haitian
rule, internal conflict, and persistent underdevelopment.
itary
Revolution cannot be used to support progressivdeclaration and the Haitian
or economic growth.
ist narratives of unfolding democracy, republicanism,
in order "to find
historians to rewrite those narratives
Instead, they challenge
domination, and terror, rather
forms of inequality,
the roots of contemporary
universal
n53 The essays
of freedom, rights, and
prosperity."
than the origins
In their richness and
collected in this volume render that task more urgent.
they do not make it any easier or more reassuring.
complexity,
Notes
Museum and Library, Revolution! The Atlantic
1. New-York Historical Society
and
World Reborn,
the catalog for
-
Dubois, and Richard Rabinowitz, eds., RevoluBender, Laurent
PES
the exhibit: Thomas
York: D. Giles, 2011).
tion! The Atlantic World Reborn (New
XVIII" (February 1806), The PortRaguet, "Memoirs of Hayti. Letter
2. Condy
Commemorations:) Jean-Jacques
Folio 5, no. 3 (181): 246; Erin Zavitz, Revolutionary
- p. 223 below.
Dessalines and Haitian Independence Day, 1804-1904." in French Saint-Domingue
John D. Garrigus, Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship
3Macmillan, 2006).
(New York: Palgrave
Soldiers in the Haitian Revolution, Journal of
4- John K. Thornton, "African
David Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee CultiCaribbean History 25, no. 1 (1991): 59, citing oft the Slave Labor Force, " in Cultivation
vation in Saint Domingue and the Shaping
Culture in the Ameriand Culture: Work Process and the Shaping of Afro-American University Press of Virginia,
cas, ed. Ira Berlin and Philip Morgan (Charlottesville:
Race and Citizenship
3Macmillan, 2006).
(New York: Palgrave
Soldiers in the Haitian Revolution, Journal of
4- John K. Thornton, "African
David Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee CultiCaribbean History 25, no. 1 (1991): 59, citing oft the Slave Labor Force, " in Cultivation
vation in Saint Domingue and the Shaping
Culture in the Ameriand Culture: Work Process and the Shaping of Afro-American University Press of Virginia,
cas, ed. Ira Berlin and Philip Morgan (Charlottesville: --- Page 33 ---
AND JULIA GAFFIELD
18 DAVID ARMITAGE
the Subject of the King of Congo': African Politi1993); John K. Thornton, "I Am
of World History 4, no. 2 (1993):
cal Ideology and the Haitian Revolution, Journal
181-214.
de 1804 (Port-au-Prince: Fondation
5- Jean Casimir, Pa bliye 1804/souviens-toi
Connaissance et Liberté, 2004).
Central Africans in Saint
Christina Mobley, "Kongo, Kongo, Help Me Cry':
6.
à l'esclavage dans le monde atlantique
Domingue, " presented at "Les résistances
Atlantic History Group, Monfrançais à l'ère des révolutions (1750-1850), French
treal, May 3-4 2013.
the mythical aspects of the Bois Caïman
7 Recent scholarship has emphasized
the actual events involved in the
ceremony and highlights our inability uncover
Hoffman, "Mythe et idéoloplanning ofthe initial uprising in 1791. Léon-François
David GegÉtudes Creoles 13, no. 1 (1990): 9-34;
gie: la cérémonie du Bois-Caiman,"
vaudou et le marronage, 1 in La
"Le soulèvement d'août 1791 et ses liens avec le
Michel Hecgus,
filiations, ruptures, nouvelles dimensions, ed.
revolution française en Haiti:
Henri Deschamps,
Société haîtienne d'histoire et de géographie,
tor (Port-au-Prince:
1995), 1:60-70.
The Haitian Revolution and the Abolition of
8. Jeremy Popkin, You Are All Free:
Cambridge University Press, 2010), 48.
Slavery (Cambridge:
see Jean Casimir, La culture opprimée
9. On the "counter-plantation system," Laurent Dubois, Haiti: The Aftershocks of
(Delmas, Haîti: Imprimerie Lakay, 2001);
History (New York: Henry Holt, 2011).
in A Concise History ofthe
Popkin's discussion on Leclerc's plans
10. See Jeremy
2012), 118-20.
Haitian Revolution (Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, Gaffield, "Haiti and Jamaica in
11. For more on these negotiations, see Julia Atlantic World, William and Mary
the Remaking of the Early Nineteenth-Century
Quarterly 69, no. 3 (2012): 583-614Plan to Export the Haitian Revolution?,"
Girard, "Did Dessalines
12. Philippe
"Haiti and Jamaica, s 583.
p.145 below; see also Gaffield,
declaration: "St. Domingo, Times
English translation of November 29, 1803,
F. Mani13.
6, 1804): 3- On the 1803 declaration, see Leslie
(London), 5938 (February
d'un document historique,' " Revue de
gat, "Une brève analyse.commentaire critique
Deborah Jenson,
Haitienne d'Histoire et de Géographie 221 (2005): 44-56;
la Société
of the Haitian Independence." Journal of
"Dessalines's American Proclamations
Haitian Studies 15, no. 1/2 (2009):72-102.
the Printing of the Haitian Dec14. Patrick Tardieu, "The Debate Surrounding s 58-71 below; David GegA Review of the Literature,' pP.
laration of Independence:
1 25-41 below.
"Haiti's Declaration of Independence." pp.
San Domingo
gus,
Toussaint Louverture and the
15. C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins:
Trouillot, Silencing the Past:
Revolution (New York: Dial Press, 1938); Michel-Rolph
see also Thomas
History (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995);
Power and the Production of
University of Tennessee Press,
Ott, The Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804 (Knoxville:
,' pP.
laration of Independence:
1 25-41 below.
"Haiti's Declaration of Independence." pp.
San Domingo
gus,
Toussaint Louverture and the
15. C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins:
Trouillot, Silencing the Past:
Revolution (New York: Dial Press, 1938); Michel-Rolph
see also Thomas
History (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995);
Power and the Production of
University of Tennessee Press,
Ott, The Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804 (Knoxville: --- Page 34 ---
INTRODUCTION 19
1973); Yves Bénot, La démence coloniale
1992); Pierre Pluchon, Toussaint
sous Napoléon (Paris: Editions la Découverte,
Ecole des loisirs,
Louverture,fils noir de la revolution
1980); Jean Fouchard, The Haitian
française (Paris:
repr. New York: Edward Blyden,
Maroons: Liberty or Death (1972;
and Labor in the Haitian
1981); Robert K. Lacerte, "The Evolution of Land
Revolution, 1791-1820, The Americas
449-59. 34, no. 4 (1978):
16. For example see David Geggus, Haitian
Indiana University Press, 2002);
Revolutionary Studies (Bloomington:
Geggus, Slavery, War, and
Occupation of Saint Domingue,
Revolution: The British
1793-1798 (Oxford: Clarendon
Barry Gaspar and David Patrick
Press, 1982); David
olution and the Greater
Geggus, eds., A Turbulent Time: The French RevCaribbean (Bloomington: Indiana
Carolyn Fick, The Making ofl Haiti: The Saint
University Press, 1997);
ville: University of Tennessee
Domingue Revolution from Below (KnoxWorld: The Story ofthe Haitian Press, 1990); Laurent Dubois, Avengers of the New
vard University Press,
Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Hard'une décolonisation: 2004); Jacques de Cauna, Haiti, l'éternelle révolution: histoire
1789-1804 (Monein: PRNG,
origines du drame d'Haiti: droit et
2009); Vertus Saint-Louis, Aux
Bibliothèque Nationale
commerce maritime, 1794-1806 (Port-au-Prince:
"Toussaint
d'Haiti, 2006); John Garrigus, Before Haiti; Mats
L'Ouverture and the War Economy of
Lundahl,
Slavery and Abolition 6, no. 2 (1985): 122-38;
Saint-Domingue, 1796-1802,"
Gérard
conflict en Haiti (Petit-Bourg,
Barthélémy, Créoles, bossales:
Etudes sur Thistoire d'Haiti Guadeloupe: Ibis Rouge, 2000); Beaubrun
suivies de la vie du Général
Ardouin,
au-Prince: F. Dalencour, 1958); Thomas
J.-M. Borgella (1855: repr. PortPrince: Imprimerie de J. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 8 vols. Courtois, 1847-1848); Claude B. (Port-auAuguste, L'expédition Leclerc 1801-1803
Auguste and Marcel B. Auguste Nemours, Histoire
(Port-au-Prince: Henri Deschamps,
militaire de la guerre
1985);
2 vols. (Paris: Berger-Levrault,
d'indépendance de Saint-Domingue,
Sonthonax à
1925-28); Gérard Mentor Laurent, Le Commissaire
Saint-Domingue, 4 vols. recent account oft the
(Port-au-Prince: La Phalange, 1965-74). For a
historiography see Philippe Girard,
History's New Frontier: State oft the
"The Haitian Revolution,
Abolition
Scholarship and Archival
s
34, no. 3 (2012): 485-507
Sources, Slavery and
17. Mimi Sheller, "Sword-Bearing Citizens:
Century Haiti," in Haitian
Militarism and Manhood in NineteenthHistory: New Perspectives, ed. (New York: Routledge, 2013), 161.
ort-au-Prince: La Phalange, 1965-74). For a
historiography see Philippe Girard,
History's New Frontier: State oft the
"The Haitian Revolution,
Abolition
Scholarship and Archival
s
34, no. 3 (2012): 485-507
Sources, Slavery and
17. Mimi Sheller, "Sword-Bearing Citizens:
Century Haiti," in Haitian
Militarism and Manhood in NineteenthHistory: New Perspectives, ed. (New York: Routledge, 2013), 161. Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall
18. Geggus, Haitian
Revolutionary Studies, 31. 19. Popkin, Concise History ofthe Haitian Revolution,
20. Geggus, Haitian
165. Revolutionary Studies, 32. 21. Suzanne Desan, Lynn Hunt, and William Max
olution in Global Perspective
Nelson, eds., The French Rev-
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell
Bell, "Questioning the Global Turn: The
University Press, 2013); David A. Historical Studies
Case of the French
>7
37, no.
ssa Goldstein Sepinwall
18. Geggus, Haitian
Revolutionary Studies, 31. 19. Popkin, Concise History ofthe Haitian Revolution,
20. Geggus, Haitian
165. Revolutionary Studies, 32. 21. Suzanne Desan, Lynn Hunt, and William Max
olution in Global Perspective
Nelson, eds., The French Rev-
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell
Bell, "Questioning the Global Turn: The
University Press, 2013); David A. Historical Studies
Case of the French
>7
37, no. 1 (2014): 1-24. Revolution," French
22. Melanie Newton, "We Are All Haitians Now'? The Caribbean, Transna- --- Page 35 ---
ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD
20 DAVID
Historical Association,
and Empire, " presented at the American
tional Histories,
New Orleans, January 4, 2013.
Red and Black in Haiti: Radicalism, Con23- For example see: Matthew J. Smith,
ofl North Carolina Press,
(Chapel Hill: University
flict, and Political Change, 1934-1957
'Second
and the PromChantalle Francesca Verna, "Haiti's
Independence' State Univer2009);
1934-1956" (PhD diss., Michigan
ise of Pan-American Cooperation,
and Marriage in the Making of Postsity, 2005); Thorald Burnham, "Immigration
2006); Julia Gaffield, Haitian
Independence Haiti" (PhD diss., York University, Revolution (Chapel Hill: UniverConnections in the Atlantic World: Recognition after
Haiti et la France, 1804of North Carolina Press, 2015); Jean-François Brière,
sity 1848:le rêve brisé (Paris: Karthala, 2008).
A Global History (CamDavid Armitage, The Declaration of Independence:
24. MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 115.
"Declarations
bridge,
Declaration of Independence, 104; David Armitage,
25. Armitage,
Foundations of Modern International
1776-2012," in Armitage,
of Independence,
University Press, 2013), 215-32.
Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge
ofindependence, see Alcomparative studies of declarations
26. For important
Pani, eds., Las declaraciones de independencia:
fredo Avila, Jordana Dym, and Erika
(México, DF: El Colegio de
de las independencias americanas
los textos fiundamentales
Autônoma de México, 2013).
México/Universidad Nacional
Digging for Lost DocuGaffield, "Haiti's Declaration of Independence:
27 Julia
Atlantic World," The Appendix 2, no. 1 (2014).
ments in the Archives of the
critique"; Jean
Manigat, "Une brève analyse-commentaire
28. Most notably,
d'Haîti," Ethnologies
"Habiter la terre: une lecture de l'acte d'indépendance
Geggus, "La
François,
"Dessalines's American Proclamations";
28, 1 (2006): 119-32; Jenson,
in Las declaraciones de independencia, ed.
declaracion de independencia de Haîti,"
Avila, Dym, and Pani, 121-31.
(TNA), CO 137/m1, fols. 113-17.
The National Archives of the United Kingdom
rec29.
(removed from the Admiralty
For the broadside version see TNA, MFQ 1/184
ords ADM 1/254).
January 25, 1804, TNA, CO 137/m11.
30. Edward Corbet to George Nugent,
Receuil général des lois et actes
Symphore Linstant de Pradine,
31. Jean-Baptiste
de son indépendance jusqu'à nos jours
du gouvernement d'Haiti depuis la proclamation
the Printing oft the HaiA. Durand, 1851); Tardieu, "The Debate Surrounding
(Paris: Declaration of Independence." - p. 59 below.
tian
see "The Naming of Haiti," in
For more on the renaming of the territory,
32.
Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 207-20. d'Haiti en créole haitien,' Journal
Jacques Pierre, "Lacte de l'indépendance
33168-80.
of Haitian Studies 17, no. 2 (Fall 2011):
noire. L'impact de la révolution
Alejandro E. Gômez, Le spectre de la révolution
de
34-
(Rennes: Presses Universitaires
haitienne dans le monde atlantique: 1790-1886 Courier, XIV, 644 (January 19, 1805),
Rennes, 2013), 41 (Venezuela); The Bombay
thanks to Mitch Fraas for this reference.)
3-4). (Our
épendance
33168-80.
of Haitian Studies 17, no. 2 (Fall 2011):
noire. L'impact de la révolution
Alejandro E. Gômez, Le spectre de la révolution
de
34-
(Rennes: Presses Universitaires
haitienne dans le monde atlantique: 1790-1886 Courier, XIV, 644 (January 19, 1805),
Rennes, 2013), 41 (Venezuela); The Bombay
thanks to Mitch Fraas for this reference.)
3-4). (Our --- Page 36 ---
INTRODUCTION 21
see the National Library of Jamaica, MS 72;
35- For manuscript transcriptions
Duke University Rubenstein Library,
Archives Nationales, Paris, AB-XIX-3302-15: d'Outre Mer, CCga; for more on the
RLT Vault 320A, items 1-2; Archives Nationales
"Dessalines's American
in
see Deborah Jenson,
document's S circulation newspapers:
n Journal of Haitian Studies 15, no. 1/2
Proclamations of the Haitian Independence, of Revolution see William Slaughter,
(2010):72-102; on newspapers during the Age News Traveled in the Eighteenth-
"The Paragraph as Information Technology: How
Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 2 (2012): 253-78.
Century Atlantic World,"
Hand and the Printer's Mind, trans. Lydia G.
36. Roger Chartier, The Author's
Cochrane (Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2014), 12-14, 83-86.
production of the
the account of the collective and collaborative
the
37- Compare
in Pauline Maier, American Scripture: Making
US Declaration of Independence
Declaration of Independence (New York: Knopf, 1997), 97-153.
The Life
"Victims of Our Own Credulity and Indulgence':
38. John Garrigus,
(1776-1806), pp. 44 and 52 below. For more on
of Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre
discovered, and digitized, copy of the first
Boisrond-Tonnerre's) life, see the recently
(A Dessalines: De TImprimedition of his Mémoires pour servir a Phistoire d'Hayti
du Gouvernement, 1804),
trimntmnem-aee
erie Centrale
humind-gs8g770n-1
in the Haitian Declaration of IndeDeborah Jenson, "Living by Metaphor
39.
Theory,' 77 pp.72-91 below; compare Jenson, Beyond
pendence: Tigers and Cognitive
American Proclamations."
the Slave Narrative; and Jenson, Dessalines's International Thought, 223-25.
40. Armitage, Foundations of Modern
Norbert Thoret, and the Violent
41. Jeremy Popkin, "Jean-Jacques Dessalines,
" 115-35 below; "Hymne
Aftermath of the Haitian Declaration of Independence, pp.
Haytiène" (1803), TNA, CO 137/m1.
of Haiti during the Eighteenth and
42. Jean Casimir, "The Sovereign People
Nineteenth Centuries," pp.1 181-200 below.
of the US Declaration of InEliga Gould's recent study on the aftermath
43of the foreign audience and foreign recogdependence highlights the importance
of the document: Gould, Among the
nition in the publication and dissemination and the Making ofa New World Empire
Powers ofthe Earth: The American Revolution
MA: Harvard University Press, 2012).
(Cambridge,
Dessalines Plan to Export the Haitian Revolution?," pp.136-57
44- Girard, "Did
below.
45- François, "Habiter la terre," - 125.
on the Laws of
Albert Gallatin (1815), quoted in Julia Gaffield, "Outrages
of In46.
Merchants and Diplomacy after the Haitian Declaration
Nations': American
dependence, " p.162 below.
pP- 29-30 below.
Geggus, "Haiti's Declaration of Independence,"
and the
47.
Independence: Jefferson, Natural Language,
48. Jay Fliegelman, Declaring Stanford University Press, 1993).
Culture of Performance (Stanford, CA:
del Grito de Dolores y algo mâs,' 20/10.
Carlos Herrejôn Peredo, "Versiones
49.
ield, "Outrages
of In46.
Merchants and Diplomacy after the Haitian Declaration
Nations': American
dependence, " p.162 below.
pP- 29-30 below.
Geggus, "Haiti's Declaration of Independence,"
and the
47.
Independence: Jefferson, Natural Language,
48. Jay Fliegelman, Declaring Stanford University Press, 1993).
Culture of Performance (Stanford, CA:
del Grito de Dolores y algo mâs,' 20/10.
Carlos Herrejôn Peredo, "Versiones
49. --- Page 37 ---
22 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD
Memoria de las Revoluciones de México 5 (2009), 39-53; see Alfredo Avila and Erika
Pani, "De la representaciôn al grito, del grito al acta. Nueva Espana, 1808-1821"; and
Isabel Lustosa, "Cambio y continuidad: monarquia constitucional y republica en el
procese de independencia de Brasil," " both in Las declaraciones de independencia, ed.
Avila, Dym, and Pani, 275-95 and 383-407, respectively.
50. Jean-François Brière, "La France et la reconnaissance de l'indépendance haitienne: le débat sur T'ordonnance de 1825," French Colonial History 5 (2004), 125-38;
Gaffield, "Outrages on the Laws of Nations, > pp.1 176-77 below.
51. Laurent Dubois, "Haitian Independence in Haitian Vodou," pP. 201-18
below; Erin Zavitz, "Revolutionary Commemorations: Jean-Jacques Dessalines and
Haitian Independence Day, 1804-1904." pp. 219-38 below.
52. Malick Ghachem, "Law, Atlantic Revolutionary Exceptionalism, and the Haitian Declaration of Independence, pp. 97-98 below.
53. Vincent Brown, The Reaper's Garden: Death and Power in the World of Atlantic
Slavery (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 259; see also Brown, "A
Vapor of Dread: Observations on Racial Terror and Vengeance in the Age of Revolution, in Revolution! The Atlantic World Reborn, ed. Bender, Dubois, and Rabinowitz,
177-98.
219-38 below.
52. Malick Ghachem, "Law, Atlantic Revolutionary Exceptionalism, and the Haitian Declaration of Independence, pp. 97-98 below.
53. Vincent Brown, The Reaper's Garden: Death and Power in the World of Atlantic
Slavery (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 259; see also Brown, "A
Vapor of Dread: Observations on Racial Terror and Vengeance in the Age of Revolution, in Revolution! The Atlantic World Reborn, ed. Bender, Dubois, and Rabinowitz,
177-98. --- Page 38 ---
PART I
Writing the Declaration --- Page 39 --- --- Page 40 ---
Haiti's Declaration of
Independence
DAVID GEGGUS
To redress the biases of earlier
Revolution
generations that either
or emphasized its
ignored the Haitian
supposedly aberrant
arship on the topic has often
peculiarity, recent scholof liberal democracy,
sought to integrate it within larger narratives
Atlantic revolution, or
to stress similarity rather than otherness. emergent modernity, and thus
history notoriously
If the pioneering works in Atlantic
neglected the topic, scholars now
place in the Age of Revolution.' Historians
routinely accord it a
ilarly have come to
of the French Revolution simacknowledge the colonial dimension
Laurent Dubois argues that the slave
of their subject.?
Haitis revolution made a major
insurrection that was at the heart of
racy, and Sibylle Fischer, that it forces contribution to the development of democand progress. 3 Nick Nesbitt
us to revise our concepts of
claims that the black
modernity
ofthe Radical Enlightenment,
revolution was an extension
to universal human
indirectly influenced by Spinoza, and devoted
rights.
Although specific arguments may be debatable, this
sivity as regards the Haitian Revolution
trend toward inclufocus on Haiti's manner
has undoubtedly been salutary. Any
ofdeclaring
us in a different direction and
independence, however, is likely to take
ness. This is because the
highlight instead the revolution's distinctiveHaitian declaration is unusual
spects: 1) it concluded rather than initiated
in a number of renot establish a republic and makes
the revolutionary process; 2) it did
no mention of
elimination of the former colonizers;
rights; 3) it called for the
two declarations of
and 4) there were, in fact, not one, but
independence. These differences
ways in which the Haitian Revolution
reflect more general
Proclaimed
was unusual.
January 1, 1804, in the port
of
last French troops had left, the text
city Gonaïves, a month after the
pendence marked the end of
now known as Haiti's Declaration of Indebegun in
fifteen years of revolution. The
1789 as a movement for home rule and free
revolution had
white colonists. They were quickly
trade among wealthy
challenged by working-class whites and
fact, not one, but
independence. These differences
ways in which the Haitian Revolution
reflect more general
Proclaimed
was unusual.
January 1, 1804, in the port
of
last French troops had left, the text
city Gonaïves, a month after the
pendence marked the end of
now known as Haiti's Declaration of Indebegun in
fifteen years of revolution. The
1789 as a movement for home rule and free
revolution had
white colonists. They were quickly
trade among wealthy
challenged by working-class whites and --- Page 41 ---
26 DAVID GEGGUS
rights for themselves, and in
free men ofcolor, who each demanded political the scale and scope of the conflict.
1791 a massive slave uprising transformed regime fought off Spanish and
Between 1793 and 1798, a radical, multiracial
but in 1802-3 a French
British invasions in the name ofthe French Republic,
of African
of
fought by the population
invasion led to a war independence
sent by Napoléon Bonaparte.
descent against a military expedition
the Haitian Revolution resembled
In its social and political complexity,
than the mainland indepenrevolution in France more
the simultaneous
free colored, and enslaved populations in
dence movements. As the white,
the revolution's
Saint-Domingue each pursued their own separate struggles, and included not
more wide-ranging
achievements were correspondingly
(1789), the establishdecolonization (1803) but colonial representation
just
and the outright abolition of slavery (1793)-
ment of racial equality (1792),
revolutions, both because of
of the Atlantic
It was the most transformative because of the high price paid for them.
these multiple achievements and
the former French colony had lost
By the time independence was declared,
of its export
one-third ofits population and at least three-quarters
more than
capacity."
the Declaration of IndePrinted in Port-au-Prince in late January 1804 numbers. Only two copdoes not seem to have circulated in large
The
pendence
version survive.? It is a three-part document.
ies of the original printed
"The General in Chief to the People of
longest and most important section, It functions as a prologue, although
Haiti," > is known as the "Proclamation."
of
8 It has
version it comes after the act independence."
in the original printed
slave, who was the insurDessalines, a former
one signatory, Jean-Jacques
itself frecords, in the name
army's commander. The act ofindependence
France taken
gent
(Native Army), an oath to renounce
of the Armée Indigène
seventeen of
officers." 9 The third section, signed by
by thirty-seven military
Dessalines head of state." 10
them, all general officers, names
the main square of Gonaives, DesBefore an enthusiastic audience on
in Haitian Creceremony with a speech
salines began the independence-day French toward the native people" and
ole that recounted "the cruelty of the
indeto
to our last breath for our country's
concluded, "Let us swear fight
As, like most former
said is unknown."
pendence." 7 What else Dessalines
little French, one of
Dessalines was illiterate and would have spoken
slaves,
then read out the proclamahis secretaries, Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre.
to Haiti's first historian,
tion, followed by the act ofindependence. According
Boisrond-Tonnerre wrote both texts.1
Thomas Madiou,
more than twosignatories ofthe act ofindependence,
Ofthe thirty-seven
descent, probably all ofwhom were freethirds were ofi mixed Afro-European
creole planter from the south
born. One, Nicolas Pierre Mallet, was a white
iterate and would have spoken
slaves,
then read out the proclamahis secretaries, Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre.
to Haiti's first historian,
tion, followed by the act ofindependence. According
Boisrond-Tonnerre wrote both texts.1
Thomas Madiou,
more than twosignatories ofthe act ofindependence,
Ofthe thirty-seven
descent, probably all ofwhom were freethirds were ofi mixed Afro-European
creole planter from the south
born. One, Nicolas Pierre Mallet, was a white --- Page 42 ---
HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 27
led his former slaves against the French army. Apparently
coast who had
of whom six or seven seem to have been born
eleven signatories were black,
in 1804
even General Yayou-although
into slavery. None was African-not
would have been African-born and
nearly half the adult population of Haiti 13
barely one in twenty of mixed racial descent.
Authorship
Madiou's version of the makAlthough historians have generally accepted
case that
Deborah Jenson has made an interesting
ing of the declaration,
document's "political author" and that
Dessalines should be regarded as the
The first proposition
was
"secretarial."
Boisrond-Tonnerre's role
merely
too far. That Dessalines's
the second perhaps goes
seems to me convincing; heard in this material is surely not controversial;
"voice" is in some sense
intervening in the document-making
Madiou himself describes the general
secretaries and then reassign
to reject a first draft drawn up by his
on the
process
alone. This consistent dependence
the task to Boisrond-Tonnerre
Dessalines's authorial claims
writing of others, however, surely diminishes
were closely engaged
and makes his secretaries less secretarial. If Dessalines
writers but perthe text, he would not have needed to change
with producing
dictating exactly what he wanted.
sisted with his original choice,
with his secretaries to rework
There is no record of Dessalines interacting
Louverture is famously
in the manner that his predecessor Toussaint
read and
prose
15 Nor would one expect it. Louverture could
described as doing.'
and he eventually owned a library.
write by the early years of the revolution, his name late in life. Although
Dessalines learned no more than to sign
unlikely he could have
could speak some French, it is highly
he apparently
ofthe language exhibited by Louverture.
matched even the limited command
owned by free blacks, some of
Dessalines had been a praedial slave, long domestic servant with French
whom were illiterate. Louverture was a former
owner for some twenty
masters who had lived as a freeman and property
author of the declabefore the revolution." 16 One can call Dessalines
over its
years
and he obviously had veto power
ration in the sense ofi instigator,
he would have struggled to
contents, but as it was written in a language author in the sense of composer.
understand, he seems unlikely to have been
under
is that the public documents produced
Part of Jenson's argument
of which of his secretaries
Dessalines display a common style, irrespective
"shockrhetorical and poetic ferocity,"
signed them. She points to a "singular
established political tropes, such
and a tendency to recast
ing symbolism,
She acknowledges that somewhat similar
as the tree of liberty metaphor.
of Boisrond-Tonnerre and
might be found in the later publications
passages
written in a language author in the sense of composer.
understand, he seems unlikely to have been
under
is that the public documents produced
Part of Jenson's argument
of which of his secretaries
Dessalines display a common style, irrespective
"shockrhetorical and poetic ferocity,"
signed them. She points to a "singular
established political tropes, such
and a tendency to recast
ing symbolism,
She acknowledges that somewhat similar
as the tree of liberty metaphor.
of Boisrond-Tonnerre and
might be found in the later publications
passages --- Page 43 ---
28 DAVID GEGGUS
most talented writers, but then concludes
Juste Chanlatte, the government's made them less able than Dessalines to
that the two men's French education
"challenge European logic. 17
who had written more than twelve
Chanlatte
Yet it was precisely Juste
of the rebellion of the free people of
earlier during the early months
into
years
bloodied arms, avengers of perjury and perfidy,
color "let us plunge our
and, evoking the dechoukaj metathe breast of these European monsters"
p18 An earlier
its
roots this tree of prejudice.
phor, "let us tear up by deepest
Freedmen" had described white colsupposed "Declaration of Confederate
>19 Indeed, Boisrond-
"this vermin that gnaws away at the colony."
onists as
of independence required a white
Tonnerre's statement that a declaration him the job of writing it and the
man's skin for a parchment famously got "Yes! That's exactly what we need.
of Dessalines:
enthusiastic approbation
to think Dessalines had a moThat's what I want.' >20 Thus there is no reason
and vengeful rhetoric. w21
nopoly on "insurgent
of Madiou's rendering of inNor is there need to be especially skeptical His entire history oft the revday and Boisrond-Tonnerreés role.
dependence
memories and, in this case, we are concerned
olution drew on participant
witnesses that had a better
events with multiple
with unique, high-profile
most of what he recorded. Ifthe story of
chance of being remembered than
strains credulity, we
Boisrond-Tonnerre's writing the text in a single night
secretaries, of which he was one, had already
should note that Dessalines's
Finally, Jenson's notion that
been working on the project for several days.
"impedescription ofthe January 1 ceremony was anachronistically
Madiou's
seems questionable2
rial" and, therefore, "propagandistic"
historian, and no admirer of
Beaubrun Ardouin, Haiti's other great
Madiou's erto correct what he considered
Boisrond-Tonnerre, was happy
tale. The morning after combut on this topic he tells exactly the same
rors,
read them out to Dessalines and his offipleting the texts, Boisrond-Tonnerre them "immediately." Ardouin thought
them and signed
cers. They approved
blame for the declaration's violent and vengeful
Boisrond-Tonnerre deserved
in blood-drenched terms
character but he added that "He merely interpreted
n23
of his chiefand of many of his contemporaries.
the intimate thoughts
in the 1840s, Jenson notes, no French or
Before Madiou wrote his Histoire
to Boisrondwriter had attributed the Declaration of Independence
Haitian
of French witnesses that survived
Tonnerre. 24 This surely reflects the paucity
unin Haiti, and also Boisrond-Tonnerres
the transition to independence
in 1806 in the wake of Dessalines's
popularity. After his political murder
But none has ever put
few in Haiti wanted to sing his praises.
assassination,
for the declaration. Hence, it seems to me that,
forward an alternative author
, no French or
Before Madiou wrote his Histoire
to Boisrondwriter had attributed the Declaration of Independence
Haitian
of French witnesses that survived
Tonnerre. 24 This surely reflects the paucity
unin Haiti, and also Boisrond-Tonnerres
the transition to independence
in 1806 in the wake of Dessalines's
popularity. After his political murder
But none has ever put
few in Haiti wanted to sing his praises.
assassination,
for the declaration. Hence, it seems to me that,
forward an alternative author --- Page 44 ---
HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 29
his message in a manner that would please the
although he no doubt styled
more than a mere amanuensis
new head of state, Boisrond-Tonnerre was
and translator of Dessalines's words.
An Endpoint Not a Beginning
declarations that marked the end rather
Prior to the mid-twentieth century,
were unusual, David Armithan the beginning of a revolutionary struggle
of
In Haiti's case this timing points to an important aspect
tage tells us.5
colonial American struggles, in which
its revolution. Unlike most other the central issue, this was not SO in
independence quite quickly became
free
of color, the question
Saint-Domingue. For slaves, whites, and
people
and slave
subordinated to those of racial equality
of secession was entirely
emancipation.
islands dependent on trade and with
For easily blockaded Caribbean
less viable proposition than
independence was a much
small populations,
Most of Saint-Domingue's white revoluit was for the mainland colonies.
and Revolutionary
tionaries sought political autonomy, not independence; wanted. When the
willing to grant a good deal of what they
France proved
a threat to white supremacy and
revolution in France became in 1791-93
not independence,
the white colonists who favored secession sought,
slavery,
but a British protectorate.
rebelled in
are more controversial, but
The aims of the slaves who
there was a huge incenended slavery in 1793-94,
once the French Republic
world to remain colonial subjects." Itis
tive for the emancipated in a hostile
suspected that the colony's
true that, by the late 1790S, many commentators for
and this
Toussaint Louverture, was aiming independence,
black governor,
historians. It seems more likely, however,
view is supported by most Haitian
as Cyril James
wanted a de facto, not de jure, independence,
that Louverture
his way toward a sort ofa associated
and Yves Benot concluded; he was feeling
more interested in
statehood.? 28 The free men of color, too, were probably Whatever their sense of
the substance of independence than its trappings. have attributed to them
"Americaness," n only their most partisan historians
autonomous fiefs,
ambitions. 29 Although by 1792 they lived in
secessionist
against the white governor, increasand in April 1796 they launched a coup
to the growing power
ingly they came to need the French as a counterweight them in
they
ex-slaves. After fighting a bitter war with
1799-1800,
of the
expedition ofi802.
participated in the French reconquest decision in 1802 to overturn both racial
It was only Napoléon Bonaparte's forced former slaves and free men of
equality and slave emancipation that
iefs,
ambitions. 29 Although by 1792 they lived in
secessionist
against the white governor, increasand in April 1796 they launched a coup
to the growing power
ingly they came to need the French as a counterweight them in
they
ex-slaves. After fighting a bitter war with
1799-1800,
of the
expedition ofi802.
participated in the French reconquest decision in 1802 to overturn both racial
It was only Napoléon Bonaparte's forced former slaves and free men of
equality and slave emancipation that --- Page 45 ---
30 DAVID GEGGUS
for independence to preserve the gains
color into alliance in a joint struggle
the Americas'
revolution. The Haitian Revolution, therefore, produced
ofthe
was far from being its primary
second independent state but decolonization
goal.
Political Content
with which historians of all persuasions
Truly remarkable is the frequency
Anglophone
in 1804 of the "Haitian republic."
have written of the founding
during the governorship
writers had loosely used the term "black republic"
meant to suggest
Louverture, but it was in an informal manner
state
ofToussaint
under the control of former slaves. The new
the colony's autonomy
called lÉtat d'Haîti (State of Haiti),
that Dessalines proclaimed, however, was
all power to himself,
about it. Arrogating
and there was nothing republican
for life," with the right to name
Dessalines took the title "governorgeneral Toussaint Louverture had aswhich had been the position
his successor,
constitution." 30 This status was replaced nine
sumed under his 1801 (colonial)
The officers who signed the third
months later with the title of "emperor'
obey the Laws
Declaration of Independence swore "to blindly
part of the
>1 and the proclamation
issued by his authority, the only one we acknowledge,"
"never to reject
actually ends with a threat, an injunction to the populace 31 Freedom from
about" whatever laws he will choose to make.
or grumble
the document, but the word "rights" appears
slavery is asserted throughout
nowhere.
that tends to get obscured in recent studies
This raises an important point
"democratic ideals,' "citizenship,"
Revolution that link it with
oft the Haitian
the black revolution from the
rights. n What characterizes
and "republican
Louverture's constitution of 1801 to
slave uprising in 1791 through Toussaint
absolute monarchy, is an
Christophe, who in 1811 created an
those of Henry
32 Freedom was construed in the profound but
unabashed authoritarianism."
it had nothing to do with liberalism.
narrow sense of freedom from slavery;
created a monarch or two, and
Although the Latin American revolutions
dictatorship, this autoFrench Revolution similarly ended in military
the
Revolution apart from the other Atcratic tradition tends to set the Haitian
of Louverture's
revolutions. In this context, the most radical aspect
lantic
Malick Ghachem proposes, the permanent
constitution was arguably not, as
before, and had been
abolition of slavery, which had been ended eight years
colonies in 1794,
abolished in France in 1791 and made illegal in all French
before Conseizure of dictatorial powers for life, a full year
but the general's
sul Bonaparte followed suit39
The revolution's earliest years
Of course, it was not the whole revolution.
to set the Haitian
of Louverture's
revolutions. In this context, the most radical aspect
lantic
Malick Ghachem proposes, the permanent
constitution was arguably not, as
before, and had been
abolition of slavery, which had been ended eight years
colonies in 1794,
abolished in France in 1791 and made illegal in all French
before Conseizure of dictatorial powers for life, a full year
but the general's
sul Bonaparte followed suit39
The revolution's earliest years
Of course, it was not the whole revolution. --- Page 46 ---
HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 31
representative and direct,
the
of a radical democracy,
saw
development
settlers, but because of their hostility to raamong Saint-Domingue's white
commissars sent from
in the fall of 1792 by
cial equality, it was suppressed
color, until then excluded from politiFrance. It would be the free men of
politics in Saintwho would develop a liberal republican
cal participation,
of the signatories of the Declaration of
Domingue. They, including many the first Haitian republic, but only after
Independence, would go on to found
assassinated the emperor Dessalines in 1806.
they had
was addressed to the Haitian people,
The proclamation of independence
Powers," as the act of
audience also included the "Foreign
but its intended
that the new state will not
independence states. It assures Haitis neighbors before him, Dessalines
its revolution. Like Toussaint Louverture
try to export
7 because he had to assuage his British
opted for a revolution "in one country,'
controlled the sea-lanes. 34 In
neighbors' fears of rebellion, as Britain's navy the strident tone of the rest
that contrast with
three conciliatory paragraphs
slavery, Dessalines calls on
of the document, and which avoid mentioning
'
those
breathe in peace. Remarkably,
his countrymen to "let our neighbors claim from the authority that proislands are said to "have no vengeance to
the Haitians had. 35 This
suffered as
tects them, > as their inhabitants had not
the Haitian Revolution
statement should give pause to those who interpret
as in some sense universalist.
forward in justification of indeSo should the particularist grounds put
eschewed a lanpendence. In writing the declaration, Boisrond-Tonnerre Haitians to live inof rights and law for a heroic rhetoric. Calling on
to maintain
guage
die, the document justifies secession as necessary
dependent or
the inhumane and duplicitous conduct ofthe
freedom from slavery and from
between France and Haiti, as
the geographical distance
French. Referencing
French, their different skin color, and their
well as the cruel character ofthe
"they are not our brothers
vulnerability to tropical disease, it concludes,
they will never be."
Retribution
in which "the French name still haunts our
Having noted the different ways
of towns, and the physical presence
country"--in laws, customs, the names
that if French remain
then states
any
of French people-1 Boisrond-Tonnerre will continue to be a source of division
in Haiti after independence they
takes about one and a half of the
and troubles. In a lengthy section that
up indictment of the former colproclamation's five pages, he elaborates this
vultures, executiondescribed
as barbarians,
onizers, who are
successively covered with [the] blood [of your wives, your
ers, murderers, and "tigers still
physical presence
country"--in laws, customs, the names
that if French remain
then states
any
of French people-1 Boisrond-Tonnerre will continue to be a source of division
in Haiti after independence they
takes about one and a half of the
and troubles. In a lengthy section that
up indictment of the former colproclamation's five pages, he elaborates this
vultures, executiondescribed
as barbarians,
onizers, who are
successively covered with [the] blood [of your wives, your
ers, murderers, and "tigers still --- Page 47 ---
32 DAVID GEGGUS
brothers, and your sisters your children, your suckling
husbands, your
babies]."
the Haitian Revolution from its
Extraordinary violence had characterized
climax during the final year,
early stages, butit attained an almost apocalyptic strategy. The French comwhen the French army adopted a semigenocidal "I will need to wage a war of
mander, Leclerc, informed the navy minister,
all the blacks in the
extermination." 7 To Bonapartel he wrote, "we must destroy
only
and half of those in the plains, sparing
mountains, men and women,
trauma was fresh in
under twelve years old.' n36 In January 1804, this
children
the French for their past cruelty, their
everyone's minds. After condemning
Boisrond-Tonnerre made three
interference, and their alterity,
anticipated
but just" act of retribution would send a message
further points: a "terrible
the Haitians would not surrender the
to France and the outside world that
should not to foreigners;
had won; the fruits of their labor
go
freedom they
and Haiti's dead needed to be avenged.7
several thousand French peoThe target ofthis call for vengeance was the
remain behind after the
by Dessalines, had chosen to
ple who, encouraged
in February, at least two weeks
departure of the French troops. Beginning
most were systematafter the declaration was published in Port-au-Prince, afterwards, in two waves
ically massacred, men first, women and children
and then back
from the South of the country to the North
that proceeded
been building among the remaining
again." Fear of a massacre had already
before the declaration,
French, and whites were prevented from emigrating
lasted until
increased their panic. The massacres
but it must have greatly
the number killed at about three
Madiou reckoned
late April or early May.
much higher. 39
thousand; some eye-witnesses put it
thus was not mere
of Boisrond-Tonnerre's proclamation
The language
conflict, it prepared the ground
rhetoric. Distilling the raw hatred ofan epic
On hearing the decthat formed the revolution's epilogue.
for the bloodbath
ofthe independence day
sentiments at a reenactment
laration's Francophobe
the French ambassador's wife
ceremony in Gonaïves on its 15oth anniversary, 40 According to Madiou, Dessupposedly fainted into her husband's arms."
the of writing the proclamation to Boisrond-Tonnerre
salines had given
job
the act of independence we need the
because he had declared, "To draw up
inkwell, his blood for ink,
for
his skull for an
skin ofa a white man parchment,
and a bayonet for a pen. n41
echoed a decade later in
tensions were
Although such quasi-genocidal declaration that he would purge AmerNueva Granada and Simon Bolivar's
character of the Haitian Revica of Spanish "monsters," the ethno-national
violence that
Leslie Manigat's phrase, and the dehumanizing
olution, to use
of its distinctiveness." 42 Despite
accompanied it constitute another aspect
"To draw up
inkwell, his blood for ink,
for
his skull for an
skin ofa a white man parchment,
and a bayonet for a pen. n41
echoed a decade later in
tensions were
Although such quasi-genocidal declaration that he would purge AmerNueva Granada and Simon Bolivar's
character of the Haitian Revica of Spanish "monsters," the ethno-national
violence that
Leslie Manigat's phrase, and the dehumanizing
olution, to use
of its distinctiveness." 42 Despite
accompanied it constitute another aspect --- Page 48 ---
HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 33
Blackburn, who minimizes the scale of retribution
the objections of Robin
description for Desseems to be the appropriate
in 1804, "quasi-genocidal" intended to eliminate the French population from
salines's actions: they were
state's first acts of sovereignty."
the former colony." It was one of the new
French obviously killed
the revolution, including its final phase, the
During
than did the insurgents. In discussion of postrevolutionvastly more people
in the new Haitian elite opposed the move
ary policy, several leading figures
instead to deport them. Many more
to massacre the French and preferred
Dessalines spared a random few.
later helped individuals to escape, and even
Ardouin, obliquely-agree
historians- Madiou, explicitly, and
Yet the early
had
support in all social
that the massacre of at least French men
widespread
classes. 45
with an AmThe decision to replace the European name Saint-Domingue unusually radical break
underlines the revolution's
erindian name similarly
erased the period of European occupawith the colonial past. It symbolically
state should include the ention and declared a determination that the new
thus foreshadowed the
island the Tainos supposedly had called Ayiti. It
tire
Santo Domingo in 1804-5 and Boyer's annexinvasions of Spanish-speaking
Haiti was chosen remains unknown.
ation ofiti in 1822. Exactly howthe name
Declaration of Independence.
without further explanation in the
be
It appears
those nations who . . preferred to
The document's injunction to "imitate
meant to invoke the
rather than lose their freedom is clearly
exterminated"
Tainos. But no one has ever credited Boisrond-Tonnerre
fateofthe aboriginal
the historian Madiou vaguely affirmed
with specifically choosing the term;
n46
that, by January 1, it was already "on everyone's lips."
is also
unorthodox French prose of Boisrond-Tonnerre
The somewhat
of the writer's disoften interpreted as a gesture ofa autonomy, an expression
it is a singular
language. Whether this is true or not,
dain for the colonizer's
nevertheless, to compose the
felt compelled,
irony that Boisrond-Tonnerre
understood by the great majordeclaration in that language when it was not
of Creole, the
citizens, and he himselfhad a better command
ity ofhis fellow
state. Creole languages enjoyed very little
indigenous language of the new
and a cultural nationanywhere until the mid-twentieth century,
recognition
in Haiti long after a sense of racial and political identity.*
alism developed
The Other Declaration
with writing
It is well known that Dessalines entrusted Boisrond-Tonnerre earlier draft that he found unthe declaration of January 1 after rejecting an secretaries headed by Jeanwhich had been drawn up by his other
inspiring,
The text has been lost, but it was supposedly very literary
Jacques Charéron.
ity ofhis fellow
state. Creole languages enjoyed very little
indigenous language of the new
and a cultural nationanywhere until the mid-twentieth century,
recognition
in Haiti long after a sense of racial and political identity.*
alism developed
The Other Declaration
with writing
It is well known that Dessalines entrusted Boisrond-Tonnerre earlier draft that he found unthe declaration of January 1 after rejecting an secretaries headed by Jeanwhich had been drawn up by his other
inspiring,
The text has been lost, but it was supposedly very literary
Jacques Charéron. --- Page 49 ---
34 DAVID GEGGUS
48 Much less well known
and based on the US Declaration of fIndependence. declaration of independence
is the fact that Dessalines had already issued a
withdrawal. Thomas
1803. following the French army's
on November 29,
his Histoire d'Haiti but dismissed it as apocMadiou printed the document in
Beaubrun Ardouin does not
ryphal, partly because no text survived in Haiti;
and former president,
mention it." Leslie Manigat, however, historian
even
that the document, which appeared in sevmade a convincing case in 2005
Deborah Jenson has
must have been genuine."
eral foreign newspapers,
in the US
In
on
press.1
details its publication
provided extensive background
Blackburn refers to the text, but confuses
his recent American Crucible, Robin
it with the January 1 declaration."
and signed by only three
Issued in the northeastern town of Fort-Liberté
first declaration proand the little-known secretary B. Aimé, this
generals
The decision to rename
claims the independence of "Saint-Domingue. therefore, until the following
the island "Haîti" could not have been taken,
Indian
in the
December 1803, even though a vogue for
symbolism
month,
a year earlier, when the insurgents
Armée Indigène had already appeared "children of the sun.' m53 Some evihad briefly called themselves "Incas" or
racial descent, and
that, then and later, Haitians of mixed
dence suggests
Étienne Gérin, and Nicolas
especially southerners (like Boisrond-Tonnerre,
SO it may thereGeffrard), were those most attracted to Indian symbolism,
of
who signed this first declaration
fore be relevant that the three generals
and all from the North.*
independence were primarily of African descent doubtless helps explain
character of the document
The narrow, regional
declarations
In 1799why the country ended up with two
ofindependence. North from the largely
fierce civil warhad divided the black elite ofthe
1800, a
South; the start of the war of independence in 1802
mixed-race elite of the
their cooperation in defeating
had found them on opposite sides, and despite delicate. One can understand
the French, relations between them remained
more inclusive documight have decided that a nationally
that both parties
the first declaration was intended from the
ment would be desirable. Perhaps
pending the gathering ofleadbeginning to be spontaneous and provisional,
central location. The
all regions for a ceremonial occasion in a more
ers from
New Year, which was a well-established holiday even
upcoming start of the
been the obvious choice for the event. 55
for most slaves, might have already
reflect the inexperience
Alternatively, the November document may simply
the world had
and the novelty of their situation-at that time,
ofits authors
Finally, the significant
three other declarations of independence.
seen only
declarations suggest that changes in policy
differences between Haiti's two
have necessitated a revision of the original text.
of
might
that the declaration begins, "In the name
It is particularly interesting
ers from
New Year, which was a well-established holiday even
upcoming start of the
been the obvious choice for the event. 55
for most slaves, might have already
reflect the inexperience
Alternatively, the November document may simply
the world had
and the novelty of their situation-at that time,
ofits authors
Finally, the significant
three other declarations of independence.
seen only
declarations suggest that changes in policy
differences between Haiti's two
have necessitated a revision of the original text.
of
might
that the declaration begins, "In the name
It is particularly interesting --- Page 50 ---
HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 35
attention in this manner to the two
the blacks and men of color." Drawing other was no doubt meant as an exrival factions thatl had recently fought each
It contrasts sharply, however, with Boisrond-Tonnerres
pression ofsolidarity.
such terms in favor of the unitary indigenes (nadeclaration, which avoided
which explicitly banned their
tives), and with Dessalines's 1805 constitution, three times, and "rights" once,
The brieftext uses the word "God" (Dieu)
use.
absent from the three January 1 documents.
whereas those words are entirely
is the attitude
difference between the two declarations
Yet the most striking
colonists. The November text is in fact mainly
they express toward the white
to slavery and prejudice,
directed to them. While it VOWS undying opposition killed during the revothat some "innocent inhabitants" were
it apologizes
and soldiers, " and it extends a fraternal hand to
lution by "vengeful laborers
and be part oft the new society.
those willing to renounce their old prejudices with the later document could
Iti invites their return from exile. The contrast
about "the unity
hardly be greater. It weakens Deborah Jenson's argument style of Dessalines's
of content and the similarly distinctive
and singularity
proclamations," s and it is not easy to explain."
early independence
the first declaration a continuation of Toussaint
Perhaps we should see in
from the business skills of
multiracialism and desire to profit
Louverture's
the document was specifically shaped by Henry
white landowners. Perhaps
two of its three signatories, whom whites
Christophe or Augustin Clervaux,
of the generals. 57
considered among the most approachable
had previously
meditating in November
Conversely, it may be that Dessalines was already assurances he made to
to come. This would mean that the
the massacres
urging them to stay, were
the whites in his November 19, 1803 proclamation, for them. 58
sincere, and that he was in fact laying a trap
never
sealed is not entirely certain. Both Madiou
Exactly when their fate was
from the beginning. 59
and Ardouin depict Dessalines as intent on vengeance
in the evacuation
Dessalines had accepted responsibility
Indeed, although
and wounded troops the French
convention for the eight hundred or SO sick
later. 60 Yet Madiou
behind, he discreetly had them killed a few days
army left
the elite, rising popular demand for a
also depicts disagreements among
advisors. 61 And Ardouin
and the harmful influence of Dessalines's
limmassacre,
decree issued February 22, 1804, ordered only a
thought (wrongly) that a
of
in previous killings." 62
that targeted those guilty complicity
ited massacre
in the matter, the two declarations
Whatever role there was for contingency
directions. The question is
ofindependence obviously point in two different
a longindicates a genuine change in policy or, rather,
whether the difference
massacre.
term and covert preparation of the postindependence
advisors. 61 And Ardouin
and the harmful influence of Dessalines's
limmassacre,
decree issued February 22, 1804, ordered only a
thought (wrongly) that a
of
in previous killings." 62
that targeted those guilty complicity
ited massacre
in the matter, the two declarations
Whatever role there was for contingency
directions. The question is
ofindependence obviously point in two different
a longindicates a genuine change in policy or, rather,
whether the difference
massacre.
term and covert preparation of the postindependence --- Page 51 ---
36 DAVID GEGGUS
Conclusion
a metaphor, but in
Atlantic World insurgents, slavery was primarily
For most
central issue in the revolution. The Haitian
Saint-Domingue it became the
colonial rulers, still less a conflict
Revolution was not just a revolt against
also a war against slave
of a shared culture and identity; it was
and
among people
most of the colonized as their own property
owners who had claimed
This basic fact imparted an extra degree
treated them as less than human.
its
This disstruggle and shaped priorities.
of bitterness to the fifteen-year
of
which was
tinctiveness is reflected in Haiti's Declaration Independence, of the former coloand
content, its treatment
unusual in its timing
political
nizers, and in the fact it was not a single document.
Notes
at the Colegio de México
version of a paper presented
This essay is an expanded
declaracion de independencia de Haiti,"
in September 2010 and published as "La
de las
declaraciones de independencia: los textos.j fiundamentales
trans. Erika Pani, in Las
Dym, Erika Pani, (Mexico: El
americanas, ed. Alfredo Avila, Jordana
independencias
Nacional Autônoma de México, 2013), 121-31.
Colegio de México, Universidad
Democratic Revolution, 2 vols. (PrinceRobert R. Palmer, The Age ofthe
the
1. Contrast
1964); Jacques Godechot, France and
ton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959,
(New York: The Free Press,
Atlantic Revolution ofthe Eighteenth Century, 1770-1799 Trade and Revolution, 17131965);and Peggy K. Liss, Atlantic Empires: The Network of with Lester D. Langley, The
Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983)
1826 (Baltimore:
(New Haven: Yale University Press,
Americas in the Age of Revolution, 1750-1850
Indians and Their
The Atlantic World: Europeans, Africans,
1998); Thomas Benjamin,
University Press, 2009); and
(Cambridge: Cambridge
Shared History, 1400-1900
Atlantic World: A Comparative History (New York:
Wim Klooster, Revolutions in the
New York University Press, 2009).
La révolution française et la
Most influential in this respect were Yves Benot,
2.
and Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of
fin des colonies (Paris: La Découverte, 1987);
(London: Verso, 1988).
Colonial Slavery, 1776-1848
Revolution and Slave Emancipation in
Laurent Dubois, A Colony of Citizens:
In3-
Hill: Published for the Omohundro
the French Caribbean, 1787-1804 (Chapel
the University of North Carolina
of
American History and Culture by
stitute Early
Enlightenment: Rethinking the IntelLaurent Dubois, "An Enslaved
Press, 2004);
Atlantic, " Social History 31, no. 1 (2006): 1-14; Sibylle
lectual History of the French
Slavery in the Age of RevoluDisavowed: Haiti and the Cultures of
Fischer, Modernity
NC: Duke University Press, 2004).
tion (Durham,
The Haitian Revolution and the Radical
Nick Nesbitt, Universal Emancipation:
4University of Virginia Press, 2008).
Enlightenment (Charlottesville:
inking the IntelLaurent Dubois, "An Enslaved
Press, 2004);
Atlantic, " Social History 31, no. 1 (2006): 1-14; Sibylle
lectual History of the French
Slavery in the Age of RevoluDisavowed: Haiti and the Cultures of
Fischer, Modernity
NC: Duke University Press, 2004).
tion (Durham,
The Haitian Revolution and the Radical
Nick Nesbitt, Universal Emancipation:
4University of Virginia Press, 2008).
Enlightenment (Charlottesville: --- Page 52 ---
HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 37
ofthe New World: The Story ofthe Haitian Revolution
5- Laurent Dubois, Avengers
R. Girard, The Slaves
MA: Harvard University Press, 2004); Philippe
(Cambridge,
Louverture and the Haitian War of Independence,
Who Defeated Napoléon: Toussaint
1801-1804 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2011).
11 in The At-
"The Haitian Revolution in Atlantic Perspective,
6. David Geggus,
Canny and Philip Morgan (Oxford: Oxford
lantic World C. 1450-C. 1820, ed. Nicholas
University Press, 2011).
were discovered by Julia Gaffield
the other a broadside,
7 Both, one a pamphlet,
See the introduction to this volin The National Archives of the United Kingdom. Office in London via Jamaica on
The pamphlet version reached the Colonial
ume.
The Times (London) published the proclamation,
March 10, 1804: TNA, CO 137/m/1.
the following year in
translation, on April 28. This translation appeared
in English
Historical Account ofthe Black Empire ofHayti, Comprehending
Marcus Rainsford, An
Domingo (London: Albion
Transactions in the Revolution ofSaint
a View ofthe Principal
used in David Armitage, The Declaration of
which is the text
Press, 1805), 442-46,
MA: Harvard University Press, 2007),
Independence: A Global History (Cambridge,
text is more accurate than the
Gaffield's discovery reveals that the English
Histoire d'Haiti
193-98.
in 1848 in Thomas Madiou,
better-known French version published
3:146-51 where the word
Port-au-Prince: Henri Deschamps, 1989),
(1847-48; repr. rendered idéaux (ideals), and postérité as prospérité.
fléaux (scourges) is
the declaration ceremony in Madiou, Histoire,
8. According to the account of
began but it was read out after
the act was signed before the ceremony
3:144-52,
the proclamation.
identified only as "secretary." The doc9. This is including Boisrond-Tonnerre, for
as "the generals"
describes those who took the decision independence
ument
held this rank. Two of the signatories were
but only twenty-four of the signatories
de camp were
and ten of Dessalines's secretaries/aides
chefs de brigade (colonels),
No doubt Boisrond also held a courtesy
listed as oficiers de Varmée (army officers).
stated in Robin Blackburn, The
commission. None were "lawyers or journalists," as
(London: Verso, 2011),
Crucible: Slaverg, Emancipation and Human Rights
American
217.
this only on May 21, almost a month after pub10. The Times (London) reported
found a similar time lag in the US press:
lishing the proclamation. Deborah Jenson
in the Haitian Revoluthe Slave Narrative: Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts
see Beyond
Although the three-part docuLiverpool University Press, 2011), 133.
tion (Liverpool:
distributed piecemeal to
before late January, it was apparently
ment was complete
an afterthought. See below, note
the foreign press. The third section was perhaps Phistoire d'Haiti (Studies in Haitian
According to Beaubrun Ardouin, Études sur
signa30.
Port-au-Prince: Fardin, 2005), 6:9, an eighteenth
history), 11 vols. (1853-60;
tory was accidentally omitted.
Malick Ghachem, in his essay in this volume
11. Madiou, Histoire, 3:146. What
but the
s
speech, is not the speech he actually gave
proclamation
terms "Dessalines's
was perhaps Phistoire d'Haiti (Studies in Haitian
According to Beaubrun Ardouin, Études sur
signa30.
Port-au-Prince: Fardin, 2005), 6:9, an eighteenth
history), 11 vols. (1853-60;
tory was accidentally omitted.
Malick Ghachem, in his essay in this volume
11. Madiou, Histoire, 3:146. What
but the
s
speech, is not the speech he actually gave
proclamation
terms "Dessalines's --- Page 53 ---
38 DAVID GEGGUS
to what extent
One can only speculate
written and read out by Boisrond-Tonnerre.
the two overlapped.
see John Garrigus's essay in this
12. Above, note 7. On Boisrond-Tonnerre,
volume.
of Africans in the slave popula13. Historians have exaggerated the proportion and it would have fallen considtion. In 1789, it was probably less than 55 percent,
erably during the revolution.
Proclamations ofthe Haitian Inde14- Deborah Jenson, "Dessalines's. American
Jenson, Beyond the
13 Journal of Haitian Studies 15, no. 1/2 (2009): 72-102;
pendence,"
Slave Narrative, 86-90.
d'un naturaliste, et ses observations (TraMichel-Étienne Descourtilz, Voyages
15-
(Paris: Dufart, 1809), 3:245-46.
vels of a naturalist and his observations)
the Slave Narrative, chap. 1;
16. On Louverture's literacy, see Jenson, Beyond
York: Oxford University
Girard, The Memoir of Toussaint Louverture (New
and
Philippe
when he was freed, see David Geggus, "Toussaint Louverture
Press, 2014). On
Journal of Caribbean History 20 (1985-86):
the Slaves of the Bréda Plantations," "Dessalines esclave de Toussaint?" Outre30-48. On Dessalines: Jacques de Cauna,
Mers: Revue d'Histoire 100, no. 374-75 (2012): 319-22.
Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative, 89-9317.
des gens de couleur de la Croix des Bouquets (Copy
18. Copie d'une lettre des chefs
of color of Croix des Bouquets) (Portof a letter by the leaders of the free people Revolution: A Documentary History
au-Prince, nd), in David Geggus, The Haitian
(Cambridge, MA: Hackett, 2014), 70-71.
Histoire d'un crime politique (History
My translation. Cited in Gaétan Mentor,
I
that
19.
Sogebank, 1999), 23. However, suspect
of a political crime) (Port-au-Prince:
than one private collection, belongs to
this document, which can be found in more
decades in Haiti and elsewhere.
of forgeries that have circulated for several
a group
Ardouin, Études, 6:7.
20. My translation.
21. Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative, 94.
in gold cloth," 5 rather drama87-88. The author's translation, "draped
22. Ibid.,
"couvert d'habits dorés, which I take to
description of Dessalines as
tizes Madiou's
general's uniform.
refer to his gold-braided
My translation. Ardouin, Études, 6:7-9.
earlier attribu23in this volume documents a slightly
24. Patrick Tardieu's essay
tion, in the newspaper L'Union in August 1839.
Armitage, Declaration of Independence, 111.
Saint25War, and Revolution: The British Occupation of
26. David Geggus, Slavery,
Domingue, 1793-1798 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982).46-78. Leaders, and the ConYves Benot, "The Insurgents of 1791, Their
27. Compare
World the Haitian Revolution, ed. David Geggus
cept of Independence," in The
of
Press, 2009), 99-110, with
(Bloomington: Indiana University
and Norman Fiering
of Revolution," in The Age of Revolutions
David Geggus, "The Caribbean in the Age
eggus, Slavery,
Domingue, 1793-1798 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982).46-78. Leaders, and the ConYves Benot, "The Insurgents of 1791, Their
27. Compare
World the Haitian Revolution, ed. David Geggus
cept of Independence," in The
of
Press, 2009), 99-110, with
(Bloomington: Indiana University
and Norman Fiering
of Revolution," in The Age of Revolutions
David Geggus, "The Caribbean in the Age --- Page 54 ---
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 39
HAITI'S
ed. David Armitage and Sanjay Subramanyam (New
in Global Context, C. 1760-1840,
York: Palgrave, 2010), 95-97
and the Haitian Revolution, in Pro28. David Geggus, "Toussaint Louverture
ed. R. William Weisberger, Denfiles of Revolutionaries in Atlantic History, 1750-1850, Columbia University Press,
and David L. Anderson (New York:
San
nis P. Hupchick,
Toussaint L'Ouverture and the
2007), 115-35; C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins:
Yves Benot, La démence
Revolution (1938; 2nd ed. New York: Vintage, 1963);
La DécouDomingo
colonial insanity under Napoléon) (Paris:
coloniale souS Napoléon (The
verte, 1992).
and Identity on the Eve of the Haitian Rev29. John Garrigus, "Colour, Class,
Colons Américains,' > Slavery and
Free Coloured Elite as
olution: Saint-Domingue's
Abolition 17 (1996): 20-43.
with national independence is
The incompatibility of the title "governor"
was
30.
least the third section of the declaration
accepted
one reason to think that at
who might have pointed
rather than discussed by its signatories,
as a fait accompli
the problem out.
below), I do not think this "elusively"
Unlike Malick Ghachem (see pp.107-81
the
31.
laws; it clearly is a threat regarding
refers to past opposition to unspecified idea (P. 99) that this was a "temporary
future. I see nothing to support Ghachem's
necessity," some sort of emergency declaration.
s
"The Caribbean in the Age of Revolution," 97-98.
32. Geggus,
33- See pages 99-100 below.
Haitian Revolution on Blacks in Latin
David Geggus, "The Influence of the
in Nineteenth34Caribbean," in Blacks, Coloureds and National Identity
America and the
Institute of Latin American StudCentury Latin America, ed. Nancy Naro (London:
ies, 2003), 46.
for convenience; the text uses the term "indigènes
35- I use the term "Haitians"
d'Hayti."
du
Leclerc, commandant en chefdel Varmée
36. Paul Roussier, ed., Les lettres général
of
letters of General Leclerc, commandecin-chief
de Saint-Domingue en 1802 (The
Société de l'Histoire des Colonies
of Saint-Domingue in 1802) (Paris:
the Army
Françaises, 1937), 238, 253written by Juste Chanlatte,
Dessalines's well-known April 28 proclamation,
37of
would function as a blood pact
added a fourth factor: a collective act vengeance in act of national reconciliawould reunite former slaves and anciens libres an
that
Haitian Revolution, xxxi, 169, 180-82.
the
tion: Geggus,
Madiou implies the killing began early in
38. Madiou, Histoire, 3:159-79month; other sources, later.
Condy Raguet, who lived in Haiti at
Madiou, Histoire, 3:179. The American
twenty39.
estimated that nine thousand were killed,
the beginning of the massacres,
"Memoirs of Hayti," " in The Portfive hundred of them in the city of Cap Haîtien:
resident, Norbert Thoret,
1810), 209, 214; (April 181), 307. Another Cap
Folio (March
the killing began early in
38. Madiou, Histoire, 3:159-79month; other sources, later.
Condy Raguet, who lived in Haiti at
Madiou, Histoire, 3:179. The American
twenty39.
estimated that nine thousand were killed,
the beginning of the massacres,
"Memoirs of Hayti," " in The Portfive hundred of them in the city of Cap Haîtien:
resident, Norbert Thoret,
1810), 209, 214; (April 181), 307. Another Cap
Folio (March --- Page 55 ---
40 DAVID GEGGUS
killed in the town alone: La vie avenclaimed more than forty-four hundred were adventurous life of Norbert Thoret,
tureuse de Norbert Thoret, dit PAméricain (The
Editions du Ported. Jean-Claude Nouët (Port-au-Prince:
known as the American),
that left Cap Haîtien around April 30 reau-Prince, 2007), 35-42. American ships
had perished there, twoin New York that between one and two thousand
Foche:
ported
Maurice
Stanislas
thirds ofthem women and children:
Begouen-Demeaux, Foâche: Saint-Domingue mernégociant de Saint-Domingue, 1737-1806 (Stanislas Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon, 321,
chant) (Paris: Librairie Larose, 1951), 252. Girard,
town but notes that only sevestimate ofthree thousand killed in the
cites a British
there after the evacuation five months earlier.
enteen hundred whites had remained
d'Haiti: des préludes à la révolution de
Éventail d'histoire vivante
40. Leslie Manigat,
(A panoply of Haitis vibrant history:
Saint-Domingue. jusqu'a nos, jours (1789-1999)
time
Revolution to the present
[789-19991
from the eve of the Saint-Domingue
(Port-au-Prince: CHUDAC, 2001), 420.
sometimes translated as "desk,"
Madiou, Histoire, 3:145- I assume écritoire,
referred 41. to the old écritoire à plumes, or inkwell.
Média-Texte, 2007),
Évolution et révolutions (Port-au-Prince:
42. Leslie Manigat,
87-88.
Priests and doctors were generally
43- Blackburn, American Crucible, 210-15. credence to a February 22 (or 29)
the revolution. Some give
spared, as throughout
suspected of complicity in mass killdecree meant to limit the massacre to persons
aimed at international opinings, but it appears to be an after-the-fact justification American Proclamations,"
ion. See Ardouin, Études, 6:14n; Jenson, "Dessalines's
85-86.
the massacres are attributed to neo44. In James, The Black Jacobins, 370-74
claims that British agents, and
but misdated by a year. James
colonial manipulation
continuation of trade conditional upon masmade
"the Americans probably."
rejection of a British trade
all the French. He was unaware of Dessalines's
sacring
treaty.
Études, 6:17. Cf. Begouen-Demeaux,
Madiou, Histoire, 3:165." 177-79:Ardouin.
45.
Stanislas Fotche, 242-43.
of Haiti," New West Indian Guide 71 (1997):
46. David Geggus, "The Naming
renaming the colony "Aiti."
lawyer had already suggested in 1788
43-68. A French
Race, Colour and National IndeDavid Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier:
47.
Cambridge University Press, 1979), 40-46, 130-36.
pendence in Haiti (Cambridge:
and Dessalines issued decrees
Robin Blackburn errs in suggesting that Louverture
Resistance and EmanciAmerican Crucible, 212; David Geggus, "Rights,
in Creole:
Human Rights and the Enlightenment, ed.
pation," 1 in SelfEvident Truths? Essays on
Kate E. Tunstall (New York: Continuum, 2012), 147.
preserved by Haitian free48. Madiou, Histoire, 3:144- A portion, apparently de la veuve: histoire de la francin Gaétan Mentor, Les fils noirs
masons, appears
black sons: a history of freemasonry in Haiti)
maçonnerie en Haiti (The widow's
David Geggus, "Rights,
in Creole:
Human Rights and the Enlightenment, ed.
pation," 1 in SelfEvident Truths? Essays on
Kate E. Tunstall (New York: Continuum, 2012), 147.
preserved by Haitian free48. Madiou, Histoire, 3:144- A portion, apparently de la veuve: histoire de la francin Gaétan Mentor, Les fils noirs
masons, appears
black sons: a history of freemasonry in Haiti)
maçonnerie en Haiti (The widow's --- Page 56 ---
HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 41
(Pétionville, Haiti: Gaétan Mentor, 2003), 168-69. Like Boisrond-Tonnerre and
Chanlatte, Charéron (?-1810) had been educated in France and was a proponent of
the massacres.
49. Madiou, Histoire, 3:125n1; Ardouin, Études, 6:6-7.
50. Leslie Manigat, "Une brève analyse-commentaire critique d'un document
historique" (A brief and critical analytical commentary on a historical document),
Revue de la Société Haitienne d'Histoire et de Géographie 221 (2005): 44-56; Times
(London), February 6, 1804. In the 182os, however, the document was falsified by
adding to it the signature of Alexandre Pétion, hero of the mulâtriste (promulatto)
faction ofthe West and South.
51. Jenson, "Dessalines's American Proclamations, 82-85.
52. Blackburn, American Crucible, 212.
53- This may have been a reference to the Andean rebellions of 1780-81, but
more likely it was due to a local belief that the Tainos were descended from the
Incas. See Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 214; and the Times (London), September 1, 1804.
54. Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 214-15. The generals were the exslaves Dessalines (1758-1806) and Henry Christophe (1757-1820), and mulâtre libre
(free mulatto) Augustin Clervaux (1772-1804).
55. January 1 was the Feast of Circumcision in the Catholic calendar. It was one
of the religious holidays retained in Saint-Domingue after the Vatican agreed in
1786 to reduce their number to ten. Surviving collections of plantation papers suggest that most ofthese holidays were generally observed.
56. Jenson, "Dessalines's American Proclamations, 7 82.
57. For example, on the eve of the French invasion, General Leclerc's instructions had listed them among the "blacks well disposed toward the whites," and Clervaux had surrendered without fighting: Roussier, ed., Les lettres du général Leclerc,
90, 270. However, unlike some senior officers, Christophe did not oppose the 1804
massacres, and Clervaux in fact took a prominent part in them.
58. Madiou, Histoire, 3:120.
59. Ibid., 3:125, 141-42, 144, 162; Ardouin, Études, 5:99-100; 6:7, 12.
60. Madiou, Histoire, 3:129.
61. Ibid., 3:152, 159-60, 177.
62. See above, note 43-
officers, Christophe did not oppose the 1804
massacres, and Clervaux in fact took a prominent part in them.
58. Madiou, Histoire, 3:120.
59. Ibid., 3:125, 141-42, 144, 162; Ardouin, Études, 5:99-100; 6:7, 12.
60. Madiou, Histoire, 3:129.
61. Ibid., 3:152, 159-60, 177.
62. See above, note 43- --- Page 57 ---
"Victims of Our Own Credulity
and Indulgence"
Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre
The Life ofLouis
JOHN GARRIGUS
little about the life of Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre (1776We know very
written the Haitian Declaration of Inde1806), the man who is said to have
was the intellectual
pendence. The question of whether Boisrond-Tonnerre
Jean-Jacques
the amanuensis for his employer,
author of this text, or merely
and David Geggus in their conDessalines, is taken up by Deborah Jenson
for the violence of its
tributions to this volume. The document is notable animals to be expelled
imagery and tone. It portrays the French as ferocious In the name of the deadfrom Haitian society, culture, and even history.
children,
husbands, your brothers, your sisters your
"your wives, your
calls Haitians to an everlasting vigilance against
your suckling babies"-it
these former oppressors.
Madiou was the first Haitian historian to
Writing in the 1840s, Thomas
Boisrond-Tonnerre the task ofwritpublish the story of Dessalines assigning
after hearing the secretary blurt
ing a declaration that expressed his thoughts, need the skin of a white man for
out, "To prepare the independence act, we for ink, and a bayonet for a pen." >1
parchment, his skull for a desk, his blood
life before that night.
But Madiou says little about Boisrond-Tonnerre's instead comes from
Much of what is commonly cited about his biography historians publishing
Saint-Rémy and Beaubrun Ardouin, Haitian
Joseph
native southern penin the 1850s, both of them from Boisrond-Tonnerre's 1804 Mémoires pour serinsula. Saint-Rémy's edition of Boisrond-Tonnerre's
about the
d'Haiti, published in 1851, included an introduction
vir à Thistoire
Beaubrun Ardouin published his elevenauthor with biographical details.?
volume Études sur Phistoire d'Haiti starting in 1853document. In a
For both historians, the declaration was an embarrassing relations with
time when Haiti still had limited diplomatic and commercial the declaration as
internationally minded Haitians saw
the powers ofthe day,
status. Its emotional, rather than philpartially responsible for this outsider
violence Dessalines had ordered
osophic, language was a reminder of the
'Haiti, published in 1851, included an introduction
vir à Thistoire
Beaubrun Ardouin published his elevenauthor with biographical details.?
volume Études sur Phistoire d'Haiti starting in 1853document. In a
For both historians, the declaration was an embarrassing relations with
time when Haiti still had limited diplomatic and commercial the declaration as
internationally minded Haitians saw
the powers ofthe day,
status. Its emotional, rather than philpartially responsible for this outsider
violence Dessalines had ordered
osophic, language was a reminder of the --- Page 58 ---
OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 43
"VICTIMS OF OUR
biracial Haitians in the months and years after proclaimagainst whites and
and Ardouin both blamed Boisrond-Tonnerre
ing independence. Saint-Rémy
that generated mob
such massacres in 1804 with proclamations
for inspiring
Haitians in Les Cayes in
violence against the French and against prominent and other towns that
in Cap Haîtien in April, and in Port-au-Prince
January,
Boisrond-Tonnerre was "full of vice, vanity,
same month. For Saint-Rémy,
bad counselor, he became, SO
a treacherous informer and a
have
surreptitious,
' He admitted, "I would
to speak, the lost soul of the new government."
than useful. n3
silent about a man who was more deadly
preferred to keep
different Haiti from the isolated vengeSaint-Rémy envisioned a very
"We proclaim, to the
described in the declaration. As he explained,
ful one
archipelago that well-being only grows
contrary, for the whole American
through the exchange of
through free trade, that knowledge only deepens
through contact
only become more civilized (poli]
ideas, that populations
declared Boisrondwith each other.' >4 In closing his introduction, Saint-Rémy
now that the
Mémoires "fit to read and discuss without danger"
Tonnerre's
character, his errors, and the
reader understood the author's "tempestuous
importance of avoiding racial categories. n5
seems to have crecharacter" Saint-Rémy
To portray that "tempestuous
associated with Boisrond-Tonnerre,
ated the most famous biographical detail be
of his last name. Sainthow the French word "thunder" came to part moment of Boisrondclaims that a lightning bolt struck at the very
name.
Rémy
his father to give him this distinctive
Tonnerre's birth, inspiring
noir racial politics that afflicted
Similarly, to downplay the mulâtre versus
Mathurin Boisidentified the father,
nineteenth-century Haiti, Saint-Rémy
long out of slavery" that had
"from a family
rond, as a mechanic-builder obscured the fact that Boisrond-Tonnerre
become rich. This description
planter family.
belonged to at least the third generation of a slave-owning
Louisconnection to his uncle,
Saint-Rémy did describe Boisrond-Tonnerre'se
at the Council of Five
François Boisrond, who represented Saint-Domingue little oft the family's social idenHundred in France after 1796. But he made
connections
mixed-race or "mulatto" class or of their
tity as members of the
Beaubrun Ardouin, publishing
members oft this group.
to other prominent
rather than social portrait of Boisrondin 1853, also privileged a psychological
and "dominated by a
him as brilliant but unstable
Tonnerre, describing
n7
ambition that would later be his undoing.
his
deadly
biography, or at least
An attempt to reconstruct Boisrond-Tonnerres and may help us undertests these characterizations
social background,
the distinctive tone of the Haitian declastand how his experiences affected
wrote little about Boisrondnineteenth-century historians
ration. Although
the Haitian Revolution, French colonial
Tonnerre's life before or during
in 1853, also privileged a psychological
and "dominated by a
him as brilliant but unstable
Tonnerre, describing
n7
ambition that would later be his undoing.
his
deadly
biography, or at least
An attempt to reconstruct Boisrond-Tonnerres and may help us undertests these characterizations
social background,
the distinctive tone of the Haitian declastand how his experiences affected
wrote little about Boisrondnineteenth-century historians
ration. Although
the Haitian Revolution, French colonial
Tonnerre's life before or during --- Page 59 ---
44 JOHN GARRIGUS
deeds, reveal the social milieu the Boisrond
records, especially notarized
Those sources, combined with
family occupied from the 1750S to the 1790S.
from 1802 to 1804, supBoisrond-Tonnerre's published narrative ofthe years
he wrote for
that the incendiary tone of the declaration
port the argument
violence of those years. There
Dessalines was a reaction to the extraordinary
personality
sources that would allow us to gauge Boisrond-Tonnerre's)
are no
about French colonialism before January 1,
or reconstruct his political views
close
with Julien
evidence does suggest that he had a
relationship
1804. But
free man of color in French Revolutionary
Raimond, the most prominent
antiracist legislation in 1791 and
politics. Raimond, who inspired French
father and oversaw his
1792, was roughly the age of Boisrond-Tonnerre's and Raimond were in
education in the metropole. Both Boisrond-Tonnerre Boisrond-Tonnerre
the first half of the Haitian Revolution.
France through
in 1796. From that
probably accompanied Raimond back to Saint-Domingue
in their politiprofound changes
point on, I suggest, both men experienced
cal loyalties to France.
The Boisrond Family to the 1770S
history of his family, Louis Félix BoisrondJudging from the socioeconomic
indoctrination nearly identical to
and social
Tonnerre had an upbringing
who became political and
that of other wealthy free men of mixed ancestry
the Haitian Revolution. That family background,
intellectual leaders during
Raimond and Vincent Ogé jeune,
also seen in the well-known cases of Julien
degree of poeconomic conservatism with a striking
combined a successful
8 In four ways, the Boisrond famlitical self-confidence vis-à-vis white society." reached a notable level of wealth
matched other families of color who had
ily
by the end of the eighteenth century.
French colowere descended from early eighteenth-century
First, they
the Antilles at a time when racial categories were
nists, men who came to
For
Marie Catherine
nebulous than they were in the 178os. example
far more
Gelée, who by the 176os was a
Boisron was the mother of Claude-Charles
southern penwealthy planter in the Les Cayes Parish in Saint-Domingue's in the 1720S
Boisron had married Gelée's father, from Normandy,
insula.
By the 176os, her son faced rumors
when he first came to Saint-Domingue.
the colony's
mother was a woman of color. In a formal investigation,
that his
had been married in 1698 in the
highest court found that Boisron's parents its earliest Caribbean colony.
where France had
island of Saint-Christophe,
Gelée's grandmother, was a native of
Boisron's own mother, Claude-Charles certificate, which Gelée's enemies
that island with no surviving baptismal black. Gelée insisted that this undocused to support their claim that she was
By the 176os, her son faced rumors
when he first came to Saint-Domingue.
the colony's
mother was a woman of color. In a formal investigation,
that his
had been married in 1698 in the
highest court found that Boisron's parents its earliest Caribbean colony.
where France had
island of Saint-Christophe,
Gelée's grandmother, was a native of
Boisron's own mother, Claude-Charles certificate, which Gelée's enemies
that island with no surviving baptismal black. Gelée insisted that this undocused to support their claim that she was --- Page 60 ---
OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 45
"VICTIMS OF OUR
Indian-a strategy that according to Hilliard
umented grandmother was an
themselves of charges of
wealthy families used to clear
d'Auberteuil, many
black ancestry"
Catherine Boisron was related to BoisrondThere is no evidence that Marie
of
as his
though she lived in the same region Saint-Domingue
Tonnerre,
origins and the undocugrandparents. But the story ofher Saint-Christophe deep roots in French
mother there suggest the family's
mented status ofher
also came to Saintcolonization. Other Boisronds probably
Caribbean
colonists. In 1720, as this
Domingue's southern peninsula as experienced officials made a detailed census
region officially opened to settlement, local
two Boisrond
This document shows that there were already
ofits residents.
Boisrond-Tonnerre was born in 1776. Little is
estates in Torbec Parish, where
that one of them was half owner
known about these early Boisronds except third largest estate in the entire
ofa a sugar estate with ninety-nine slaves, the
but it had eightypeninsula. The other Boisrond estate was growing indigo, workers just as the
slaves. To have these large numbers of enslaved
nine
that these two Boisronds came
peninsula opened for settlement suggests
perhaps
considerable wealth and/or colonial experience,
to the colony with
from Saint-Christophe:
shared with other propertied
characteristic that the Boisronds
A second
of marriage alliances with other properfree families of color was a strategy
the Boisronds named in
tied people of color. There is no document linking
grandfather.
census with François Boisrond, Boisrond-Tonnerre's
the 1720
first
in the surviving notarial recHowever in 1753, when François
appears owned land in the town of
ords, identified as a "free mulatto, he already
not an
that he was the child of a wealthy planter,
Torbec, which suggests
Marie Hérard, a free woman of color
ex-slave.' 11 By 1762 he was married to
among his five
white father left his sugar plantation to be divided up
whose
Boisrond bought his sister-in-law's share in
free mixed-race children. In 1761
the sugar estate. 12
Boisrond could have used that sum,
for
This was an expensive purchase,
enslaved African workers. But
thousand livres, to buy ten to twenty
down
twenty
Julien Raimond
like other free men of color in this region, including
of improvBoisrond understood the importance
the coast at Aquin, François
their value. This was the third aspect
ing plantation properties to increase
investments in their estates.
of the Boisrond family's success: long-term Parish not only as a planter, but also
François Boisrond was known in Torbec
and his slaves transformed
skilled builder."' 13 In fourteen years, Boisrond
as a
the couple died, a white planter and royal
his wife's sugar estate. In 1775.after thousand livres in 1761, together with
judge bought their estate, valued at fifty
Although Boisrond's
enslaved workers, for five hundred thousand livres."
its
increase
investments in their estates.
of the Boisrond family's success: long-term Parish not only as a planter, but also
François Boisrond was known in Torbec
and his slaves transformed
skilled builder."' 13 In fourteen years, Boisrond
as a
the couple died, a white planter and royal
his wife's sugar estate. In 1775.after thousand livres in 1761, together with
judge bought their estate, valued at fifty
Although Boisrond's
enslaved workers, for five hundred thousand livres."
its --- Page 61 ---
46 JOHN GARRIGUS
the
from this sale helped launch
creditors received substantial sums, profits
lives and marof five Boisrond children into prosperous
the next generation
riages of their own.
Boisronds shared with other established
The fourth characteristic that the
self-confidence vis-à-vis
free families of color was a high degree of political
with several other
In February 1769, François Boisrond along
white society.
members of his extended family in Torbec Parish
free colored planters and
of the colonial militia. The local royal
openly opposed a controversial reform
planters, and the colony's
commander had arrested one of the mixed-race
"troublemakers" as
ordered the punishment of the other
governor general
named in this account.' 15 Within a
well. Boisrond and one of his sons were
a raid
that Torbec's men of color were planning
few days, royal spies reported
former officers was under arrest. 16
on the royal jail where one of their
with many rich
reform, which was also deeply unpopular
The looming
blow to the social status of wealthy
and poor whites, represented a serious
free men of color
color. Since before the 1730S, Saint-Domingue's
men of
militia units, apart from ex-slaves and
had mustered in their own separate
select their own officers, subhad allowed them to
whites. This separation administrators. This meant that respected men,
ject to the approval of royal
Boury, could hold command
like Boisrond's free colored neighbor Jacques of the local white elite. The 1769
parallel to those held by members
positions
that. The Crown wanted to reserve all officer positions
reform would change
free colored units. After the reform, no
for whites, including command of
higher than sergeant
of color would be able to serve in a position
free man
or quartermaster'
sent from Port-au-Prince had conBy the end of March 1769, royal troops
in
and free colored rebels as well as their colleagues
fronted Torbec's white
executed a handful of white
the West Province. Officials arrested and even
however, for the govand free colored men. All of these men were poor, who were white or free
ernment did not want to alienate wealthy planters
elsewhere, despite
Boisrond was not punished. As I have argued
colored.
mild reaction, the militia revolt was a
its short duration and the authorities'
and social history, with special sigmajor event in Saint-Domingue's political
place in society now came
nificance for elite men of color, whose respected
authorities
of public life.' 18 The fact that royal
under attack in other areas
his sons among the oppoFrançois Boisrond and at least one of
identified
by mid-century the family saw itnents of the reform suggests that already
prosperity and
the leaders of local society. Despite their growing
self among
not afraid to take a stance.
careful strategies, the Boisronds were apparently
'
and social history, with special sigmajor event in Saint-Domingue's political
place in society now came
nificance for elite men of color, whose respected
authorities
of public life.' 18 The fact that royal
under attack in other areas
his sons among the oppoFrançois Boisrond and at least one of
identified
by mid-century the family saw itnents of the reform suggests that already
prosperity and
the leaders of local society. Despite their growing
self among
not afraid to take a stance.
careful strategies, the Boisronds were apparently --- Page 62 ---
OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 47
"VICTIMS OF OUR
Rising Prominence in the 1780s
Boisrond-Tonnerre's Parents:
was born in Torbec Parish, FranAbout 1776, the year that Boisrond-Tonnerre death and the profitable sale of his esçois Boisrond died. His grandfather's
father
of BoisrondTonnere's
tate prepared the way for the rising prosperity
aunt, Marie Françoise
Mathurin and his four siblings. Boisrond-Tonnerre's man of color who
married the planter Pierre Braquehais, a free
Boisrond,
with her brothers in the 1790s. 19 Another aunt,
would be politically active
Alexis Descoulbes."
Boisrond, married a white planter,
Marie Adelaide
Boisrond's death, all three sons had moved
Within five years of François
That prosperity was
planters in their own right.
away from Torbec, becoming
coffee that excited many of the Europenot based on the new profits from
aspect of the
21 Coffee was not an important
ans coming to Saint-Domingue
Of forty-three contracts
wealth of Boisronds or their free colored neighbors. only two mentioned
members of the Boisrond family in the 178os,
involving
riches, but rather conservative
coffee.2 The Boisronds were not nouveaux
families who built their prosperity over generations. inherited money from
father and his two uncles
Boisrond-Tonnerre's
Mathurin Boisrond had martheir father and married propertied women. around 1776, when Louis Félix
ried Marie Louise Félix, a free woman ofcolor,
his father
their oldest child, was born. Just as
François
Boisrond-Tonnerre,
to his wife's family, improved
had done, Mathurin took lands belonging
would
them, and sold them at a profit. By 1780, when Boisrond-Tonnerre 23 Then, from Les
Mathurin Boisrond had done this twice.?
have been four,
Parish.
Cayes, he moved his family eastward to Aquin
when that parish's free
settled in Aquin at the very moment
The Boisronds
Raimond, were about to begin lobbying Vercolored planters, led by Julien
of color. Mathurin's brother,
sailles for racial reforms to benefit wealthy men
he married Marie Rose
Louis-François, had already made this move. In 1781
not far from
widow who owned an indigo estate in Aquin,
Boissé, a wealthy
alliance had more than double
Julien Raimond's land. The Boisrond-Boissé
in this region.? This
property of other free colored marriages
the average
also
godfather. In
Boisrond, was
Boisrond-Tonnerre's
uncle, Louis-François
that led the local royal judge to sumAquin he enjoyed the kind of respect
a
for a young
him with other free colored planters to nominate guardian
mon
orphan. 25
Boisrond, and his wife sold the second
In 1784 another uncle, Claude Parish and bought slaves and prime
of their two plantations in Cavaillon
traded this property for a larger
river land in Aquin.? 26 Within months they
Mathurin Boisrond,
plain. That same year, 1784,
estate in the upper Aquin
in Aquin. 27
Boisrond-Tonnerre's father, also purchased a plantation
for a young
him with other free colored planters to nominate guardian
mon
orphan. 25
Boisrond, and his wife sold the second
In 1784 another uncle, Claude Parish and bought slaves and prime
of their two plantations in Cavaillon
traded this property for a larger
river land in Aquin.? 26 Within months they
Mathurin Boisrond,
plain. That same year, 1784,
estate in the upper Aquin
in Aquin. 27
Boisrond-Tonnerre's father, also purchased a plantation --- Page 63 ---
48 JOHN GARRIGUS
turned eight years old. As it turned
In 1784, Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerret
colleague of BoisrondRaimond, who became a close political
out, Julien
Louis-François, left Saint-Domingue for
Tonnerre's uncle and godfather,
free colored widow whose
Raimond's new wife was a
France that very year.
in westhusband, a white man, had left her a seigneurial property had been
previous
of their children. Raimond himself
ern France to sell on behalf
he had been writing memoranda
educated in France and for several years
colonial laws to reduce
at Versailles, arguing for new
to the Naval Ministry
28 He had also been raising money
racial discrimination in Saint-Domingue:
including the "les trois frères
for this cause from his free colored neighbors,
in the metropole,
p29 Raimond would educate his new stepchildren
Boisrond."
the French education of his nieces and
and he would eventually oversee
nephews as well.
left the colony for France,
ofwhen Boisrond-Tonnerrel
There is no evidence
the children who accompanied the
but it seems likely that he was among would have been eight; Vincent Ogé
Raimond family across the Atlantic. He
for school.3
eleven years old when he traveled to France
jeune was roughly
education left almost no documentary evidence.
Boisrond-Tonnerre's French
surname came from this formaBut it seems quite likely that his distinctive
would have been
tive experience. On July 12, 1791, when Boisrond-Tonnerre Raimond asking him to send
fifteen, his uncle Louis-François wrote to Julien
Given the politthe Boisrond nieces and nephews back to Saint-Domingue.
that started
chaos of that year, and the slave revolt in Saint-Domingue
ical
his letter, it seems unlikely that Raimond
a month after Boisrond posted
children would have stayed in the
complied with this request. The Boisrond
the education of his own
where Raimond was also overseeing
metropole,
nephews and stepchildren.
Raimond, then in his midIn 1791 one of those nephews, Pierre Julien where he had married a
twenties, was living in the village of Tonnerre
home to Pierre
The town, a day or two outside of Paris, was already
in
woman.
from Torbec or Les Cayes Parish
Simon Jacquesson, a former planter
the lieutenant of the Tonnerre
Saint-Domingue. In 1789 Jacquesson was
this
but they
The Boisronds might have known
Jacquesson, in Torconstabulary.
who had been a notary
certainly knew his kinsman Henri Jacquesson,
family there.
Parish and had drafted many contracts for the Boisrond
bec
Raimond installed the young Louis Félix
What this suggests is that Julien
school in a community
Boisrond in the French town of Tonnerre to attend familiar names from
home to Raimond's nephew and other
that was already
close
to Paris to be convenient, yet it
Saint-Domingue. Tonnerre was
enough
of the
The young
insulated from the revolutionary events
capital.
was largely
himself Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre to distinman seems likely to have styled
drafted many contracts for the Boisrond
bec
Raimond installed the young Louis Félix
What this suggests is that Julien
school in a community
Boisrond in the French town of Tonnerre to attend familiar names from
home to Raimond's nephew and other
that was already
close
to Paris to be convenient, yet it
Saint-Domingue. Tonnerre was
enough
of the
The young
insulated from the revolutionary events
capital.
was largely
himself Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre to distinman seems likely to have styled --- Page 64 ---
OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 49
"VICTIMS OF OUR
Boisrond, who
himself from his uncle and guardian Louis-François
guish
arrived in France in 1796.
in France,
was
Boisrond-Tonnerre's
During more than a decade, while he
mediated through Juwith his family would have been largely
brothers
relationship
closest contact among the three Boisrond
lien Raimond. Raimond's
Boisrond, who became an imuncle Louis-François
was Boisrond-Tonnerre's
Revolution.
portant political figure during the French Raimond's advice from Paris,
On March 15, 1789. probably acting on
and others from
Boisrond joined Raimond's S brother François
Louis-François
for the right to choose their own repAquin in petitioning the naval secretary
Later that year, when
Estates General.
resentatives for France's approaching
Raimond's free colGuillaume Labadie, one of
angry whites tried to lynch
Boisrond's
in Aquin, a similar group visited Louis-François
ored supporters
Boisrond was not at home because he and François
home, seizing his papers.
from the provincial assemRaimond were in Les Cayes, answering questions
whites
there. 33 In 1790 he continued be a target as colonial
grew had
bly meeting
to Boisrond, whites
about Raimond's S actions in Paris. According
angrier his letters and he was in danger of Farrest."
Louisintercepted
turned in favor of free men of color,
In 1791, as political events
of the town of Saint-Louis. The folFrançois Boisrond was elected president
collect
voluntary
he was one of two men entrusted to
Aquin's
lowing year
the French commissioner Sonthopatriotic contributions. 35 In October 1792
sit with other free colored repBoisrond and François Raimond to
nax chose
freed the slaves in the North
resentatives in Cap Français. 36 When Sonthonax
who owned dozens of
Province in August 1793, he prevailed on Boisrond, the news to whites." In
the region to announce
slaves, to travel throughout
the
at a colonial assembly,
Aquin chose Boisrond to represent
parish
in Paris at
1795,
named him to represent Saint-D Domingue
where other delegates
1796. He left his Aquin plantation
the Council of Five Hundred in August
head slaves. 38
cultivators in the hands ofhis two former
with sixty-four
arrived in Paris, his nephew Louis Félix
About the time Louis-François
around 1796 Louis Félix married
Sometime
was back in Saint-Domingue."s
followed a pattern of interCatherine Lamoureux in Aquin. This marriage of color in the 1790S. The
common among wealthy free people
marriage
than the
and the couple were distant cousbride was ten years older
groom, In
their first child was born
from the Félix family. 1798
ins, both descended
in the town of Saint-Louis, not far from Aquin.
in the colony suggests he
The timing of Boisrond-Tonnerre's: reappearancei arrived back in the colony in May
returned home with Julien Raimond, who
commission to Saint-Domingue.
1796 as a member of third revolutionary tendered a bid on a sequestered planIn December 1798 Boisrond-Tonnerre
were distant cousbride was ten years older
groom, In
their first child was born
from the Félix family. 1798
ins, both descended
in the town of Saint-Louis, not far from Aquin.
in the colony suggests he
The timing of Boisrond-Tonnerre's: reappearancei arrived back in the colony in May
returned home with Julien Raimond, who
commission to Saint-Domingue.
1796 as a member of third revolutionary tendered a bid on a sequestered planIn December 1798 Boisrond-Tonnerre --- Page 65 ---
50 JOHN GARRIGUS
over by the colony's revolutionary government
tation in Aquin, one taken
41 It is telling that this was
because its owner had fled Saint-Domingue: because Raimond's work as
his first
deeds in the colony,
one of
surviving
such leases. As Saint-Domingue's first
commissioner was to orchestrate
successful planter,
commissioner and as a former
nonwhite revolutionary
leasing out abandoned plantaRaimond headed the Bureau des Domaines,
needed the revenue.
ofthe colonial government, which badly
tions on behalf
the best properties for himself, famHis enemies accused him of keeping
nieces,
42 Indeed, many of Raimond's stepchildren,
ily members, or cronies.
residents of France, returned to Saintand nephews, who had been longtime
Boisrond-Tonnerre was
Domingue around 1798.0 By September 23, 1799, stationed at Jérémie, near
in this branch oft the government,
himselfworking
southern peninsula.*
the tip of Saint-Domingue's
died in Paris in
Boisrond-Tonnerre'st uncle and godfather, Louis-François,
Amis des noirs in 1797, partici1800, where he had joined the reconstituted colonial order based on free labor
pating in its meetings about a new French
the rest of the Boisrond famracial
We know little about how
and
equality."
survived the end of
all ofthem planters and former slave-owners,
ily, nearly
these events and the associated violence
slavery in 1793 and 1794 However,
who owned older and
devastated the wealth of Raimond and his brothers,
the Boisronds. 46
properties in Aquin Parish, often close to
more productive
how the Boisrond family fared under the govWe also know very little about
who had worked closely with
ernment of André Rigaud, the colored general
When Raimond
Boisrond in the early 1790S.
Raimond and Louis-François
mixed race, he refused to
returned to the colony, although he was considered
instead throwing
Rigaud's authority over the southern peninsula,
recognize
rival, the black general Toussaint Louverture. In 1799
his support to Rigaud's
Dessalines to invade the southern peninsula
Louverture sent Jean-Jacques
After a year of heavy fighting, the
and destroy Rigaud's "separatist" regime.
South came under Louverture's control. these events? He was working in
Was Boisrond-Tonnerre caught up in
to September
for the Bureau des Domaines from September 1799
LouverJérémie
client of] Julien Raimond, the armies of
1801. Ifhe were identified as a
brother, Laurent
Dessalines might have spared him. His younger
ture and
officer who did survive the war between Louverture
Boisrond, was an army
defeat, Laurent Boisrond had
and Rigaud. By 1801, a year after Rigaud's commander of the Aquin Parish.
with Louverture's
formed a partnership
would cut timber on Boisrond's lands
The men agreed that their workers
and the young officer would
and haul it to town. In this case, the commander
each provide one-half ofthe workers.7
brother, Laurent
Dessalines might have spared him. His younger
ture and
officer who did survive the war between Louverture
Boisrond, was an army
defeat, Laurent Boisrond had
and Rigaud. By 1801, a year after Rigaud's commander of the Aquin Parish.
with Louverture's
formed a partnership
would cut timber on Boisrond's lands
The men agreed that their workers
and the young officer would
and haul it to town. In this case, the commander
each provide one-half ofthe workers.7 --- Page 66 ---
"VICTIMS OF OUR OWN CREDULITY AND
INDULGENCE" 51
Louis Félix
Boisrond-Tonnere and Julien Raimond
Given the paucity of sources on Boisrond-Tonnerre
profitable to consider his
in the late 1790S, it is
carefully worded
relationship with Julien Raimond. The older man's
proposals for incremental social
seem quite remote from the vivid
change in the early 1790s
Declaration of
imagery and passionate tone of the
Independence or of
mond and Boisrond-Tonnerre
Boisrond-Tonnerres Mémoires. Yet Raically conservative,
were both a products of the same economithe
legally minded, Francophile social milieu.
nineteenth-century notion of
Setting aside
seems likely that this
Boisrond-Tonnerre's stormy character, it
French town,
have young man, who had spent half his life in a
may
had a
small
to that of Raimond, who would perspective on political events that was similar
have been his main connection
Domingue until both of them returned home 48
with SaintDespite a thirty-year age difference, both
similar shock and
men would have
as
disorientation they reentered
experienced
how to survive in the highly
colonial life and learned
1798 Raimond's letters
charged identity politics of the late
In
to his fellow
1790s.
with despair and disorientation,
commissioner Sonthonax resonated
correspondence,
emotions that had never been a
of
even throughout his long
part his
of Terror. He begged
imprisonment during the
in
Sonthonax not to return to France and leave him Reign alone
Saint-Domingue, "isolated and surrounded
enemies though I do not know how
by men who have become my
I caused this. 49
politics during the decade that first
Absent from colonial
generals like André
saw the rise of influential mixed-race
Rigaud and then even more
Toussaint Louverture, Raimond
powerful black leaders like
tion himself politically.
seems not to have understood how to posiAlthough in Paris he had been the
Domingue's free colored class, in
very face of SaintLouverture, who
Saint-Domingue he eventually sided with
appreciated his skill at
made him Director of the National
rebuilding émigré plantations and
Domain in 1800.50
Boisrond-Tonnerre's
men
position was quite similar to that of
possessed a level of literacy and French
Raimond. Both
them obvious candidates for
cultural knowledge that made
positions in the
same European education raised
colonial government. But that
loyalty to
questions about their cultural identity and
Saint-Domingue's new black leaders. In a similar
family experiences in plantation investment
way, both men's
suggested they could help rebuild
and transatlantic commerce
may also have produced doubts
Saint-Domingue. But these credentials
about their
What we do possess is Boisrond-Tonnerre's long-term opposition to slavery.
ten in the months after he wrote the
1804 Mémoires, probably writsalines. In the original 1804
Declaration of Independence for Desedition, the narrative section of the Mémoires
alty to
questions about their cultural identity and
Saint-Domingue's new black leaders. In a similar
family experiences in plantation investment
way, both men's
suggested they could help rebuild
and transatlantic commerce
may also have produced doubts
Saint-Domingue. But these credentials
about their
What we do possess is Boisrond-Tonnerre's long-term opposition to slavery.
ten in the months after he wrote the
1804 Mémoires, probably writsalines. In the original 1804
Declaration of Independence for Desedition, the narrative section of the Mémoires --- Page 67 ---
52 JOHN GARRIGUS
and
devoted almost entirely to the events of 1802
consists of ninety pages
his subject as limited to "the brief
1803. Boisrond-Tonnerre described which these monsters were in Saintbut unfortunately too long period in
to restore
sent by Napoléon
Domingue,' " a reference to the Leclerc expedition historical account with a
control of the colony. He ended his
at the
metropolitan
of Dessalines's victory over Rochambeau
single-paragraph description
city of Cap Français.
describes the violence comThe bulk ofthe Mémoires, like the declaration,
Boisrond-Tonnerre
the French and their allies in 1802 and 1803.
mitted by
little about his sources. But SO much
writes mostly in the third person, saying
southern
that it is
narrative is built around events in the
peninsula
of his
In 1802, when the French
clear that he is drawing on his own experiences. administrator or chef de section
expedition arrived, he was serving as the local
sold valuable estates. AcParish, where his uncles had built and
in Cavaillon
French violence against the local populacording to tradition, in July 1803 as
by the mixed-race general
tion increased and a resistance force commanded
left his post in
Geffrard reached the southern peninsula, Boisrond-Tonnerre on the nearby
and joined Geffrard's forces camped
the town of Saint-Louis
commanding officer, arrived at
When Dessalines, Geffrard's
Les Cayes plain.
accepted a position as secretary of this
Boisrond-Tonnerre
the encampment,
the French.
former slave who was leading the fight against
before his meeting with
description of the months
Boisrond-Tonnerre's
under pressure from the French to help
Dessalines suggests he was himself
among the French
maintain order. He describes a general hostility
them
including those who had become distinguished
towards all former slaves,
This resulted in mass
merchants, or farmers.
military officers, prosperous local officials- men like Boisrond-Tonnerre
killings that eventually reached
They had just hanged the comhimself. "In Les Cayes, there was killing daily. Bardet, who had been sent
mander of Petit-Trou, a young man of color, and
reward for
in the same place as a
down from battalion head to police captain
of Les Cayes. [Note:
attachment to the French, was drowned in the harbor
his
Beware the French, lovers ofthe whites!]"s
of men who held ofthis section where he describes the execution
Near
inserted a pair of long footnotes that illusfices like his, Boisrond-Tonnerre in this era. The first note describes the
trate how personally he was involved
man charged with
execution of Charlemagne Hérard, a young
firing squad
Hérard, who was likely Boisrondplaying a prank against a white planter.
of Aquin, where
Tonnerre's cousin, was executed in the central square
ordered
The execution was
by
Boisrond-Tonnerre had lived as a child.*
would have been quite
Nérette, a colonial officer of color whose aspirations
fices like his, Boisrond-Tonnerre in this era. The first note describes the
trate how personally he was involved
man charged with
execution of Charlemagne Hérard, a young
firing squad
Hérard, who was likely Boisrondplaying a prank against a white planter.
of Aquin, where
Tonnerre's cousin, was executed in the central square
ordered
The execution was
by
Boisrond-Tonnerre had lived as a child.*
would have been quite
Nérette, a colonial officer of color whose aspirations --- Page 68 ---
OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 53
"VICTIMS OF OUR
Raimond families in the 1780s. But now the sitfamiliar to the Boisrond and
idea of heaven was to go to France and
uation had changed. Nérette, "whose
would have hanged his
role there because of his wealth,
play an important
hands.' 55 Then, in the next footnote, now written in
own father with his own
described visiting a naval frigate in the
the first person, Boisrond-Tonnerre local officials were brought on board and
Saint-Louis harbor as twenty-two
under Nérette's orders, a French
chained in the ship's hold. A few days later,
sulfur fumes and drowned
suffocated the men with
port official, Kerpoisson,
with any specific crime. 56
them. None oft them had been charged
who had sided with
had a profound effect on many men
Such experiences
Pierre Cangé, a mulâtre landowner who
the French. On November 13, 1802,
about the atrocities
had risen to general in the French army wrote a colleague thousands of black and red
they both had witnessed: "Like me you have seen
what have they
women and children drowned and hanged;
[mulatre) men,
children of crimes deserving death? Such things
done? How can they accuse
n57
have never been seen under any government." that the events of 1802 and
Boisrond's Mémoires reveal the deep effect
identity. He expeand
his sense of personal
1803 had on his psyche,
perhaps
official and aspiring rebuilder of
rienced the war ofindependence as a minor
might have made him
whose education and family background
was
plantations
the French, at least at first. What he discovered
naturally sympathetic to
victims, like those drowned in the Saintthat men like him would either be
of these crimes, like Nérette.
Louis harbor, or perpetrators
Conclusion
life before or during the revoThe little we know about Boisrond-Tonnerres
his personality
authors exaggerated
lution suggests that nineteenth-century
themselves from the
his social status in order to distance
and downplayed
of the Declaration of Independence he wrote
violent and isolating language
for Dessalines.
that Boisrond-Tonnerre was
The history of the Boisrond family suggests conservative yet politically
raised in an environment that was economically roots and saw itself as part of
assertive; and that his family had deep creole
connections with Julien
the natural elite of its region. Boisrond-Tonnerres
these influences.
Raimond and his years in France might well have amplified have been trying to reWhen he returned to Saint-Domingue he appears to
bidding on
his family,
activity that had distinguished
turn to the planting
At the same time he was taking his place
plantations like Raimond himself.
local
service, as chef de section.
in
government
politically
raised in an environment that was economically roots and saw itself as part of
assertive; and that his family had deep creole
connections with Julien
the natural elite of its region. Boisrond-Tonnerres
these influences.
Raimond and his years in France might well have amplified have been trying to reWhen he returned to Saint-Domingue he appears to
bidding on
his family,
activity that had distinguished
turn to the planting
At the same time he was taking his place
plantations like Raimond himself.
local
service, as chef de section.
in
government --- Page 69 ---
54 JOHN GARRIGUS
died before the arrival of the Leclerc expedition, underRaimond, who
he
to the new racial and ecowent a kind of change of identity as adjusted decade in France, a change
nomic climate of Saint-Domingue after over a
and ambitious.
former admirers to describe him as cynical
that led many
a similar shift, especially in 1803
Boisrond-Tonnerre may have experienced and its white supporters became
as the radical aims of the Leclerc expedition
had harobvious in the South Province. If Boisrond-Tonnerre
increasingly
the French colonial elite as a planter or official,
bored any dream of joining
executions of his colleagues seem to
the massacres, arbitrary arrests, and
convinced him that
his mind. These events appear to have
have changed
loyalty, was shaping the new
race, more than economic status or cultural to him that the French were
French regime. He witnessed events that proved of who would rule Saintsolution to the problem
applying a near-genocidal
Domingue after Toussaint Louverture.
experiences suggests
of Boisrond-Tonnerre's) pre-1804
This reconstruction
was probably not
that the writer of the Haitian Declaration ofindependence historians, despite the
the impetuous figure depicted by nineteenth-century describe the French. Instead, a dif
almost racial language he used to
strong,
that of a young man from a privileged, slave-owning
ferent picture emerges:
who had nevertheless spent his forfamily, a figure with deep creole roots
connection than previously
mative years in rural France. He had a stronger
and prominent
with Julien Raimond, one of the more conservative
believed
elite. And the strong imagery of the declaration
of the free colored political
aspiring planter and
reflect the traumas experienced by an upwardly
had
may
official, who, despite his deep roots in Saint-Domingue,
minor colonial
racial violence that swept through the colony
the kind of
never experienced
in 1802 and 1803.
Notes
David
who helped me correct some important errors
My sincere thanks to
Geggus,
in an earlier draft of this chapter.
de
a'
(Port-au-Prince:
Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti: Tome III, 1803 1807
1. Thomas
translation used here is from Sibylle Fischer, MoHenri Deschamps, 1989), 145; the
the Age of Revolution (Durham,
Disavowed: Haiti and the Cultures of Slaveryin
dernity
NC: Duke University Press, 2004), 201.
à Phistoire d'Haiti, by
"Introduction," n in Mémoires pour servir
2. Pierre Buteau,
Buteau (1804; repr. Port-au Prince: Editions
Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre, ed. Pierre
Antilles, 1991), 5.
et critique,' in Mémoires pour servir à
3- Joseph Saint-Rémy, "Etude historique de diférents actes politiques dus à sa
Phistoire d'Haiti, par Boisrond-Tonnerre, précédés
Phistoire d'Haiti, by
"Introduction," n in Mémoires pour servir
2. Pierre Buteau,
Buteau (1804; repr. Port-au Prince: Editions
Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre, ed. Pierre
Antilles, 1991), 5.
et critique,' in Mémoires pour servir à
3- Joseph Saint-Rémy, "Etude historique de diférents actes politiques dus à sa
Phistoire d'Haiti, par Boisrond-Tonnerre, précédés --- Page 70 ---
OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 55
"VICTIMS OF OUR
Saint-Rémy (Paris: France Libraire, 1851),
plume et d'une étude historique et critique par
Phistoire d'Haiti (Paris: Dézobry
Beaubrun Ardouin, Études sur
vii, ix, xi, XV; see also
et E. Magdeleine, 1855), 6:103, 119.
" xxii.
Saint-Rémy, "Etude historique et critique,
4.
5- Ibid.
6. Ibid., viii, notes 1 and 2.
of BoisrondIt should be said that Ardouin's portrait
7 Ardouin, Études, 5:418.
of the declaration. He describes BoisrondTonnerre is based on more than the text
provoking massacres of
Dessalines after independence,
Tonnerre manipulating
policies that would cause rebellions. See
French colonists and even encouraging
Ardouin, 6:42-43, 98, 103, 119, 225.264, 271.
Raimond (1744-1801) and
"Opportunist or Patriot?: Julien
8. John D. Garrigus,
and Abolition 28, no. 1 (2007): 1-21; Garrigus, "Vinthe Haitian Revolution," Slavery
Colored Mobilization on the Eve of
Social Class and Free
cent Ogéj jeune (1757-91):
33-62. While Vincent
Revolution," " The Americas 68, no. 1 (July 201):
the Haitian
conservative, his family appears
business strategies in the 178os were hardly
Ogé's
measured strategies outlined below.
to have followed the more
Description topographique, physique,
Médéric Louis Élie Moreau de Saint-Méry,
2 vols.
9.
de la partie française de l'isle Saint-Domingue
civile, politique et historique
d'Histoire d'Outre-mer, 2004),
(Saint-Denis: Publications de la Société Française
Michel
Outre-Mer (henceforth ANOM)M F3273, p. 213;
1493; Archives Nationales
Tétat
de la colonie française de
d'Auberteuil, Considérations sur
présent
René Hilliard
2:82.
ouvrage politique et législatif(Paris: 1776),
Saint-Domingue,
10. ANOM G'509, No. 17Notariat, Saint-Domingue, register
des papiers publiques des colonies,
11. Dépôt
1600, July 26, 1784.
(henceforth,. ANOM SDOM)
12. ANOM SDOM 54, September 13, 1787
parish paid one thousand livres
13- In 1764 a white planter from a neighboring in Torbec Parish with "Sieur
to put a young man in a five-year apprenticeship his son both builders.' ANOM
Boisrond and Claude François Boisrond
François
SDOM 130, July 29, 1764.
ANOM SDOM 1601, January 11, 1785.
14.
F3182, d'Argout to Rohan, February 4, 1769.
15- ANOM
16. Ibid.
Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship
This is the argument of John D. Garrigus,
17.
(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 109-40.
in Saint-Domingue
Before Haiti; for a more detailed ac18. See chapters four and five in Garrigus,
of this standoff, see Charles
less
on the racial aspects
count that places
emphasis
(Paris: l'École, 1975), 297-341.
Frostin, Les révoltes blanches a' Saint-Domingue
ANOM SDOM 54, September 13, 1787
19. Ibid.; ANOM SDOM 1601, January 11, 1785.
20.
for the rise of free coloredwealth and self21. The importance of coffee profits
Before Haiti; for a more detailed ac18. See chapters four and five in Garrigus,
of this standoff, see Charles
less
on the racial aspects
count that places
emphasis
(Paris: l'École, 1975), 297-341.
Frostin, Les révoltes blanches a' Saint-Domingue
ANOM SDOM 54, September 13, 1787
19. Ibid.; ANOM SDOM 1601, January 11, 1785.
20.
for the rise of free coloredwealth and self21. The importance of coffee profits --- Page 71 ---
56 JOHN GARRIGUS
confidence is the central argument of
tem: Coffee, Color, and Slavery in Michel-Rolph Trouillot, "Motion in the Sys-
(1982): 343-48, 354, 364; Stewart Eighteenth-Century King
Saint-Domingue, Review 5
wealthiest free colored families in
identifies coffee as the main crop of the
Blue Coat or Powdered Wig: Free Saint-Domingue's North and West Provinces in
People of Color in
(Athens: University of Georgia Press,
Pre-Revolutionary Saint Domingue
22. ANOM SDOM
2001), 123. 1465, July 27,1784. 23. ANOM SDOM 1596, November
20,1782. 21, 1780; ANOM SDOM 1598, December
24. ANOM SDOM 1464, April 25, 1781; ANOM
ANOM SDOM 1465, December
SDOM 1465, February 15,
12, 1785; ANOM SDOM
1784;
See Garrigus, Before Haiti, 175-88 for a discussion
1464, September 28, 1780. 25. ANOM SDOM 1465,
of these larger numbers. April 12, 1784. 26. ANOM SDOM 1465, July 27, 1784; ANOM SDOM
27. ANOM SDOM 1596, June 20,
1464, April 25.1781. ANOM SDOM 1600,
1780; ANOM SDOM 1600, April 12,
June 28, 1784; ANOM SDOM
1784;
SDOM 1465, April 19, 1784:ANOM SDOM
1600, July 26, 1784; ANOM
July 27, 1784; ANOM SDOM
1465, April 9, 1784; ANOM SDOM 1465,
1784. 1465, May 23, 1785: ANOM SDOM 1465, October
14,
28. Garrigus,
"Opportunist or Patriot?, " 2007, 5-6. 29. The money was initially to be used for a
from Saint-Domingue's free
patriotic donation to the Crown
people of color. However this
plicitly political once Raimond arrived in France. project turned more exnames of his donors in André
See his 1789 explanation and the
Maistre du
léances des gens de couleur'
Chambon, "Acte notarié relatif aux doet Historique de la Charente (29 juillet 1789), Mémoires de la Société Archéologique
(1931): 137. 30. Garrigus, "Vincent Ogé jeune, n 43. 31. Archives Nationales (henceforth
1432, January 17, 1791; ANOM
AN) Dxxv 111 dr 880 piece 3; ANOM SDOM
SDOM 1596, March 20,
32. Gabriel Debien, "Gens de couleur libres
1780. Revue d'Histoire de lAmérique
et colons devant la constituante,"
Française 4, (September
33- Françoise Thésée, "Les assemblées
1950): 223.
Ogé jeune, n 43. 31. Archives Nationales (henceforth
1432, January 17, 1791; ANOM
AN) Dxxv 111 dr 880 piece 3; ANOM SDOM
SDOM 1596, March 20,
32. Gabriel Debien, "Gens de couleur libres
1780. Revue d'Histoire de lAmérique
et colons devant la constituante,"
Française 4, (September
33- Françoise Thésée, "Les assemblées
1950): 223. (1774-1793)," - Revue de la Société
paroissiales des Cayes à St. Domingue
Julien Raimond,
Haitienne d'Histoire et de
aux
Réponse
considérations de M. Géographie 40, (1982): 29;
Tassemblée nationale, surles colonies
Moreau, dit Saint-Méry, député à
34. Julien Raimond,
(Paris: Imprimerie du Patriote Français, 1791), 21. Domingue (Paris, 1794), Correspondance de Julien Raimond, avec ses fre'res, de Saint14, 25, 27, 39, 4435. ANOM SDOM 36, 8 ventôse, Year 3; Raimond,
36. ANOM SDOM 35, March 10, 1794;
Correspondance, 54révolution de Haiti, ed. Pierre Pluchon François Joseph Pamphile de Lacroix, La
mond,
(Paris: 1819; Karthala, 1995), 153; Julien RaiMonoiresurlescaused des troubles et des désastres de la colonie
présenté aux Comités de marine et des colonies
de Saint-Domingue,
par les citoyens de couleur. (Paris: --- Page 72 ---
OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 57
"VICTIMS OF OUR
Michèle Oriol, Histoire et dictionnaire de la
Impr. du Cercle Royal, 1793), 40, 47, 54;
Fondation pour la
d'Haiti, 1789-1804 (Port-au-Prince:
révolution et de lindépendance
166. recherche iconographique et documentaire, 2002),
"Etude historique, " in Mémoires, viii, note 2. 37. Saint-Rémy,
Gainot, La société des amis des noirs 1788-1799:
38. Marcel Dorigny and Bernard
(Paris: UNESCO, 1998), 333; cite
contribution à Phistoire de Pabolition de lesclavage
de I'Histoire de la RévoKuscinski, Dictionnaire des conventionnels (Société
Auguste
lution française, 1917). 1 in Mémoires, ix. 39. Saint-Rémy, "Etude historique,"
out that this information is contained
Thanks to David Geggus for pointing
Ge40. de Généalogie d'Haiti. "Boisrond-Tonnerre
with the records of the Assocation
Association de Généalogie d'Haiti, July 18, 2013, swape-afiadoechret and Race benealogy."
of Property: Marriage
John D. Garrigus, ""To Establish a Community
Family 12, no. Haitian Revolution," " Journal of the History ofthe
fore and during the
2 (2007): 142-52. ANOM SDOM 17 fructidor Year 7. 41. "Opportunist or Patriot?, " 12. 42. Garrigus,
43- Ibid.,1 12-14. Du Tonnerrel," 2006, www.roots
Andrée-Luce Fourcand, "Un Autographe
44-
-reasn in La Société des amis des noirs, ed. Bernard
Bernard Gainot, "Introduction,"
Gainot 45- and Marcel Dorigny, 311-13, 317-18, 333. "Opportunist or Patriot?," " 13-14. 46. Garrigus,
ANOM SDOM 354, 1 nivôse, Year 9.
43- Ibid.,1 12-14. Du Tonnerrel," 2006, www.roots
Andrée-Luce Fourcand, "Un Autographe
44-
-reasn in La Société des amis des noirs, ed. Bernard
Bernard Gainot, "Introduction,"
Gainot 45- and Marcel Dorigny, 311-13, 317-18, 333. "Opportunist or Patriot?," " 13-14. 46. Garrigus,
ANOM SDOM 354, 1 nivôse, Year 9. Third Com47. to France in late 1798 after the collapse of the
48. Raimond returned
in June 1800 as part ofa Fourth Commismission. He then returned to the colony
n
15. or Patriot?, 12-13,1
sion. He died in 1802. Garrigus, "Opportunist
AN Dxxv45, dossier 424, pièce 10. 49. de Lacroix, La révolution de Haiti, 259. 50. Pamphile
Mémoires pour servir a Phistoire d'Hayti. Par Tadju51. Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre,
central du gouvernement,
Boisrond-Tonnerre ((Haiti): De limprimerie
dant général
90. 1804), Carc Henri Deschamps, 1989),
Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (Port-au-Prince:
52. 3:63. 53- Boisrond-Tonnerre, Mémoires, 79. was a Hérard and in 1787 and
Boisrond-Tonnerre's paternal grandmother
living
54debts with Hérard descendants
1788 his uncles had settled some outstanding ANOM SDOM 55, August 8, 1788. in Aquin. ANOM SDOM 54, September 13, 1787;
Boisrond-Tonnerre, Mémoires, 76, note 1. 55. 56. Ibid.,77, note 2. no. 1331. University of Florida, Rochambeau papers,
--- Page 73 ---
The Debate
Surrounding the
Printing of
the Haitian Declaration
of Independence
A Review ofthe Literature
PATRICK TARDIEU
What happened the day after the victory of the Armée
French troops on November
Indigène over the
script proclamations that
19, 1803? What happened to the three manucreated the Haitian state on
essay traces the study of Haiti's Declaration
January 1, 1804? This
of
riography in order to shed
Independence in the histoNovember
light on the events that transpired
1803 and the end of January
between late
Declaration of Independence
1804. Why is the January 1, 1804,
the November
considered to be the official document and
29, 1803 document? How was the
not
proclaimed, and publicized? By
January document created,
printing customs of the
analyzing the different publications and the
of the state in its
period, we can better understand the
infancy. development
A key document from this time period allows
damental philosophy of the new state. The
some insight into the funprinted in late 1803 or early 1804 and
"Hymne Haytiène" was a song
performed on January 25, 1804:
What? You are silent Indigenous
When a Hero, through his exploits, People! Avenging your name, breaking your chains,
And forever ensures your rights? Henceforth Jacques is the Protector
Who rejects slavery,
United under this good father,
Forever united,
Let us live, let us die, his true children. Free, independent.1
This unique song was sung on the battlefields in
great national importance.
The
some insight into the funprinted in late 1803 or early 1804 and
"Hymne Haytiène" was a song
performed on January 25, 1804:
What? You are silent Indigenous
When a Hero, through his exploits, People! Avenging your name, breaking your chains,
And forever ensures your rights? Henceforth Jacques is the Protector
Who rejects slavery,
United under this good father,
Forever united,
Let us live, let us die, his true children. Free, independent.1
This unique song was sung on the battlefields in
great national importance. Could it be the
November 1803 and is of
Marseillaise noire? In this song, --- Page 74 ---
THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 59
the father of the new nation;
Dessalines is portrayed as being
Jean-Jacques
children. The creation of a singular family symbolically
the people are his
and the label
The use of indigène (indigenous)
united a diverse population.
the national project; the land was
"hero" for Dessalines give legitimacy to
What is most interesting about
rightfully theirs and their cause was justified.
Rights are not dishowever, is the use ofthe term droits (rights).
this song,
Declaration of Independence of January 1, 1804.
cussed at all in the Haitian
within a hierarchical
in this song, however, is subsumed
The use of" "rights"
indebted to Dessalines for the privilege
family structure, and the people are
ofhaving these rights.
of the Armée Indigène were singing
In November 1803, as the troops
evacuated Saintpraises as a national hero, the French army
Dessalines's
after, Dessalines and two other revolutionary
Domingue in defeat. Shortly
Clervaux, issued a declaration of
generals, Henry Christophe and Augustin
"In the Name
The three generals issued the proclamation
independence.
Men of Color of St. Domingo. >2 The first sentence
of the Black People, and
of St. Domingo [Saintannounced: "The Independence
ofthe proclamation
has not
the
This document, however,
played
Domingue] is proclaimed."
January 1 document. Early on, its
same role in Haitis national history as the
existence was even called into question.
November 29, 1803, or January 1, 1804?
Symphore Linstant de PraIn his collection of Haitian laws, Jean-Baptiste
His task
Declaration of Independence.
dine began with the January 1, 1804,
and therefore the
all of the laws ofHaiti, not Saint-Domingue,
was to collect
was the Declaration of Independence.
first legal document, in his opinion,
collective memory by declaring
This decision laid the foundations for the
Beaubrun Ardouin, HaiThomas Madiou and
January 1 to be the beginning.
would follow the same
historians of the nineteenth century,
tis preeminent
1, 1804. Pradine declared. "TJhe
logic. "This collection begins on January
children of Africa, chose
the broken liberty of the
heroes of Haiti avenging
the renewal of the year, it would
this date SO that when the sun illuminated Haitians, and their first steps
the same time illuminate a new era for the
at
the
leaders chose
civilization." n3 According to Pradine, independence
toward
meaning; a new year, a new beginning. But while
January 1 for its symbolic
of the new beginning, he also emphaPradine recognized the symbolism
and ofthe need to rememsized that the event was a reminder ofa tragic past
"to burn into the
ber the sacrifices. "It was a sublime way," Pradine argued,
endured and
children the memory of the struggles that they
hearts of their
to
them a homeland." 4
the sacrifices that they made in order give
civilization." n3 According to Pradine, independence
toward
meaning; a new year, a new beginning. But while
January 1 for its symbolic
of the new beginning, he also emphaPradine recognized the symbolism
and ofthe need to rememsized that the event was a reminder ofa tragic past
"to burn into the
ber the sacrifices. "It was a sublime way," Pradine argued,
endured and
children the memory of the struggles that they
hearts of their
to
them a homeland." 4
the sacrifices that they made in order give --- Page 75 ---
60 PATRICK TARDIEU
Pradine's emphasis on the official
uary 1 was also an attempt to dismiss Declaration of Independence on Janwhat he
mors of a previous declaration
concluded amounted to ruFort-Dauphin (today
ofindependence on November 29, 1803, from
a "proclamation"
Fort-Liberté).5 He called this alleged other
in order to differentiate it from the official document
dépendance. This proclamation, he
Acte de l'Inparticular those written by
argued, appeared in histories of Haiti, in
ofthe. Anglophone
English-speaking authors. What were the motives
the November
historians on both sides oft the Atlantic to give credence
29, 1803 proclamation?
to
Pradine dismissed these rumors for two main
thors of the alleged document,
reasons: first, that the auand Augustin
Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Henry
Clervaux, were known to have been at
Christophe,
Haîtien) on that day, and not at
Cap Français (now Cap
does not seem reasonable to think Fort-Dauphin. Second, he argued that "it
island to go to a secondary
that these leaders left the capital of the
this
city, that is twelve miles
importance. "6 In his opinion,
away, to publish an act of
therefore, the
was of little importance to the
November 29 proclamation
the symbolic
founding of the new nation. The date lacked
importance, and the logistics of the event
Pradine was entirely justified in
were murky at best.
(lois et actes
beginning his collection of Haitian
d'Haiti) on January 1, 1804, because it was
laws
marked the first law oft the new state:
clearly this date that
the 1st year of the
"Done at Gonaives, this January 1st and
the
independence of Haiti. n7 Indeed it was
name "Hayti" was used in official
the first time that
it was
proclamations." 8 Pradine
unnecessary to include any laws that preceded
concluded that
pendence because he wanted to follow the lead
the Declaration of Inde1] proclamation."
of the dating on the January
More recently, however, the issue has been
of Haitian historians who
addressed by a new generation
tion. In the
see validity in the rumored November
mid-twentieth century, the historian
proclamato this question in his
Henock Trouillot returned
of Haiti. Trouillot
chapter on Thomas Madiou and the
recounted Madiou's declaration that the historiography
fiction, but he also highlighted that other
document was a
disagreed. 10 Trouillot, however,
historians, like Pauléus Sannon,
thesis that a November
provided convincing evidence to support the
ber
29, 1803, document did exist
29 and before the proclamation
because "after Novemdigenous generals
addressed to the new nation, the inHistorian
printed acts stamped: 'the first year of
>11
Gérard Mentor Laurent, author of Six études independence."
showed some of these documents
sur J. J. Dessalines,
with Laurent's
to Trouillot. In the end, Touillot
assessment that "this proves at least that
agreed
sidered themselves to be under a new
the indigenous conHow then can we not
administration." 12
agree with the historian and former president
of
before the proclamation
because "after Novemdigenous generals
addressed to the new nation, the inHistorian
printed acts stamped: 'the first year of
>11
Gérard Mentor Laurent, author of Six études independence."
showed some of these documents
sur J. J. Dessalines,
with Laurent's
to Trouillot. In the end, Touillot
assessment that "this proves at least that
agreed
sidered themselves to be under a new
the indigenous conHow then can we not
administration." 12
agree with the historian and former president
of --- Page 76 ---
THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 61
Haiti, Leslie Manigat, who argues that there is
port the existence of the November
indisputable evidence to supno original or official
29 proclamation, despite the fact that
copies exist? "I do not understand
Manigat argues, "given that this foundational
(the reluctance],"
4, 1804, in foreign newspapers. 13
text was published on January
sion from the recent
Manigat criticizes the document's exclu-
"Calendrier historique. "14 The content
Manigat argues, also provides clear evidence
ofthe document,
country's official declaration
that it should be considered the
begins, "The independence ofindependence; most obviously, the document
of Saint-Domingue is
~15
Manigat also notes that the two documents proclaimed.
and highlights that each reads
differ significantly in tone
ect,
as ifi it stems from "a
one that changed
different political projthe November
significantly just one month later. ~16 He suggests that
29 proclamation might have been tailored for
sumption" since it was printed in
"foreign conpendence. This conclusion,
Philadelphia, the site of American indethat both documents circulated however, seems unconvincing since we know
Historian Michel
widely in newspapers around the Atlantic.
vember
Hector's research supports the conclusion
29 document did in fact exist, but hel
that the Noceremonial aspects of the
highlights the importance ofthe
proclamation of Haiti's
1, 1804. Hector claims that the
independence on January
speech in Kreyôl by Dessalines, independence the
day celebrations began with a
however, has not yet been uncovered general-in-chiefofthe: army. This speech,
notes, "that there
in any archive. "We
n
was historic
only know," Hector
the waves
representation of the barbarism endured
ofcaptives under the colonial regime and
by
war against the reestablishment of
especially during the last
Félix
slavery and for independence. >17 Louis
Boisrond-Tonnerre, the secretary that
write the document, then read the official
Dessalines commissioned to
tor describes the three texts as follows: Declaration ofIndependence. Hecto the people of Haiti; the
proclamation by the general-in-chief
"process-verbal" of the
pendence of Haiti (also known
proclamation of the indeination of the
as the Acte de FIndépendance); and the nomgeneral-in-chief to the
tails surrounding the middle
government ofHaiti. Some of the desection, however
are unknown. Was it
(the procès-verbal or the
spoken or written? The
acte),
can conclude that the November
evidence suggests that the we
not quite as clear with
29 document was written, but the issue is
respect to the Januaryid
deal of emphasis on the public
document since there is a great
Despite this newi interest in ceremony surrounding its proclamation.
declaration ofi
confirming the existence of the November
independence and in ensuring its
ogy of Haiti's history, no original
rightful place in the chronolfound. The only evidence of
copies of the proclamation have yet to be
in the United
its existence is found in
States and the British Empire.
foreign newspapers
Marcus Rainsford, the British
that the we
not quite as clear with
29 document was written, but the issue is
respect to the Januaryid
deal of emphasis on the public
document since there is a great
Despite this newi interest in ceremony surrounding its proclamation.
declaration ofi
confirming the existence of the November
independence and in ensuring its
ogy of Haiti's history, no original
rightful place in the chronolfound. The only evidence of
copies of the proclamation have yet to be
in the United
its existence is found in
States and the British Empire.
foreign newspapers
Marcus Rainsford, the British --- Page 77 ---
62 PATRICK TARDIEU
Revolution, also printed the text in his An Historical
chronicler of the Haitian
Account ofthe Black Empire of Hayti (805)."
in the Era of the Haitian Declaration
Printing
ofIndependence
proclamations, and in
The Haitian government was constantly publishing included specific instructions
The documents often
fact, they never stopped.
and
the printed copies. For example:
to publish
post
of November 19, 1803, to the citizens
a) Dessalines's proclamation ends with the following note: "Permis
of the city of Cap Français
and
up).
to print
post
d'imprimer et d'afficher" (permission the Conseil des Notables of Cap
b) Similarly, the proclamation of
être publié,
December 1803, ends with: "Fait pour
Français on
5,
frimaire an XII (5 décembre 1803)"
imprimé et affiché au Cap, le13
in Cap Français).
(Made to be published, printed, and posted with up law No. 5 we see the same
c) At the beginning of 1804, beginning
of the departments to
instructions: "Directs the principal administrators
decree, which will be read, pubensure the execution of the present
p20
lished, and posted up wherever necessary.
The
decree will
law No. 6 reads as follows: "Art. 2.
present
d) Finally,
and a copy will immediately be
be printed, published, and posted up;
sent to the United States.' p21
from the time can we discuss
Only by taking into account other printings version of the January 1, 1804, Acte
the issue of manuscript versus printed
de T'Indépendance.
her doctoral thesis, Julia Gaffield disIn February 2010, while working on three texts that make up the Haitian
covered an official printed version of the
The document was an eight-page pamphlet.
Declaration of Independence.
Archives of the United Kingdom, and
Gaffield located it in The National
Previous Haitian government
there does not appear to be a copy in Haiti.
copies of the
had attempted to recover one of these printed
for
representatives
celebrations. Researchers
Declaration of Independence for anniversary
were unanniversary of independence
the centennial and sesquicentennial
for the celebrations," In February
able to find an official copy to be displayed
from the same time peGaffield discovered a second printed version,
2011, riod, this time in broadside format.
been able to find an official
Haitian historians had not
For over a century,
or manuscript)
of the Haitian Declaration of Independence (printed
copy
copy in Haiti.
copies of the
had attempted to recover one of these printed
for
representatives
celebrations. Researchers
Declaration of Independence for anniversary
were unanniversary of independence
the centennial and sesquicentennial
for the celebrations," In February
able to find an official copy to be displayed
from the same time peGaffield discovered a second printed version,
2011, riod, this time in broadside format.
been able to find an official
Haitian historians had not
For over a century,
or manuscript)
of the Haitian Declaration of Independence (printed
copy --- Page 78 ---
THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 63
in Haiti and abroad.
despite the fact that the document was widely publicized
publication,
Ardouin described the process of the proclamation,
Beaubrun
"Nevertheless, the acts published in
and distribution of the declaration:
authorities, and
and then printed, were sent to all the secondary
Gonaives
and the people, in all of the deoccasioned public celebrations: the army
the actions of
of the former French part of the island, applauded
have
partments
of Haiti's independence would only
their leaders. >23 The announcement
within Haiti. "National inif the news had been publicized
been important
Ardouin concluded, "consecrated by the
dependence was therefore ratified,"
and the new state.' n24
agreement and the union of all citizens
aux Gonaives
language that Ardouin used: actes publiés
Note the specific
and
de suite (afterin Gonaives) on the one hand,
imprimés
(acts published
Printed where? By whom? When? Manuscript
ward printed) on the other.
to all of the authorities of
printed copy? The government sent copies
and/or
however, is less descriptive. "Dessalines
the time. Thomas Madiou's account,
the entire
de
to be published throughout
ordered the Acte Mindépendance
that he commis-
" he reported, "as well as the proclamation
Haitian state,"
and his nomination to the position of Govsioned from Boisrond-Tonnere
have referred to an oral reading ofthe
ernor General. 25 While publier might
of the document's
account also emphasizes the importance
text, Madiou's
dissemination throughout the country. of the printing presses in Saintstudy of the history
In a preliminary
in the Revue de la Société Haîtienne d'Histoire
Domingue and Haiti, published
were at the service of the governet de Géographie, I argue that the presses
under the guise of
ment. 26 They could be a tool of methodical repression local
structures.
and tool of defense for the interests of the
power
science,
a
however, "the presses became a powerful
Very quickly during the revolution, libres." n27 Jean Fouchard has similarly
weapon in the hands of the nouveaux
the revolution. He argues
for the importance of the presses during
argued
the presses because they
that the leaders of the revolution never destroyed
were too important." 28
fathers continued to make good use
With independence, the founding
printer from
presses. The printer Pierre Roux, government
of the printing
Haïtien. On December 30 or 31, 1803,
1791 to 1815, lived in Cap Français/Cap
for immediate pubDessalines commissioned a text from Boisrond-Tonnere
ofthe
The manuscript original
lication by the government printing presses." the
source for the printed
of
did it serve as only
Declaration Independence, found evidence that there was a printing press
copy? To this date we have not
the declaration, before 1804.
the site of the verbal address of
in Gonaïves,
document was public proof of a new law.
During this period, the printed
made known to the local and inThis is how new laws were published and
Cap Français/Cap
for immediate pubDessalines commissioned a text from Boisrond-Tonnere
ofthe
The manuscript original
lication by the government printing presses." the
source for the printed
of
did it serve as only
Declaration Independence, found evidence that there was a printing press
copy? To this date we have not
the declaration, before 1804.
the site of the verbal address of
in Gonaïves,
document was public proof of a new law.
During this period, the printed
made known to the local and inThis is how new laws were published and --- Page 79 ---
64 PATRICK TARDIEU
This then begs the question: Was it necessary to
ternational populations.
document after the text had
the manuscript version of the printed
preserve
press and publicized throughout
been printed by the government printing doubt that the three texts were
Regardless, we know without a
the country?
within a few weeks in Port-audrafted at Gonaïves. They were then printed
documents note at the bottom "AU PORTAU-PRINCE,
Prince; the printed
De Mimprimerie du GOUVERNEMENT" that Edward Corbet, on a mission
It was indeed a printed document
of Jamaica, Lieutenantdelivered to the governor
for the British Empire,
this document, discovered
Governor George Nugent. Gaffield, in uncovering foundational texts of the first
the first
of the three
not only one oft
printings documents relating to the diplomatic hisblack republic, but also the first
documents in his history. In order
of Haiti. 30 Ardouin mentioned these
tory
Dessalines undertook great
of Haiti's independence,
to obtain recognition
of all texts (laws, decrees, and
measures: not only did he order the printing the will oft the sovereign people
proclamations), he also tried to make known
certain documents to
the nations of the world. He ordered that copies of
to
to the United States Congress:
be sent immediately
that provides a reward to the AmeriDECREE from the governor general
who return Haitians to their homeland.
can ship captains
published and posted up; and a copy
Art. 2. This decree will be printed,
will immediately be sent to the US Congress."
desire to print, from the very beginning, the
We can clearly see a manifest
in addition to the publication in
official texts ofthe new government. Today, radio and television. Decree
the Journal Officiel, the government also uses
dated January 14, 1804,
is a document
number 6 in Pradine's compilation
have to believe that the three
and its text includes instructions to print; we
well before the fourteenth.'
foundational texts were printed
author of Dictionnaire de
According to Haitian historian Max Bissainthe,
Aroudin wrote the
bibliographie haîtienne, between 1837 and 1839 Beaubrun
of Haiti. The
of the articles in L'Union that pertained to the history
majority
L'Union adds a key piece of evidence
August 4 1839. issue of the newspaper
Ardouin, claimed that Desthe debate. 33 An article, assumed to be by
to
his council about the delays created by Jean-Jacques
salines complained to
leader whom Dessalines commismixed-race
Charéron, a French-educated,
The article recounts an alleged
sioned to write a declaration ofindependence.
in which they both
interaction between Dessalines and Boisrond-Tonnerre
to
a declaration of independence.
impatiently waited for Charéron produce
key piece of evidence
August 4 1839. issue of the newspaper
Ardouin, claimed that Desthe debate. 33 An article, assumed to be by
to
his council about the delays created by Jean-Jacques
salines complained to
leader whom Dessalines commismixed-race
Charéron, a French-educated,
The article recounts an alleged
sioned to write a declaration ofindependence.
in which they both
interaction between Dessalines and Boisrond-Tonnerre
to
a declaration of independence.
impatiently waited for Charéron produce --- Page 80 ---
THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 65
on the first day of the new year:
Dessalines wanted to declare independence
"The timing could not be better. n34
of Charéron's proclamaBoisrond-Tonnerre complained about the tone
calculated, to write an unemotion, arguing, "He wants to create something instead, he
"at the
work of reflection. w35 What was needed
argued,
tional
terrible, a devastating procpresent moment, was something spontaneous,
task, the article
lamation.' >36 To complete this important and tempestuous
we
declared that "to write this act,
require
reports that Boisrond-Tonnerre of the whites for paper, and their blood for
a bayonet for the pen, the skin
was the
Dessalines that Boisrond-Tonnerre
ink. n37 These words convinced
man for the job.
Dessalines, therefore, on the night of
According to this article in L'Union,
on January 1, 1804, in
either December 30 or 31 wanted a text for publication and formality that
Haiti's independence with the splendor
order to proclaim
this document full official weight
the occasion merited. He wanted to give
What then
by having the text printed on the government printing presses. 1803? To write a
task on the night of December 31,
was BoisrondTonnerre's to have the text printed at the press?
manuscript proclamation, or
2011, she discovered a
Gaffield returned to London in February
When
Declaration of Independence. This format
broadside printing of the 1804
document could
for the time because the large, single-page
was customary
The broadside version of the Haitian
be posted in public areas for all to see.
ofthe senior officers
had been acquired by one
Declaration of Independence
Thomas Duckworth. Duckworth
of the British Admiralty in Jamaica, John
then sent the document to his superiors in London."
Haitian Documents in Foreign Archives
ofthe United Kingdom in London are a treasure trove
The National Archives
Along with both copies of
from this era of Haitian history.
for documents
the archives hold the only known copy of
the Declaration of Independence,
along with a printed copy of DesThis document,
the "Hymne Haytiène."
to be from the same printer as the
salines's Journal de Campagne, appears
What other surprises
version of the Declaration of Independence.
pamphlet find in the archives in London?
will we
copies of the Declaration of IndepenDo other yet-to-be-found printed
of a library, in Haiti or
buried in the archives or in the depths
dence exist,
A recent dissertation defended in Paris
elsewhere? Nothing is impossible.
for alternative sources. Aleand published in 2013 forces us to look
in 2010
and Gran Colombia and allows us to
jandro E. Gômez takes us to Venezuela
the
salines's Journal de Campagne, appears
What other surprises
version of the Declaration of Independence.
pamphlet find in the archives in London?
will we
copies of the Declaration of IndepenDo other yet-to-be-found printed
of a library, in Haiti or
buried in the archives or in the depths
dence exist,
A recent dissertation defended in Paris
elsewhere? Nothing is impossible.
for alternative sources. Aleand published in 2013 forces us to look
in 2010
and Gran Colombia and allows us to
jandro E. Gômez takes us to Venezuela --- Page 81 ---
66 PATRICK TARDIEU
influence of the Haitian Revolution on the former Spanish
understand the
on the collective memory of
American colonies. 39 His research sheds light of the official history bethe nation and contributes to our understanding Bolivar's
to liberate
Simon Bolivar and Alexandre Pétion and
promises
tween
the slaves in Latin America.
Empire (and its soon-to-beHaiti was of great interest to the Spanish
sometimes much more
Furthermore, the connections were
former colonies).
both
aid to the independence
practical: Dessalines and Pétion
provided in 1806 and to Bolivar in
movements in Venezuela (to Francisco de Miranda
American archives
therefore cannot write off the Spanish and Latin
1816). We
shunned at the 1826 Panama Congress (organized
simply because Haiti was
the leaders in Latin American
by Bolivar). As Gômez's research suggests,
stayed informed about events in Haiti.
of Dessalines's
1804, the governor of Venezuela received a copy
In April
the declaration of the independence of
January 1 speech, delivered during
he
state of Haiti. In a letter written to the metropolitan government,
the new
able to secure any more information on
expressed frustration in not being
and its inevitable return to the
"the unfortunate colony of Saint-Domingue
to
that he
ofthe Blacks. n40 There is nothing suggest
monstrous domination
a manuscript copy?).
was not successful in obtaining a copy (maybe
Conclusion
Louverture defied Europe by giving the nascent
On April 7, 1801, Toussaint
Napoléon, at the peak of his glory,
nation of Haiti a sovereign constitution.
slavery in the Anreacted in defense of the Christian West by reestablishing
but his leadrevolutionary was captured and deported,
tilles. The betrayed
At the congress of May 18, 1803, the
ing generals reorganized the resistance.
swore to fight (liberté ou la
united and created a new flag; the generals
army
the French army from the island. The multinational
mort) and to remove
faced the Atlantic powers and a nineteenthgroup of former slaves now
slave trade. Neverthethat was fueled by the transatlantic
century economy
1803, and consecrated
established independence on November 29,
less they
1, 1804, by declaring war against slavery
the event in a solemn act on January
trade and slavery did everything
territory. The defenders of the slave
on their
under
and everywhere
isolate the new country. Haiti was put
quarantine,
to
of "Hayti" took hold. For over twenty years,
in the Americas the syndrome
and supported the peowithout fail our leaders stood firm; they proliferated Miranda and Bolivar by
desire for freedom. Haiti, alone, dared to assist
eastern
ple's
liberate Gran Colombia. The
part
supplying men and arms to help
war against slavery
the event in a solemn act on January
trade and slavery did everything
territory. The defenders of the slave
on their
under
and everywhere
isolate the new country. Haiti was put
quarantine,
to
of "Hayti" took hold. For over twenty years,
in the Americas the syndrome
and supported the peowithout fail our leaders stood firm; they proliferated Miranda and Bolivar by
desire for freedom. Haiti, alone, dared to assist
eastern
ple's
liberate Gran Colombia. The
part
supplying men and arms to help --- Page 82 ---
THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 67
ofthe island of Hispaniola-under the control of France until 1809 when it
returned to Spanish control-was later incorporated into Haiti in 1822 and
slavery was abolished forever.
Could we ask the bossales, newly arrived from Africa, and the newly freed
creoles to have a common goal in the construction of a new nation, of a
country, or of a state? The abolition of slavery was enough to cement the new
nation, both Haiti's children and the rest of the world saw Haiti as such.
Notes
1. Hymne Haytiène
[All spelling errors are in the original; the translation is mine.]
Sur l'air: Allons Enfans de la Patrie.
Quoi tu te tais Peuple Indigène!
Quand un Héros, par ses exploits,
Vengeant ton nom, brisant ta chaîne,
A jamais assure tes droits?
Honneur à sa valeur guerrière!
Gloire à tes efforts triomphants!
Offrons-lui nos coeurs, notre encens;
Chantons d'une voix mâle et fière
Sous ce bon Père unis,
A jamais réunis,
Vivons, mourons, ses vrais Enfans.
Libres, indépendans.
De nos droits ennemis perfides,
Du Nouveau-Monde les tyrans,
Déjà les Français homicides,
Du Soleil frappaient les Enfans;
O!du Ciel éclatans prodiges!
Pour lever nos fronts abattus,
Jacque parait, ils ne sont plus,
Et l'on en cherche les vestiges.
Sous ce bon Père unis,
A jamais réunis,
Vivons, mourons, ses vrais Enfans.
Libres, indépendans.
En mer, en plaine, et sur nos cimes
Écoutez ce bruit, ces éclats;
Amis, c'est le cri des victimes --- Page 83 ---
68 PATRICK TARDIEU
Dénonçant leurs noirs attentats
Du sang d'une horde cruelle,
Oui, quand vous arrosez leurs OS,
Elles font entendre ces mots
Du sein de la nuit éternelle,
Sous ce bon Père unis,
A jamais réunis,
Vivons, mourons, ses vrais Enfans.
Libres, indépendans.
Quel est cet indigène Insulaire,
Ce lâche coeur, ce vil soldat
Qui, désormais sous sa bannière
N'affronterait point le trépas?
Qu'il parle; au défaut du Tonnerre,
Pour expier cet attentat,
Nos bras levés contre l'ingrat,
Sauront le réduire en poussière.
Sous ce bon Père unis,
A jamais réunis,
Vivons, mourons, ses vrais Enfans.
Libres, indépendans.
Amis, que la reconnaissance
Consacre ses faits, sa valeur;
Nous servirons, sous sa puissance,
Le ciel, la justice et l'honneur:
Que nos enfans, dès le bas âge,
Aiment à bégayer son nom;
Désormais Jacque est le Patron
De qui repousse l'esclavage,
Sous ce bon Père unis,
A jamais réunis,
Vivons, mourons, ses vrais Enfans.
Libres, indépendans.
CH
FIN
The National Archives of the United Kingdom, (TNA) CO 137/111)
2. Marcus Rainsford, An Historical Account ofthe Black Empire of Hayti, ed. Paul
Youngquist and Grégory Pierrot (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013), 260.
3- "Cette collection commence au premier janvier 1804, 7) Pradine declared, "Les
héros vengeurs en Haîti de la liberté outragée en la personne des enfants de l'Af
.
Libres, indépendans.
CH
FIN
The National Archives of the United Kingdom, (TNA) CO 137/111)
2. Marcus Rainsford, An Historical Account ofthe Black Empire of Hayti, ed. Paul
Youngquist and Grégory Pierrot (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013), 260.
3- "Cette collection commence au premier janvier 1804, 7) Pradine declared, "Les
héros vengeurs en Haîti de la liberté outragée en la personne des enfants de l'Af --- Page 84 ---
THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 69
le soleil qui devait éclairer le renouvellement de
rique, ont choisi cette date afin que
les Haïtiens, et leurs prel'année, éclairât en même temps une ère nouvelle pour général des lois et actes du
la civilisation." * M. Linstant Pradine, Recueil
miers pas vers
de son indépendance jusqu'à nosj jours
gouvernement d'Haiti: depuis la proclamation
(Paris: A. Durand, 1886), 1: X.
Pradine
"de graver dans le
"C'était un sublime moyen, " Linstant
argued,
efforts
4des luttes qu'ils ont endurées et des
qu'ils
coeur de leurs enfants le souvenir
Recueil
1: X.
" Linstant Pradine,
général,
ont faits pour leur donner une patrie."
see David Geggus' 's chapFor more on the November 29, 1803, proclamation
5ter in this volume.
ces chefs laissassent la capitale de
6. "D n'est pas raisonnable d'admettre que
de 12 lieues, publier un
aller dans une ville secondaire, qui en est éloignée
l'ile pour
général, 1: ix.
" Linstant Pradine, Recueil
acte de cette importance."
1804 et le ler de lindépendance d'Haiti."
7 "Fait aux Gonaives, ce ler Janvier,
Patrick
"The Naming of
8. For more on the name "Hayti," see David
Indiana Geggus, University Press,
Studies (Bloomington:
Haiti," in Haitian Revolutionary
2002). Linstant de Pradine, Recueil général, xi.
d'Haiti.
9.
Ernst Trouillot, and Henock Trouillot. Historiographie
10. Catts Pressoir,
and History, No. 168 (México: Instituto PanPan American Institute of Geography
americano de Geografia e Historia, 1953).
adressée à la nouvelle
le novembre et avant la proclamation
l'in11. "(A]près 29
des actes qui portent: an premier de
nation, les généraux indigènes posèrent
ont surtout consulté la tradition
dépendance." " Henock Trouillot, "Historiens qui
Pressoir, and
d'Haiti, ed. Trouillot,
orale: Thomas Madiou," in Historiographie
Trouillot, 151.
les
se considéraient sous une nou12. "ICjela prouve au moins que indigènes
d'Haiti, ed. Trouil-
" Trouillot, "Historiens," in Historiographie
velle administration."
lot, Pressoir, and Trouillot, 151.
donné
ce texte fondateur
pas," ' Manigat argues, "étant
que
13. "Je: ne comprends
dans la presse. ' Leslie F. Manigat,
dès le 4 janvier 1804 à l'étranger
a été publié
1803 en quatre grands faits mar-
"This Year, 2003, Is the True Bicentennial/t'années d'un politologue," ' Haiti Debrèves réflexions historiques de circonstance
quants:
mocracy Project,
of the November 29, 1803,
222rn
(accessed February 18, 2013). For more on the printing
in this volume.
proclamationi in the British newspapers, see David Geggus's chapter of the Haitian In-
"Dessalines's American Proclamations
See also Deborah Jenson,
72-102.
dependence," " Journal of Haitian Studies 15 (2009):
14. Manigat, "Lannée 1803."
Manigat, "Lannée 1803."
"L'indépendance de St Domingue est proclamée.
à
15.
différent, significativement changé
16. "[I s'agissait d'un projet politique
tard." Manigat, "L'année 1803."
peine un mois plus
the Haitian In-
"Dessalines's American Proclamations
See also Deborah Jenson,
72-102.
dependence," " Journal of Haitian Studies 15 (2009):
14. Manigat, "Lannée 1803."
Manigat, "Lannée 1803."
"L'indépendance de St Domingue est proclamée.
à
15.
différent, significativement changé
16. "[I s'agissait d'un projet politique
tard." Manigat, "L'année 1803."
peine un mois plus --- Page 85 ---
70 PATRICK TARDIEU
d'une évocation his-
' Hector notes, "qu'il s'agissait
17. "On en sait seulement,"
sous le régime colonial et plus
de la barbarie vécue par les flots de captifs
de
torique
contre le rétablissement l'esclavage
particulièrement durant la dernière guerre
in Dictionnaire
n Michel Hector, "Actes de Tindépendance."
Imet pour Tindépendance."
ed. Claude Moise (Montreal: Les éditions
historique de la révolution haitienne,
Thomas Madiou's account of the
ages/Cidihca, 2003), 23. Hector is drawing on
Imprimerie Joseph CourThomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (Port-au-Prince:
events:
tois, 1843), 3:115.
Dictionnaire historique de la révolution hai18. Text taken from Claude Moïse,
2003).
(Montreal: Les éditions Images/Cidihca,
tienne, 1789-1804
Account ofthe Black Empire oft Hayti, ed. Paul
Marcus Rainsford, An Historical
Press,
19.
Durham, NC: Duke University
Youngquist and Grégory Pierrot (1805; repr.
2013).
des départements de tenir la main
20. "Enjoint aux administrateurs principaux
oùr besoin sera. 79
du présent arrêté, qui sera lu, publié et affiché partout
àl l'exécution
Linstant Pradine, Recueil général, xii.
publié et affiché; et copie en sera
21. "Art. 2. Le présent décret sera imprimé,
immédiatement envoyée au congrès des États-Unis." Edmond Mangonès, DeLe Soir, 1903, no. 212 and 215; report by
22. Journal
des Sciences Sociales Du Tricinquantenaire de
cember 31, 1952, La Commission
Haîtienne des Pères de Saint-Esprit.
l'indépendance, located at the Bibliothèque
ce sont les
seulement l'Acte de l'Indépendance qui est introuvable;
"Ce n'est pas
notre Pacte Fondamental, l'Acte de lIndépentrois Actes qui font la synthèse de
à laquelle le "Peuple d'Haiti"
dance seul n'aurait pas de valeur sans la glorification confère la majesté à l'illustre
fut convié et sans le serment solennel de fidélité qui
forgeron de la Nation Haitienne.' 91
Gonaïves et imprimés de suite,
"Quoiqu'il en soit, les actes publiés aux
des
23.
secondaires, et occasionnèrent
réjouisfurent expédiés à toutes les autorités
les
de l'ancienne
l'armée et le peuple, dans tous départements
sances publiques:
des chefs.' 5
de l'ile, applaudirent aux résolutions
partie française
fut ainsi ratifiée, " Ardouin concludes, "consacrée
24. "L'indépendance nationale
du nouvel État. 77 Pradine, Recueil général,
l'accord et l'union de tous les citoyens
par
6:34l'État d'Haîti l'acte de Tindépendance," 91 he
"Dessalines fit publier dans tout
nomi25.
rédigée Boisrond-Tonnère, et sa
reports, "sa proclamation au peuple qu'avait Pradine, Recueil général, 2:119.
nation à la dignité de Gouverneur Général."
de Saint Domingue
Patrick D. Tardieu, "Pierre Roux et Leméry, imprimeurs
26.
d'Histoire et de Géographie d'Haiti 79, no. 218
à Haiti," Revue de la Société Haitienne
(2004): 1-30.
aux mains des nouveaux libres.' Tardieu,
27. "[EJe devint une arme puissante
"Pierre Roux et Lemery," 6.
also Jean Fouchard, Les marrons de
28. Tardieu, "Pierre Roux et Lemery," 6; see
ieu, "Pierre Roux et Leméry, imprimeurs
26.
d'Histoire et de Géographie d'Haiti 79, no. 218
à Haiti," Revue de la Société Haitienne
(2004): 1-30.
aux mains des nouveaux libres.' Tardieu,
27. "[EJe devint une arme puissante
"Pierre Roux et Lemery," 6.
also Jean Fouchard, Les marrons de
28. Tardieu, "Pierre Roux et Lemery," 6; see --- Page 86 ---
THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 71
1988; Jean Fouchard, Les marrons du
la liberté (Port-au-Prince: Henri Deschamps),
Jean Fouchard, Plaisirs de St.
(Port-au-Prince: Henri Deschamps), 1988;
syllabaire
Henri Deschamps), 1988.
Domingue (Port-au-Prince:
given to printed documents see
For more on the question of the privileges
Natio29.
L'art du livre à limprimerie nationale (Paris: Bibliothèque
Raymond Blanchot,
nale, 1951), 11, colo. 1.
of the Early NineteenthGaffield, "Haiti and Jamaica in the Remaking
30. Julia
William and Mary Quarterly 69, no. 3 (2012): 583-614.
Century Atlantic World,"
accorde une récompense aux capit-
"DÉCRET du Gouverneur général qui
31.
ramèneront des Haitiens dans leur patrie
aines des bâtiments américains qui
publié et affiché; et copie en sera im-
"Art. 2. Le présent décret sera imprimé,
médiatement envoyée au congrès des Etats-Unis."
32. Pradine, Recueil général, 7-8.
et littéraire, à Port-aun L'Union: Recueil commercial
33. "Anecdotes historiques,"
Prince, du 4 August 1839 #51,
Srameetar
(accessed February 18, 2013).
choisi." "Anecdotes historiques."
34. "Le moment ne pourrait être mieux
froide ceuvre de réflexfaire quelque chose de soigné, d'élaboré une
35- "Il veut
ion." "Anecdotes historiques."
chose de spontané, de terrible, une
la conjoncture présente, quelque
36. "[D]ans
"
foudroyante." s "Anecdotes historiques."
proclamation
semblable, se servir de la baïonnette pour plume,
37- "Il faut pour écrire un acte
encre." 11 "Anecdotes historiques."
du corps des blancs pour papier et leur sang pour
38. TNA, ADM 1/256 and MFQ 1/184.
noire. L'impact de la révolution
Alejandro E. Gômez, Le spectre de la révolution
de
39.
(Rennes: Presses Universitaires
haitienne dans le monde atlantique, 1790-1886
Rennes, 2013).
du Venezuela se procura, grâce à
40. "Plus tard, en avril 1804, le gouverneur de Dessalines, prononcé à l'ocune copie du discours du ler janvier
un particulier,
du nouvel État d'Haiti. Dans une commucasion de la déclaration d'Indépendance central, il exprime sa frustration de ne pas
nication qu'il envoie au gouvernement
d'informations sur la malheureuse
avoir été en mesure de se procurer davantage redevenue l'objet de la monstrueuse
colonie de Saint-Domingue et la fatalité d'être
de Saint-Domingue: perdes Noirs." * Alejandro E. Gômez, Le syndrome
domination
haitienne dans le monde atlantique, 1790ceptions et représentations de la révolution
Sociales, 2010), 70; "Le
Thesis, École des Hautes Études en Sciences
1886. (PhD
ministre d'État (Caracas, 24/04/1804)." Archivo
capitaine général de Caracas au
General de Indias, Estado, 68, n'12.
'être
de Saint-Domingue: perdes Noirs." * Alejandro E. Gômez, Le syndrome
domination
haitienne dans le monde atlantique, 1790ceptions et représentations de la révolution
Sociales, 2010), 70; "Le
Thesis, École des Hautes Études en Sciences
1886. (PhD
ministre d'État (Caracas, 24/04/1804)." Archivo
capitaine général de Caracas au
General de Indias, Estado, 68, n'12. --- Page 87 ---
Metaphor in the Haitian
Living by
Declaration of Independence
Tigers and Cognitive Theory
DEBORAH JENSON
the first leader of a nation built on the ruins of
Jean-Jacques Dessalines,
cultural poles of violence and
colonial slavery, emblematizes the contrary had been a French military hospoetics.' In 1804, Armand Levasseur, who
(Thomme tigre),
army camp, called him the "tiger-man"
tage in Dessalines's
the animal/man chimera
and Antoine-Henri de Jomini further developed
Dessalines as "the
beast metaphor in describing
or the anthropomorphized
But was Dessalines, as
tiger with a human face" (le tigre à figure humaine)2
or was he what we
insinuated by his European critics, more tiger than man, "man of letters," 17 and
cultural domain as a
recognize in the Western print
of this question more globally?
how should we engage with the implications
observers, without excepDessalines was acknowledged by contemporary magic that Stanislas Detion, to be unlettered. He did not have the alphabetic
literacy." Yet
as the absorption of language through
haene has characterized
of the compelling symbolism by Haitians
Dessalines is the portal to much
Anténor
and independence eras. Haitian anthropologist
in the revolutionary
illiterate, it's true," yet he saw
Firmin wrote that Dessalines was "completely for us, as the offspring of
him as the voice of the nation: "Dessalines of slavery, remains the
those who suffered the humiliating martyrdom of races, and the symbolic perofthe spirit oft the equality
first manifestation
[est), complètement illétré,
sonification of that spirit in Haiti" ("Dessalines souffert les humiliations
il est vrai, mais. Pour nous, fils de ceux qui ont
la
manide l'esclavage, nous ne pouvons y voir que première
et le martyre
des races, sentiment dont Dessalines est
festation du sentiment de légalité
Dessalines not only personresté la personnification: symbolique en Haiti").
collaborative
cultural texts through
ified symbolism but generated printed and other leaders. He was the producer
redactive processes with secretaries
significant proclamations,
of
letters: five enduringly
of a body important
national constitution, and a host of
the strikingly innovative 1805 Haitian
early poetic activFurthermore, he stimulated or solicited
other documents.
y voir que première
et le martyre
des races, sentiment dont Dessalines est
festation du sentiment de légalité
Dessalines not only personresté la personnification: symbolique en Haiti").
collaborative
cultural texts through
ified symbolism but generated printed and other leaders. He was the producer
redactive processes with secretaries
significant proclamations,
of
letters: five enduringly
of a body important
national constitution, and a host of
the strikingly innovative 1805 Haitian
early poetic activFurthermore, he stimulated or solicited
other documents. --- Page 88 ---
LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 73
Haitian state, such as the poem by the soldier Gautarel,
ity around the new
in Norman Shapiro's ex-
"You, O Great Emperorl, " which begins as follows,
pert translation:
You, who laid low
You, O great Emperor!
restored abundance, let us know
French power,
whose fair grace
Peace's delights once more; you,
Floats you to noble heights to take your place
With the immortals! Here, my halting verse
praise; you, who cast off the curse
Would sing your
shrine
Of France; you, who alone in memory's
Flout the vile Frenchman's foul and fell design
Ever to shackle you! Ah, but in vain
His base desire! For, midst the bale and bane,
Mars, god of war, chose you his favorite son!
that formal education in Western alphabetic litI have argued previously
the conditions for Dessalines's aueracy and putting pen to paper were not
and ambitions of a corpus
thorial role, but rather the shared characteristics and military colleagues
under his direction by secretaries
of work produced
issued in his name. In this essay I explore Dessalines's engagement
and
culture in the Haitian Acte de Tindépendance, or
with alphabetic and print
of how, as George Lakoff and
Declaration of Independence, as an example
and how embodied
have
we "live by" metaphor,
Mark Johnson
postulated,
appreciation of "unletmodels can facilitate the counter-intuitive
cognitive
tered" authorial models.
"life by metaphor" is his metaMy point of departure for Dessalines's notably the colonist as "bloodphoric framing of death and death's agents,
of late
In the famous "I have avenged America" proclamation
thirsty tiger."
against agents of colonialism as a parallel
April 1804, he justifies violence
"Who is that Haitian SO vile, SO
to reaction to the danger of a prowling tiger:
that he has fulfilled
that he does not believe
unworthy of his regeneration,
bloodthirsty tigers?" ("Quel est ce vil
eternal precepts by exterminating these
croit
avoir rempli les
de sa régénération, qui ne
point
Haîtien, si peu digne
altérés de sang?")
décrets éternels en exterminant ces tigres of the tiger in the Acte de lInDessalines had first used the metaphor
fresh in his compatritraumatic memories of violence
dépendance to keep
ots' memories, and to steel resolve:
and children, cast your gaze on every
Native Citizens, men, women, girls
husbands, your brothers, and
part of this Island, look for your wives, your
rempli les
de sa régénération, qui ne
point
Haîtien, si peu digne
altérés de sang?")
décrets éternels en exterminant ces tigres of the tiger in the Acte de lInDessalines had first used the metaphor
fresh in his compatritraumatic memories of violence
dépendance to keep
ots' memories, and to steel resolve:
and children, cast your gaze on every
Native Citizens, men, women, girls
husbands, your brothers, and
part of this Island, look for your wives, your --- Page 89 ---
74 DEBORAH JENSON
what do I say, look for your children, your suckling babies?
your sisters;
I shudder to say it. the prey of these
What has become of them .
saddened eye only sees
vultures. Instead of these precious victims, your blood, and whose atrothese tigers still covered with their
their assassins;
insensitivity and your culpable slowness
cious presence reproaches your
in avenging them.
of recognition of the loss of a beIn this dramatic re-creation oft the moment
infant, the community
mother's loss ofher
loved, such as the breastfeeding
them the
vision of the
Dessalines presents to
spectral
unites in mourning.
with blood. The term dégouttiger men still living in their midst, dripping the homophone gouttes, or
for bloodthirsty tigers, suggests
tants as a qualifier
the French tigers are both disgusting, and
"drips, in dégottant, "disgusting" : richness of the liquidity, the gouttes, reindripping, with blood. The sensory
-dégouttants with one "t" or
forces the processing of disgust. Both spellingsHowever, the specific
documents.
two-can be found in contemporaneous
the conventional meaning of
of dripping blood adds precision to
symbolism
"disgusting" and suggests explicit wordplay. ethical imperative to exterminate
Dessalines's metaphor of the Haitians' audiences. An 1804 poem in a Britthe bloodthirsty tiger enraged European
for letting the cat out of the
blamed the French Revolution
ish newspaper
bag, unleashing Haitian tigers:
St. Domingo's bloody journal
Tells of those who would be free,
Points to slaughter heaps diurnal,
That is French fraternity.
What has France for Europe, done, sir,
Set a savage tyger free,
Armed the father gainst the son, sir,
That is-French equality.?
her Mémoires used Dessalines's own metaphor to
Laure Junot d'Abrantès in
bloodthirsty
that the man himself was a literal, not a metaphorical,
claim
"the
tiger, and one can say that
tiger: she identifies Dessalines as
bloodthirsty etl'on peutl le dire sans métametaphor" ("ce tigre altéré de sang,
without any
that Dessalines was a bloodthirsty tiger
phore"). 10 Of course one cannot say
could say without metaphor
anymore than Dessalines
without metaphor,
Abrantès simply reversed the directhat the French were bloodthirsty tigers.
it to characterize the subject
tionality of the metaphor in her allusion, using
"the
tiger, and one can say that
tiger: she identifies Dessalines as
bloodthirsty etl'on peutl le dire sans métametaphor" ("ce tigre altéré de sang,
without any
that Dessalines was a bloodthirsty tiger
phore"). 10 Of course one cannot say
could say without metaphor
anymore than Dessalines
without metaphor,
Abrantès simply reversed the directhat the French were bloodthirsty tigers.
it to characterize the subject
tionality of the metaphor in her allusion, using --- Page 90 ---
LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 75
oft the metaphorical speech rather than the
"We're not tigers,
object oft the subject's
you are the tiger"), and further
speech (i.e.,
of the tiger trope for synthesis of the
legitimating the correctness
is "no metaphor, 7 because it yields such colonial/anticolonial battle. The tiger
the referent, creating, in Roland
a perfect mimetic representation of
de réel) in which the sign
Barthes's terminology, a reality effect (effet
nifier and
appears seamless rather than divided
signified. The tiger for Abrantès would be like
between sigcategory of reality outside of human
the tree in some
is a contingent cultural product oft the cognition and history, not the tree that
the abstract concept (signified).
semiotic "sound image" (signifier) and
Linguist George Lakoff and
1980 Metaphors We Live By that philosopher Mark Johnson proposed in the
just in language but in
metaphor "is pervasive in everyday life, not
thought and action. "11 This has become
conceptual metaphor theory. In conceptual
known as
constructed from metaphorical
metaphor theory, knowledge is
and perceptual simulations. mappings derived from sensory experience
Metaphor may provide
entation, as in "talking down" or
spatial or temporal oritems that in turn conventionalize "falling behind. " It undergirds analogy systhe general metaphor that
or cue interpretations and behaviors, as in
"loses" or "wins" in debate; argument is war. (Claims are "indefensible"; one
In
one "attacks" a position; one "duels" in
many ways, the "cognitive" approach to
rap.)
fied by "argument as war,' is old news. In the language as action, exempliliterary salons, yielded many ofthe
classical era, battlefields, not
tures. Quintilian, in Institutes
parabolic explanations of rhetorical strucI am trying to form, too, if he of Oratory, says "Would not the orator whom
soldiers
were engaged in the field of
required to be encouraged to be engaged,
battle, and his
exhortation from the most profound
draw the materials for an
could all the terrors of toil,
precepts of philosophy? For how [else]
breasts
pain, and even death, be
- p"12 In this war-sensitive
banished from their
the bar metaphorical
rhetorical tradition, the fear of death is
persuasion must lift.
The secretaries and military
would certainly have been
colleagues with whom Dessalines worked
warrior with rhetoric
cued to the age-old Western association of the
tions to
capable ofhelping soldiers to turn
advantage on the battlefield. But there is
fight-or-flight reacthe Western tradition, or only to
no reason to look only to
of priming soldiers
literacy and textual traditions, for
to fight by using fighting words.
examples
specific to privileged literary
Poetic rhetoric is not
anthologies of poems), milieus personae (such as "authors"), products (such as
or technologies of
(such as literary "schools" or
preservation (such as print
"movements"),
dition of "calling cadence," in which
culture). The US military traleader and troops in a visceral
a call-and-response song unites drill
rhythmic dynamic, relies on poetics for syn-
to look only to
of priming soldiers
literacy and textual traditions, for
to fight by using fighting words.
examples
specific to privileged literary
Poetic rhetoric is not
anthologies of poems), milieus personae (such as "authors"), products (such as
or technologies of
(such as literary "schools" or
preservation (such as print
"movements"),
dition of "calling cadence," in which
culture). The US military traleader and troops in a visceral
a call-and-response song unites drill
rhythmic dynamic, relies on poetics for syn- --- Page 91 ---
76 DEBORAH JENSON
often across social boundchronization of movement and morale-building,
aries of refined speech." 13
of rhetoric has been assoThe motor, sensory, and perceptual viscerality of the soldier. Aristotle exciated since Aristotle with the tigerlike pounce
like a lion,
when Homer described the soldier Achilles pouncing
plains that
when the narrative says simply, "the lion
he is using simile (or analogy);
term, it becomes metaphor."
pounced," removing the overtly comparative
of rhetorical study,
of Achilles, one of the inaugural images
The "pounce"
the listener's keen attention on the character
invokes animal threat to focus
of the hero's valor.
visceral
effects and
of the battlefield recalls the
somatosensory
Poetry
that Dessalines dictated to and edited
motor priming in the proclamations
salvo of the Declaration of Indewith his secretarial teams. In the opening
turn on the
he will
his countrymen to
group
pendence, Dessalines prepares
by evoking enslaved existence
de-anthropomorphize as bloodthirsty tigers be roused from the stupor of
state of
torpor. The slaves must
as a
hypnotic
that strongly evoke stillness and
captivity by means of a series of metaphors
that has for a long
movement. Where an "inhuman government
contrasting
torpor" ("'gouvernement inhumain qui
time kept us in the most humiliating la torpeur la plus humiliante"), the
tient depuis longtemps nos esprits dans
to the French factions who
Haitians must put and end (put on "un frein")
which France exposed to our eyes ("jouaient
have mocked the phantom ofliberty
France
à VOS yeux"); they
tour-à-tour du fantôme de liberté que la
exposait
In this passeize from the French ("ravir") any hope of resubjection.
must
of
the Haitians reawaken, ready to
sage, from a nearly zombified state torpor, teased a specter of freedom,
perhaps like a dulled tiger in a cage,
by
lungeof the captor as the bloodthirsty tiger,
stirred into action by the identification
the visceral threat, the analogy to their own anger.
One Declaration, Many Voices
of the Haitian Declaration of Indepencopies
As new, contemporaneous
of a collaborative verbal transmisdence come to light, evidence emerges
worked with Dessalines to
and
process in which citizens
sion
preservation
ifit were a well-loved poem. Duke Univerdeclare Haitis independence as
Declaration of Independence is
sity's newly acquired copy of the Haitian
hear a name,
phonetic spellings- s-spellings as one might
characterized by
written in Frenchrather than how it would be conventionally
for example,
another in one long hybrid, rather than reand words that blend into one
and different than
separated by spaces." 15 Punctuation is minimal
maining
, evidence emerges
worked with Dessalines to
and
process in which citizens
sion
preservation
ifit were a well-loved poem. Duke Univerdeclare Haitis independence as
Declaration of Independence is
sity's newly acquired copy of the Haitian
hear a name,
phonetic spellings- s-spellings as one might
characterized by
written in Frenchrather than how it would be conventionally
for example,
another in one long hybrid, rather than reand words that blend into one
and different than
separated by spaces." 15 Punctuation is minimal
maining --- Page 92 ---
LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 77
text found by Julia Gaffield, and French
in the government-issued printed
A sentence is missing, and anaccents are rare and often wrongly applied.
is phrased slightly differother phrase is repeated. A concluding sentence
scribe's transcription
a Haitian regional
ently. Did this manuscript represent
Such a possibility of a
of a public reading of the declaration?
from memory
from memory by locally
verbal dissemination of the text, transcribed
contemlargely
is supported by the existence of another
educated people ofletters,
set of irregularities of spelling,
manuscript copy with a different
French
poraneous
which was certified as a copie conforme by
spacing, and inclusion,
the other side of the island of Hispaniola and
General Louis Ferrand from
of declaring indepenBonaparte in 1804- A public process
sent to Napoléon
literary birth of former
dence verbally, and copying it for the idiosyncratic example of the use of poetslaves turned nation builders, presents a moving
with and contestation
the unschooled (or the less schooled) in dialogue
ics by
discourses of Western Europe.
of the revolutionary
the evocation of the mourning Haitians
In the Duke University copy,
tigers documents a new naavenging the victims of the French bloodthirsty
that one can almost
tional "coming to writing, - SO orthographically irregular
reading:
intonations of an impassioned public
hear in it the hypnotic
femmes, filles, enfants, portés VOS regards
Citoyens indigesnes, hommes,
chercsé'y, vous VOS épouses, vous VOS
sur toutes les parties de cette isle,
cherese'z -y VOS hefants
maris, vous VOS peres, vous VOS freres, quedije
fremis deledire
ala mamelle que sont ils devenus? Je
VOS enfants
inocentes votre oeil conaulieu de ces victimes
la proie de ces vautours.
des tigres degoutans encore de
sterné napercois que des assassins que
votre insensibilite et
leurs sang et dons l'affreuse presence, vous reproche
votre coupable lenteur ales venger
ofthe bones of the ancesslide into the next image,
The punctuation-free
who would solicit their company in the
unworthy Haitians
tors repulsing any
declaration's cultural alterity:
crypt, serves as a reminder of the
leurs masnes sonjé que vous avé voulus que
que attendé vous pour apaiser
vous avé chassé
de ceux de VOS perres quans
VOS restes reposans aupres dans leurs tombe sans les avoir vengés non
la tyrannie; dessenderée vous
les vostres.
leurs ossements repousseraiens
and the ancestors' ghostly agency, are
The warriors' cult of the ancestors,
that recall the "African charthe literary figures in the declaration
among
:
crypt, serves as a reminder of the
leurs masnes sonjé que vous avé voulus que
que attendé vous pour apaiser
vous avé chassé
de ceux de VOS perres quans
VOS restes reposans aupres dans leurs tombe sans les avoir vengés non
la tyrannie; dessenderée vous
les vostres.
leurs ossements repousseraiens
and the ancestors' ghostly agency, are
The warriors' cult of the ancestors,
that recall the "African charthe literary figures in the declaration
among --- Page 93 ---
78 DEBORAH JENSON
and Dessalines's own rumored African
acter" of the Haitian Revolution,
involved, despite the American
origins." 17 Declaring independence in Haiti
African "American" stance.
textual model, a distinctly
Anti-Colonial Tigers
identifications, to "brand" insurgencies
In the contest to control figurative
were already circulating as
violence, tigers
against slavery as unredeemed William Blake's 1794 poem on the tiger
critical, as well as colonial, motifs.
allusion to the events in SaintExperience may make no direct
in Songs of
established that Blake in the 1790S was preDomingue, but scholars have
notes in "Blake's Coded Designs
occupied by slavery. As Christine Gallant
in other colonies of the
of Slave Revolts, n "Blake's familiarity with slavery Stedman's Narrative of
Americas underlies his 1791-92 engravings for John Surinam." 18 Gallant asagainst the Revolted Negroes of
a Five Years Expedition
the Haitian Revolution, and that complex
serts that Blake was "electrified" by
the Middle Passage, and
allegories of plantation agriculture, slave torture,
Gallant does not inAfrican Vodou, ran through his oeuvre. Although
> I
even
of Blake's "coded designs of slave revolts,
clude "The Tyger" in the body
which Michel-Rolph
will
that the poem expresses the leap of thought,
argue
cast as the unthinkable quality, of the
Trouillot enduringly yet provocatively
Haitian Revolution."
Prometheus ("What hand, dare seize
The poem's opening allusion to
of the fire in the tiger's own eyes.
the fire") is contradicted by the location
which have for centuries
from the "forests of the night,"
The tiger surges
tigers themselves originated
been the emblem of symbolic Africa. Although
in human memory in
of Asia and are not recorded
among the megafauna
the
(chat-tigre), had been acrelative of the tiger,
jaguar
Africa, a perceived
of
in the colonial era.20 In
cidentally unleashed on the island Hispaniola
the capacity of
stanza the arc of the tiger's leap challenges
Blake's opening
skies, to invent
who reigns in distant (Western metaphysical)
the immortal,
locations of god and animal, the tropical
it, putting to test the symmetrical
divine fire, and human grasping:
wilds ofthe night and winged heaven,
Tygerl Tyger! burning bright
In the forests of the night,
What immortal hand or eye
Could frame thy fearful symmetry?
In what distant deeps or skies
Burnt the fire of thine eyes?
identally unleashed on the island Hispaniola
the capacity of
stanza the arc of the tiger's leap challenges
Blake's opening
skies, to invent
who reigns in distant (Western metaphysical)
the immortal,
locations of god and animal, the tropical
it, putting to test the symmetrical
divine fire, and human grasping:
wilds ofthe night and winged heaven,
Tygerl Tyger! burning bright
In the forests of the night,
What immortal hand or eye
Could frame thy fearful symmetry?
In what distant deeps or skies
Burnt the fire of thine eyes? --- Page 94 ---
LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 79
On what wings dare he aspire?
What the hand, dare seize the fire?
flashes ofl heat, distance undone, surprise, and
With almost adrenal impact,
condensation of the leap as a
vertical striping combine in Blake's poetic threatens to devour the reader:
movement that, like the Haitian Revolution,
in the Republic of
white consumer of print messages
the shaking, paltry,
processed the winged spring, feels
Letters. The reader, having perceptually
the tiger's point of departure
the adrenaline surge of the symmetry framing For Blake, the tiger is to the lamb
and the point to which it "aspires:i its prey.
for the reader, appedeath is to birth, as infant sorrow is to infant joy, as,
as
consumed. Jaws, fire, speed. The tiger
tite for vicarious violence is to being
of the threatening
sensorial, perceptual, and cognitive processing
represents
ofi its travails in the New World.
glory of Africa's vengeance
extended their concept of lived metaphors to
In 1999, Lakoff and Johnson
that "abstract concepts are largely
the notion ofembodied cognition, arguing
"The same neural and
metaphorical," " and that "we need a body to reason": around also create our
systems that allow us to perceive and move
we
cognitive
and modes of reason. Thus, to understand reason
conceptual systems
visual
our motor system, and
must understand the details of our
system, n21
linguists' research
mechanisms of neural binding. Cognitive
the general
for postcolonial or postslavery literary studon metaphor has the advantage,
print culture personae
ies, of not tying poetic rhetoric to specific, privileged
schools); it ties
products (books of poems), or milieus (literary
is
(authors),
universalism issuing from cognitive studies
rhetoric to cognition. This
universalism that was the banner
ripe for comparison with the humanistic
unfurled, through Eurounder which both colonialism and anticolonialism
rather than posiof the human and pursuit of negatively
centric framing
of brain science studies on
tively defined universals. The recent progress
brings us back to
specific problems in figurative language
understanding
abstract humanism positing an "a priori"
Jean-Paul Sartre's refusal of any
fide potential for what Ralph
whether this indicates bona
world, although
neurology" anchored in challenges
James Savarese has called a "postcolonial A number of subsequent behavremains to be seen.22
to "neurotypicality"
metaphor theory, notably through
ioral studies have supported conceptual does indeed influence sensory percepconfirmation that rhetorical priming "hot-headed," for example, can raise
tion. Metaphorical anger cues such as
estimates of room temperature transition from conceptual metaphor theLawrence Barsalou developed a
of the new millennium,
theory in the early years
ory to grounded cognition modal
as distinct from amodal symfocusing on explanations for
systems,
James Savarese has called a "postcolonial A number of subsequent behavremains to be seen.22
to "neurotypicality"
metaphor theory, notably through
ioral studies have supported conceptual does indeed influence sensory percepconfirmation that rhetorical priming "hot-headed," for example, can raise
tion. Metaphorical anger cues such as
estimates of room temperature transition from conceptual metaphor theLawrence Barsalou developed a
of the new millennium,
theory in the early years
ory to grounded cognition modal
as distinct from amodal symfocusing on explanations for
systems, --- Page 95 ---
80 DEBORAH JENSON
and uses of knowledge. For Barsalou, simulation
bols, in the constitution
motor, and introspective states
involving "the reenactment of perceptual,
and mind" is a holistic
experience with the world, body,
acquired during
states across the modalities and intestructure in which "the brain captures
stored in memory. n24 Barsagrates them with a multimodal representation and other forms of modal symbollou argues that simulated embodiments
words,
are not
causal roles in cognition; in other
representations
ism play
but primary and foundational to cognition.
secondary and epiphenomenal,
which I will adapt in this essay to the
Barsalou's grounded cognition theory,
mimesis-which Erich Auerrhetoric, implicitly situates
notion of grounded
of reality"--not: as an aesthetic
bach famously defined as the "representation
mechanism of
reflective modes, but as a fundamental
product of specialized
diverse sensory, percepthe brain's ability to synthesize and operationalize with the world.25 More recent
tual, motor, and stored traces of the encounter
of observation and
as a basic alignment
elaborations on grounded cognition
Deborah Jenson and Marco Iacoaction execution in neuronal firing include
biomimesis, " in which ontological representation
boni's theory of "literary
and artistic
of literary
representation.*
in the brain models the engineering
is certainly not the only
Neuroscientific research on figurative language
uniof
thought as a cognitive
discipline to lend itself to the study analogical
culture. For example,
of literary print
versal rather than a particular product
travel writing, and naturalist naranthropology, like its cousins ethnography, their rhetorical impact outside
utterances and
rative, also studies meaningful
and coded in elite intellectual
of the Republic of Letters as they are mapped
with what the figAnd literary criticism at times has engaged
communities.
the
" who could be
Srinivas Aravamudan has defined as "tropicopolitan,"
ure
inhabitant of the tropical cosmopolis, but also as
understood not only as an
within that liminal environment-incduding
the troping persona/trajectory
Yet research on metacareers in letters of the unlettered.
the paradoxical
look, a close-up, a reading at
phor by neuroscientists allows a microscopic
even when we die by the
the neuronal level, of how we live by metaphor,
against the demovements, but in movements
sword, not only in literary
and even when illiterate, which was
anthropomorphizing system of slavery,
arguably the level on which it interested Dessalines.
Hemispheres of Cognition
Republics of Letters,
the "dread hand" and "dread feet" in the slave
of
The sensory apprehension rhetorical form in Haitian writer Ignace Nau's
insurgency takes a visceral
memories of an elderly mill
1837 account of the alleged early revolutionary
"Le Lambi"
Vieux Jérome). The short prose piece
operator, "Old Jerome" (le
only in literary
and even when illiterate, which was
anthropomorphizing system of slavery,
arguably the level on which it interested Dessalines.
Hemispheres of Cognition
Republics of Letters,
the "dread hand" and "dread feet" in the slave
of
The sensory apprehension rhetorical form in Haitian writer Ignace Nau's
insurgency takes a visceral
memories of an elderly mill
1837 account of the alleged early revolutionary
"Le Lambi"
Vieux Jérome). The short prose piece
operator, "Old Jerome" (le --- Page 96 ---
LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION
(The Conch Shell), published in the Haitian
Jerome opening up to his bon bourgeois
newspaper L'Union, features
startling acoustic poetics of the
(good bourgeois) interlocutor on the
had
insurgency. 28 After
conquered Port-au-Prince and chased
Léger-Félicité Sonthonax
black saliniers, when the
away the colonist Borel and his
recounts that
country was trembling in
a man six feet tall, and with the
every member, Jerome
Halaou. He divided his
girth of two men, appeared:
most ofwhom
army into several sections, each with its
were aligned with African communities
own chief,
One evening Halaou
or "nations."
had a caplata
camped on the plantations Meilleur and Laserre, He
(caprelata, a figure in the non-Catholic
dain, bless, and make the soldiers
priest corps) come to orgives a white cock for the
invulnerable to their enemies. The caplata
troops to exhibit and caress, which
precious talisman and a banner, a
would serve as a
are instructed to run into battle coq merveilleux. All the soldiers of Halaou
The
whipping pigs' and horses' tails
enemy canon fire would liquefy in
in the air.
their shelters, terrifying the
response, and birds would flee from
colonists. Then the
seventy and eighty men assotor drums,
caplata would give between
cauldrons with which to
conch shells, and the debris of sugar
perform a frightful serenade all around Halaou.
Halaou! tym, pan, dam!
Canon cé bambou: tym, pan, dam!
La poud cé dlau: tym, pan, dam!
(Halaou! tym, pan, dam!
Canons become bamboo: tym, pan, dam!
Gunpowder becomes water: tym, pan, dam!)
Halaou walks back and forth among this
by this music. Then, to
sonorous army, ravished to ecstasy
and
complete this scene, he orders the
buildings to be torched. Amid the roar of the
neighboring huts
beat ofthe music! The French sentinel
flames, men dance to the
ofthe
disquiet: "Captain, put your ear to the ground!" Croix-des-Bouquets listens with
a truly strange sound! The earth is
The captain responds, "What
entrails." 77
churning a disturbing music deep in its
Or as William Blake would put it:
What the hammer? what the chain,
In what furnace was thy brain?
What the anvil? what dread
Dare its deadly terrors clasp! grasp,
. Amid the roar of the
neighboring huts
beat ofthe music! The French sentinel
flames, men dance to the
ofthe
disquiet: "Captain, put your ear to the ground!" Croix-des-Bouquets listens with
a truly strange sound! The earth is
The captain responds, "What
entrails." 77
churning a disturbing music deep in its
Or as William Blake would put it:
What the hammer? what the chain,
In what furnace was thy brain?
What the anvil? what dread
Dare its deadly terrors clasp! grasp, --- Page 97 ---
82 DEBORAH JENSON
beats and talismanic birds, canons magically becoming bamboo
Cauldron
becoming water through analogy to
through analogy to bamboo, gunpowder
to return to the lexicon of Lawater-these were "metaphors we live by,"
of the slaves'
This "disturbing music" represents a poetics
koff and Johnson.
much later, and much less directly, processed
insurgency that was only
and transcription of an elder's
through literacy, in the form of Nau's pursuit environment in which chanted
story in the 1830s. The Halaou story shows an
"instruments" available
combined with musical rhythms using
rhetoric was
worlds, like horses' tails or fragments of sugar
from the animal or industrial
trance effect. "Tym, pan, dam!"
cauldrons, to create a powerful incantatory that one can literally hear it by
Rhetoric and musicality are SO "grounded"
putting an ear to the ground.
Illiterate Poets of the Western/Left Hemisphere?
has been the provenance of the literate,
In modern Western history, poetry
salons and schools and manthe poet with quill or pen, connected to literary
but that alphabetic
terms, there is no question
ifestoes. In neurobiological
texts-bears a left-brain
literacy-the capacity to read and write alphabetic
even the malesions damage reading capacities;
signature. Left hemisphere
left hemispheric dominance for
jority of left-handed people demonstrate
of contralaterality)."
reading (contradicting the physiological phenomenon the Wada test, or by a surgiWhen the left hemisphere is isolated through in the treatment of epilepsy,
cal procedure called a commissurotomy, used
scores on standardized
patients can still produce normal verbal intelligence often has little impact
neurological damage
tests; likewise, right hemisphere
and lexicon)"
on syntax, phonology,
literacy in print cultures has
The left-brain correlation with alphabetic
to a certain
since the late nineteenth century,
also extended more broadly,
The French anthropologist and surunderstanding of language and logic.
published 1888
articulated in his posthumously
geon Paul Broca (1824-1880)
we direct the movements of writing,
Mémoires d'anthropologie that "Just as
we speak with the left
drawing, embroidery, etc., from the left hemisphere, >31 In the same era, Karl
hemisphere"; as verbal beings, we are "left-brained."
for the recepWernicke found another left temporal lobe region responsible Wernicke's area.
rather than the production of language, now called
tion
like Dessalines, many of whom were
How would anticolonial insurgents
not only from oral
from Africa in their youth, who transitioned
kidnapped
of knowledge (and from one set oflanto print systems of the preservation
from freedom to enslavement,
to another), but also (in most cases)
guages
31 In the same era, Karl
hemisphere"; as verbal beings, we are "left-brained."
for the recepWernicke found another left temporal lobe region responsible Wernicke's area.
rather than the production of language, now called
tion
like Dessalines, many of whom were
How would anticolonial insurgents
not only from oral
from Africa in their youth, who transitioned
kidnapped
of knowledge (and from one set oflanto print systems of the preservation
from freedom to enslavement,
to another), but also (in most cases)
guages --- Page 98 ---
LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 83
rhetoric to harness poetics effectively in a discourse
be sufficiently attuned to
ofvengeance2t
Savarese and Julie Kane, have recently argued
But scholars, including
processing dominance, is
including left-brain language
that neurotypicality,
of writing and alphabetic literacy, not a
partly determined by the privileging
at least once they are acculturprecondition for it.33 People are left-brained,
and scientific traated to writing and the texts ofthe rationalist philosophical didactic
"On the Poetic
ditions. Nicolas Boileau's seventeenth-century between poem, rational thought
Arts" (1674) creates a kind of epigrammatic loop
and its inscription in writing:
Avant donc d'écrire, apprenez à penser
Ce que l'on conçoit bien s'énonce clairement,
Et les mots pour le dire arrivent aisément.
(Before starting to write, learn to thinkWhatever is well conceived is clearly said,
And the words to say it flow with ease.)
differ from the "referential" or "techKane claims that poetry and poetics
and that "the absence of
associated with the left hemisphere,
nical" speech
in the brains of preliterate and illitleft-hemispheric dominance for language
exhibit so-called 'magical'
erate persons may explain why those populations n34 As Savarese summarizes:
thinking rich in righthemispheric features.
think of
in precisely this way: as a stubKane proposes that we
poetry
and consumed
born holdover from oral culture, a holdover now practiced and animals
written form. "To view inanimate objects, plants,
in private
and will," she explains, "to grasp abas endowed with conscious agency
which embody them, is to
stract ideas in the form of concrete images
Native Amerinhabit the mythic world of the ancient Greeks, Egyptians, of phonetic
and countless other cultures prior to the introduction
icans,
right
Investigating the role ofthe non-dominant
alphabetic print literacy."
Kane links poets (who,
hemisphere in the production of poetic language,
write),young
inhibit the left hemisphere when they
she believes, partially
lateralized to the left), and pre-literate
children (who have not yet fully
peoples. 35
for the identification and cultural valPoetry is becoming a crucial portal
Recent brain research inspired by
orization of neurodiverse cognitive styles.
have
metaphor theory and grounded cognition
the challenge of conceptual
to the introduction
icans,
right
Investigating the role ofthe non-dominant
alphabetic print literacy."
Kane links poets (who,
hemisphere in the production of poetic language,
write),young
inhibit the left hemisphere when they
she believes, partially
lateralized to the left), and pre-literate
children (who have not yet fully
peoples. 35
for the identification and cultural valPoetry is becoming a crucial portal
Recent brain research inspired by
orization of neurodiverse cognitive styles.
have
metaphor theory and grounded cognition
the challenge of conceptual --- Page 99 ---
84 DEBORAH JENSON
recruitment of sensory and motor areas of the brain,
focused precisely on the
suggested by their bilateral distribution,
and the interhemispheric activation
and simulations in poetry.
to account for complex metaphorical mappings Randall Stilla, and Krish SathIn 2012, Emory neuroscientists Simon Lacey,
to better
on the neural basis of metaphor processing
ian published a study
are not limited to classical language
understand why lexicalized metaphors
codes, distinct from the sensory
in abstract
areas. Is knowledge "represented
was acquired, 7) or is it "represented
through which the knowledge
modalities
77 with cognition depending on
in modal systems derived from perception, become a crucial arena for brain
"perceptual simulations"2 Metaphor has
stabilized, and
research to determine how knowledge is constituted,
science
communicated.
of metaphor by testLacey et al. sought to localize the sensory properties
activmetaphors and their recruitment of domain-specific
ing texture-based
of having a "rough" day, does the
ity in the sensory cortex. When we speak texture as well as the notion of unbrain react to associations with abrasive
processed as unpleasant to the
pleasantness2" Is a "slimy" person likewise
cortex refers not only to
The sensory
touch as well as morally questionablezs- is the home for the primary somatosenthe bilateral postcentral gyrus that
cortices of the senses in the left
sory cortex, and to the primaryand secondary
association cortex,
hemisphere, but also to the somatosensory
and the right
information such that the object being sensed and
which integrates sensory
understood. Texture is perceived hapticallyperceived is an object being
touch-and visually.
involving the recognition of objects through
of familiar texevent-related fMRI to compare the processing
Using rapid
of literal sentences conveying similar
tural metaphors with the processing
"preliminary evidence for the
meanings, Lacey and his colleagues gathered activates texture-selective SOhypothesis that processing textural metaphors
to described limited eviareas.' >39 This allowed the researchers
matosensory
of metaphors, indirectly supporting
dence for the perceptual comprehension
hypothesis that "knowledge
embedded philosophy of cognition
the culturally
mappings derived from physical experiis structured around metaphorical
Emblems of lettered vocations,
ence.' >40 Anyone with a body can be a poet.
and socially supfrom the quill to poetic languor, are historically contingent
to the place of rhetoric in embodied cognition.
plementary
in "The Neural Career of Sensory-Motor Metaphors"
Rutvik Desai et al.
like "The daughter grasped
have shown that neural responses to literal action,
the idea," 71
like "The
grasped
>
the flowers,' and to metaphorical action, involved public in action planning, but
both activated the left anterior parietal lobule recruited from right hemispheric
that the metaphorical action additionally
have further41 Michele Diaz and Larson Hogstrom
sensory-motor systems."
or, are historically contingent
to the place of rhetoric in embodied cognition.
plementary
in "The Neural Career of Sensory-Motor Metaphors"
Rutvik Desai et al.
like "The daughter grasped
have shown that neural responses to literal action,
the idea," 71
like "The
grasped
>
the flowers,' and to metaphorical action, involved public in action planning, but
both activated the left anterior parietal lobule recruited from right hemispheric
that the metaphorical action additionally
have further41 Michele Diaz and Larson Hogstrom
sensory-motor systems." --- Page 100 ---
LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 85
language engages the right inferior fronmore demonstrated that figurative
influences
and that the degree of novelty in metaphor especially
tal gyrus
recruitment of the right hemisphere." like Toussaint Louverture's parDessalines's lack of alphabetic literacy, be considered in the context
alphabetic literacy, must
tial or idiosyncratic
and its fostering of collective speech
of military culture in Saint-Domingue
Should we be theorizwith varied educational training.
acts among groups
rather than the absence of
ing a vicarious or cooperative alphabetization, borrowing the neuroscience metaphor
alphabetization? Should we consider
and areas ofthe brain to describe
ofthe "recruitment" of different structures "recruitment" of the highly develDessalines's-and other Haitian leaders'-
centers of their more sociooped alphabetic and printed cultural language
to complement
elite, Euro-educated, mixed-race confraternity,
economically
Beyond the obvious practical outsourcing
their particular verbal strengths? had to have had a rhetorical education very
oft the writing of texts, Dessalines verbal rhetor, or speaker, in that specifically
different from that of a purely
in the editing of his thinklettered interlocutors were trained and employed
brain model
behest. Vittorio Gallese's critique of the solipsistic
ing, at his
approach to theory of mind
and intermental
of an ultimately interpersonal
of establishing impermeable walls
and mind reading, suggests the naiveté
in our social lives.
and nonalphabetized cognition
between alphabetized
hemispheres to deconstruct models
Even when we raise the issue ofbrain the notions of right hemisphere
left-brain dominance, are
ofl literacy-related
the latest allegories of torrid zones and
and left hemisphere in the brain
biased relegations of magical
Western metropolitan centers? Do we assign
to the West? Should
spheres and of rationalism
thinking to non-Western
hemispheres (currently "North" and
brain and global
we be considering
hemisphere is to rationality as right hemi-
"South") as analogical pairs-left
racial divides of the "West
Are the hegemonic
sphere is to magical thinking?
and the "Global South, analogical
and the rest," ' or the northern hemisphere
ofbiased and binaristic
in the brain in a world
to the politics ofhemispheres to contest literacy and literary achievement
associations? Should we be ready
as a "fearful symmetry" of colonial thought?
to hemispheres is at the
Intriguingly, the anthropological relationship Broca, the "discoverer"
origins of what we now know as neuroscience.
very
who did some of his pioneerof Broca's area, was a physical anthropologist in the context of his exploration of
ing neuroanatomical surgical research
Haitian anthropologist
presumed racial differences. The ninetenth-century Louis Joseph Janvier and
Anténor Firmin, along with his Haitian colleagues milieu of Broca in Paris, inJ. B. Dehoux, shared the neuro-anthropological founded by Broca in 1859. Firmin refers
cluding the Société d'anthropologie
the "discoverer"
origins of what we now know as neuroscience.
very
who did some of his pioneerof Broca's area, was a physical anthropologist in the context of his exploration of
ing neuroanatomical surgical research
Haitian anthropologist
presumed racial differences. The ninetenth-century Louis Joseph Janvier and
Anténor Firmin, along with his Haitian colleagues milieu of Broca in Paris, inJ. B. Dehoux, shared the neuro-anthropological founded by Broca in 1859. Firmin refers
cluding the Société d'anthropologie --- Page 101 ---
86 DEBORAH JENSON
des races humaines, sometimes posito Broca dozens of times in De légalité
brains and other painful
tively, but also in terms of the weighing of ethnic nineteenth-century scistate of many
reminders of the racially inegalitarian references to Broca in Firmin's work,
entific fields. 44 Of the eight or more
deduct from this new
systems: "What should we
many contest classificatory
Debates over the anatomy of the nervous
foundation for classification2
fundamental preoccupafar-flung ethnicities are a
system in geographically
affirmed that Broca "was not always deaf to
tion of Firmin's book. Firmin
found himself pulled
truth" and suggests that Broca only later, regrettably,
the métissed offand polygenesis after studying
into debates on monogenesis nevertheless, he is part of a key scientific obstacle
spring of a rabbit and hare;
of the equality of the races.
to Firmin's goal
Animals and A Prioris
without a prioris contrasts starkly with
The Sartrean ideal of a humanism
epistemologies that attended
the comparative evolutionary anthropological know it. It was in the context of this
the genesis of neuroscience as we
the
author of De
nineteenth-century culture of naturalism that
anonymous
in the
the proliferation of animal analogies
la gérontocratic en Haiti critiqued
author complained that
characterization ofl Haitian leaders. This anonymous
abound between
in the work of French writer Gustave d'Alaux, Dessalines "Affinities is like a lion, Chrisand wild beasts: Toussaint is fox-like,
negroes
the collection would be incomplete
tophe is like a tiger, Riché is like a bull;
the gorilla. 7 ("[EJntre les
if Soulouque were not charged with representing du renard dans Touset les bêtes féroces, les affinités abondent: ilya
dans
nègres
Dessalines, du tigre dans Christophe, du taureau
saint, du lion dans
si Soulouque n'était pas chargé de
Riché. La collection ne serait pas complète
but all the early Haitian leadreprésenter le gorille. ") Not just Dessalines,
cerebral map of abstract,
in their threat to a Eurocentric
ers were tigerlike
de Tussac in Cri des colons (1810) likewise
rational man. François-Richard
but also Louverture and Rigaud as
separately describes not only Dessalines
hand will obey nature's irretiger men: "[A] tiger unleashed by an imprudent
obéit au
" ("UJn tigre déchainé par une main imprudente,
sistible penchant."
Even the friends of blacks were considirrésistible de la nature. ")45
penchant
to the Amis des noirs in a parliamentary
ered tigerlike, as in this reference
which he accused the abolitionist
speech by the Earl of Westmoreland, in
trade interests: "But is
revolution in order to take over
group of fomenting
shall come, and this country
it reasonable to suppose, that whenever peace
in human frame shall
every other trade, those tygers
shall have engrossed
have
Furtherlucrative trade which we should
relinquishedznot seize a
irrésistible de la nature. ")45
penchant
to the Amis des noirs in a parliamentary
ered tigerlike, as in this reference
which he accused the abolitionist
speech by the Earl of Westmoreland, in
trade interests: "But is
revolution in order to take over
group of fomenting
shall come, and this country
it reasonable to suppose, that whenever peace
in human frame shall
every other trade, those tygers
shall have engrossed
have
Furtherlucrative trade which we should
relinquishedznot seize a --- Page 102 ---
LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 87
himself used the figure of speech to discredit Desmore, Henry Christophe
salines after his death.
force could have made both
Thus when William Blake asked if the same
Manichean
and the lamb, he indirectly evoked the symmetrical,
the tiger
typologies ofracial species speculations:
When the stars threw down their spears
And water'd heaven with their tears:
Did he smile his work to see?
Did he who made the Lamb make thee?
"Novel" Metaphors
the brain's left hemisphere is commonly believed
Kane argues that "though
number of sub1 the right hemisphere possesses a
to be the'seat oflanguage,"
a kind of cognitive synesthefunctions," n most of them linked to
tle linguistic
and perceptual recognition of evoked
sia through the sensory apprehension by Lacey et al. of the textural properties
material properties, as in the analysis
of the motoric valences
ofthe metaphor of a "rough" day: Some processing And there is evidence,
action-related words also occurs in the right brain.
to
of
Trimble, that "the links from the limbic structures
according to Michael
than those in the left
to a greater degree
the right hemisphere . developed
precedes reason." >51 But Iain Mchemisphere, suggesting that "language is above all suited to nonfocal
Gilchrist suggests that the right hemisphere
or innoof related meanings and to novel figuration-unusual
activations
These all add up to a series of functions that are, n52
vative linguistic usages.
with 'poetry' or poetic' speech.
according to Kane, "virtually synonomous conventional or clichéd figures of
There is a caveat, however: completely
speech are still processed in the left hemisphere.
of the brain is
localization of cognitive function in a given part
Rigid
research on poetics. Epistemologies
not the point of recent neurobiological
hold increasingly little credmapped according to hemispheric localization
cognitive specialties by
ibility in neuroscience. Modulation of hemispheric
by inwhich coordinates activity in one hemisphere
the corpus callosum,
makes the double negative of
hibiting the activity of the other hemisphere,
cerebral
of
than
geographies
disinhibition and inhibition more persuasive
activation tells
Recent neuroscience on right hemispheric poetic also reveals
thought.
not the prerogative of the educated. It
us that poetry is absolutely
which processes responses related
that poetry stimulates limbic function,
Dessalines's rhetorical desuch as fear and pain. The unlettered
to survival
serves as an iconic reminder that poetics are
ployment of the pouncing tiger
activity in one hemisphere
the corpus callosum,
makes the double negative of
hibiting the activity of the other hemisphere,
cerebral
of
than
geographies
disinhibition and inhibition more persuasive
activation tells
Recent neuroscience on right hemispheric poetic also reveals
thought.
not the prerogative of the educated. It
us that poetry is absolutely
which processes responses related
that poetry stimulates limbic function,
Dessalines's rhetorical desuch as fear and pain. The unlettered
to survival
serves as an iconic reminder that poetics are
ployment of the pouncing tiger --- Page 103 ---
88 DEBORAH JENSON
experience, as important
of visceral sensoriperceptual
in part a mastering
as to the colonists trying to keep
to former slaves in their military strategies
African "tiger men" taboo.
Notes
called Dessalines the "African tiger" (tigre afric1. Michel-Etienne Descourtilz
observations (Paris: Dufart, 1809)
Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses
ain).
3:268.
Evénemens qui ont procédé et suivi lévacuation de Saint2. Armand Levasseur,
de Varmée (Paris: Desprez, 1804), 30;
Domingue, publiés par un oficier de Tétat-major militaire des guerres de la révolution
Antoîne-Henri de Jomini, Histoire critique et
(Paris: Chez Anselin et Pochard, 1824), 15:103.
The New Science of How We Read
See Stanislas Dehaene, Reading in the Brain:
3-
(New York: Viking, 2009).
humaines (anthropologie positive) (Paris:
Anténor Firmin, De légalité des races
4Librairie Cotillon, 1885), 542.
the November 29, 1803, preliminary proc5- Among Dessalines's legacy are:
Clervaux, and Christophe, and
lamation of Haitian liberty, signed by Dessalines,
1804; the January 1804
published in the United States in the first days of January third week of January
first published in Haiti in the
Declaration of Independence,
in March 1804; the April 28 "I
and in the US, not as a complete text but in parts, in the US in June 1804; the
America" proclamation, first published
Deshave avenged
inhabitants of the Spanish part of Hispaniola; and
May 8 proclamation to the
nomination, first published in the
salines's late August acceptance of his imperial
poem that
October 1804. As examples, see the apparently pre-independence
US in
National Archives of the United Kingdom; "Hymne
Julia Gaffield uncovered in The
" Gauterel, on
and the poem signed by one of Dessalines's "grenadiers.
in the
Haytiène";
Dessalines's feast day, published August 1, 1805,
the occasion of Emperor
in Poetry of Haitian Inet commerciale d'Hayti. This poem appears
Gazette politique
trans. Norman Shapiro (New
ed. Doris Kadish and Deborah Jenson,
dependence,
Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2015). Narrative: Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts
6. See Deborah Jenson, Beyond the Slave
Press, 2011); and "Desin the Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: Liverpool University
Journal of Haitian
Proclamations of the Haitian Independence,
salines's American
Studies 15, no. 1/2 (2009): 72-102.
match the appendix in
The translations of the Declaration of Independence
unless otherwise noted. Jean-Jacques
this volume; all other translations are mine
known by the phrase "I have
Dessalines, "Aux Habitants d'Hayti," (Commonly
avenged America"] April 28, 1804.
or Declaration of Inreferences to the Haitian Acte de Mindépendance
8. All
of Haitian
Proclamations of the Haitian Independence,
salines's American
Studies 15, no. 1/2 (2009): 72-102.
match the appendix in
The translations of the Declaration of Independence
unless otherwise noted. Jean-Jacques
this volume; all other translations are mine
known by the phrase "I have
Dessalines, "Aux Habitants d'Hayti," (Commonly
avenged America"] April 28, 1804.
or Declaration of Inreferences to the Haitian Acte de Mindépendance
8. All --- Page 104 ---
IN THE DECLARATION 89
LIVING BY METAPHOR
Archives of the United Kingdom (TNA) version
dependence are to The National
unless otherwise noted, Colonial Office (CO) 137/m1/1.
in The Patriot's Vocal
"The British Lion, or the New Viva la,"
9. Anonymous, Printed for the Booksellers ofIreland, 1804), 47.
Miscellany (Dublin:
Mémoires de madame la duchesse d'Abrantès (Brux10. Laure Junot d'Abrantès,
elles: Société belge de librairie, 1837), 2:217.
We Live By (1980; repr. Chicago:
Lakoff and Mark Johnson, Metaphors
11. George
The University of Chicago Press, 2008), 4an Orator in Twelve Books,
Institutes of Oratory: or, Education of
12. Quintilian,
Bell and Sons, 1903), book XII, chap. 1,
trans. John Selby Watson (London: George
397-98.
"Cadence Calls: Military Folklore in Action" (Missouri
13. See Kent Lineberry,
Folklore Society, 2002),
CEPSE
(accessed November 1, 2013).
Sxbolncaieru-oaiend
D.A. Talboys, 1833),
Hobbes, Aristotle's Treatise on Rhetoric (Oxford:
14. Thomas
223.
Rubenstein Library copy of the Acte de lIndépen15- See the Duke University
dance,
-
ration-efindgpendence/
and the "Era de francia" in what is now the Dominican
16. For more on Ferrand
Ghetto, Ghettos of States: Haiti and the
Republic, see Deborah Jenson, "States of
The Global South 106, no.
'Era de Francia'i in the Dominican Republic, 1804-1808, certified by Ferrand is on the
An image of the manuscript copy
Univer1 (Fall 2012):156-71.
The Haiti Issue (New Haven, CT: Yale
cover of Yale French Studies, No. 107:
manuscript copy of the
ed. Deborah Jenson. I found the Ferrand
sity Press, 2005),
in the Paris National Archives in 2004: AN
Haitian Declaration of Independence
AF III 210.
Dessalines and the African Character of
17. See Deborah Jenson, "Jean-Jacques
69, no. 3 (July 2012): 615-38.
the Haitian Revolution,' William and Mary Quarterly
Revolts, 17 Wordsworth CirGallant, "Blake's Coded Designs of Slave
18. Christine
cle 42, no. 3 (Summer 2011): 211.
Innocence and Songs of Experience
William Blake, "The Tyger," Songs of
www
19.
States of the Human Soul (London: W. Blake, 1794),
Shewing the Two Contrary
manf-de-esre-ve
the island of Hispaniola was the imported
20. The closest thing to a tiger on
Histoire naturelle, générale
See George Louis Leclerc de Buffon,
jaguar, the chat-tigre.
royale, 1761), 9:202.
et particulière (Paris: de TImprimerie
in the Flesh: The Embodied Mind
Lakoff and Mark Johnson, Philosophyi
21. George
(New York: Basic Books, 1999), 3-4and Its Challenge to Western Thought
exhausts all possibility of
relation with the Other is a priori, it thereby
22. "Ifi my
and Nothingness (1943; repr. London:
relation with others." " Jean-Paul Sartre, Being
"Toward a Postcolonial NeurolRoutledge, 2003), 273; see Ralph James Savarese,
: de TImprimerie
in the Flesh: The Embodied Mind
Lakoff and Mark Johnson, Philosophyi
21. George
(New York: Basic Books, 1999), 3-4and Its Challenge to Western Thought
exhausts all possibility of
relation with the Other is a priori, it thereby
22. "Ifi my
and Nothingness (1943; repr. London:
relation with others." " Jean-Paul Sartre, Being
"Toward a Postcolonial NeurolRoutledge, 2003), 273; see Ralph James Savarese, --- Page 105 ---
90 DEBORAH JENSON
of the Body' 71 Journal ofLiterary and
Tito Mukhopadhyay,. and a New Geo-poetics
ogy: Cultural Disability Studies 4, no. 3 (2010): 273-89.
The Emet al., "Hot-Headed' Is More Than an Expression:
23- B. M. Wilkowski
in Terms of Heat,' ' Emotion 9 (2009): 464-77
bodied Representation of Anger
Annual Review of Psychology 59
Lawrence Barsalou, "Gounded Cognition,
24.
(2008): 618.
of Reality in Western Literature,
Erich Auerbach, Mimesis: The Representation
25.
NJ: Princeton University Press, 1953).
trans. Willard J. Trask (Princeton,
Iacoboni, "Literary Biomimesis: Mirror
26. See Deborah Jenson and Marco
' California Italian Studies
Neurons and the Ontological Priority of Representation,
2, no. 1 (2011), Srmasareomari Colonialism and Agency, 1688See Srinivas Aravamudan, Tropicopolitans:
27.
NC: Duke University Press, 1999).
1804 (Durham,
historiques (Le Lambi)," " L'Union no. 18, April 20,
28. Ignace Nau, "Souvenirs
1837.
Instinct (New York: William Morrow, 1994).
29. Steven Pinker, The Language
The Integrated Mind (New York:
30. J E. LeDoux and Michael S. Gazzaniga, Levine,
Verbal ReaLI. Benowitz, K. Moya, and D.
"Impaired
s
Plenum Press, 1978);
with Right Hemisphere Damage,"
soning and Constructional Apraxia in Subjects
Neuropsychologica 28, no. 3 (1990): 231-41.
that yielded the conThe anatomical studies oft the brains of aphasic patients
31.
portion ofthe frontal lobe ofthe left hemisphere
cept of Broca's area in the posterior
Broca, Mémoires d'anthropologie (Paris:
began in 1861. Paul Broca and Auguste
C. Reinwald, 1888), 5: 90.
Dessalines and the African Character of the Hai32. See Jenson, "Jean-Jacques
tian Revolution."
framed as historically contingent
Whether alphabets should be conceptually
evo33crucial step in human cognitive
epistemologies and technologies or as a single
Stanislas Dehaene
cognitive development, as argued by
lution and in individual
have
elsewhere that Dessalines
in The Reading Brain, is a vexed question. I
argued the discipline (in a Foucauldian
but unconditioned by
was not only unalphabetized
sense) of colonial educational systems.
Language, 1 PSYART: A Hyperlink
34- Julie Kane, "Poetry as Righthemispheric
Study ofthe Arts (May 3, 2007), wnnepyartjournal.com/
Journal for the Psychological
Eatpmarinn
35. Ibid.
Stilla, and K. Sathian, "Metaphorically Feeling: Com36. Simon Lacey, Randall
Somatosensory Cortex,' " Brain R Language
prehending Textural Metaphors Activates
120, no. 3 (2012): 416.
37. Ibid.
38. Ibid., 418.
39. Ibid., 417
link
34- Julie Kane, "Poetry as Righthemispheric
Study ofthe Arts (May 3, 2007), wnnepyartjournal.com/
Journal for the Psychological
Eatpmarinn
35. Ibid.
Stilla, and K. Sathian, "Metaphorically Feeling: Com36. Simon Lacey, Randall
Somatosensory Cortex,' " Brain R Language
prehending Textural Metaphors Activates
120, no. 3 (2012): 416.
37. Ibid.
38. Ibid., 418.
39. Ibid., 417 --- Page 106 ---
LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 91
40. Ibid., 416.
41. Rutvik H. Desai et al., "The Neural Career of Sensory-Motor Metaphors,"
Journal ofCognitive Neuroscience 23, no. 9 (2011): 2376.
42. Michele T. Diaz and Larson J. Hogstrom, "The Influence of Context on
Hemispheric Recruitment during Metaphor Processing, Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 23, no. 11 (2011): 3586-97: Michele T Diaz, Kyle T Barrett, and Larson J.
Hogstrom, "The Influence of Sentence Novelty and Figurativeness on Brain Activity," Neuropsychologia 49, no. 3 (2011): 320-30.
43. This would go two ways in colonial societies of slavery or revolutionary
societies of decolonization. We note that Broca put embroidery in the language
center, and despite the sensory and perceptual involvement of textile production
and reception, textile and alphabetic literacies may yet be shown to have deep left
hemispheric affinities. If this is the case, the textile (and even scarification and/
or tattooing) traditions among African populations could be seen as adding to the
left hemisphere literacies of collaborative text production in emerging Haiti. Text/
texture/textile hold etymological overlap, with these words all further related to the
notion of métissage as the genetic interweaving of recognizably different communities, which also deserves further analysis.
44. See, for example, Firmin's account of the early weighing ofbrain mass in De
légalité des races humaines, 146.
45. Ibid., 87.
46. Ibid.
47. Anonymous, De la gérontocratie en Haiti (Paris: E. Dentu, 1860), 12.
48. François-Richard de Tussac, Cri des colons: contre un ouvrage de M. lévèque
et sénateur Grégoire, ayant pour titre de la littérature des nègres (Paris: Chez Delauney,
1810), 121.
49. Earl of Westmoreland, July 5, 1799, The Parliamentary Register; or, History
and the Proceedings and Debates ofthe Houses of Lords and Commons (London: J. Debrett, 1799), 583.
50. Kane, "Poetry."
51. Michael R. Trimble, The Soul in the Brain: The Cerebral Basis of Language, Art,
and Belie(Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007), 198.
52. Kane, "Poetry."
Paris: Chez Delauney,
1810), 121.
49. Earl of Westmoreland, July 5, 1799, The Parliamentary Register; or, History
and the Proceedings and Debates ofthe Houses of Lords and Commons (London: J. Debrett, 1799), 583.
50. Kane, "Poetry."
51. Michael R. Trimble, The Soul in the Brain: The Cerebral Basis of Language, Art,
and Belie(Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007), 198.
52. Kane, "Poetry." --- Page 107 --- --- Page 108 ---
PART II
Haitian Independence
and the Atlantic --- Page 109 --- --- Page 110 ---
Law, Atlantic
Revolutionary
and
Exceptionalism,
the Haitian Declaration
of Independence
MALICK W. GHACHEM
One of the more remarkable
images of Haitian
painting by the Haitian artist Ernst
independence is a 1999
"naif" style, Prophète's
Prophète. Representative of the so-called
of generals,
great work shows Dessalines at the center of a
standing on a stone platform in the town
group
reading the text of his
square of Gonaives,
their hands
January 1 address to a throng of
raised triumphantly above their heads
cheering Haitians,
right, Prophète depicts a
in pride and joy. To the
group representing the free
Domingue, their reaction to the
people of color of Saintleaves of the palm trees that tower announcement somewhat obscured by the
scape that lies beyond.
above the crowd and gesture to the seaI begin with Prophète's image because it
about the Haitian
captures two elemental truths
Declaration of
in
tian Revolution more
Independence particular, and the Haigenerally, that are sometimes
to
although one of the happier images of the
easy overlook. First,
painting also captures some of its grit and Haitian Revolution, Prophète's
ambivalence seems characteristic
sadness as well. An understated
widge Danticat, he observed
of his work. In a 1994 interview with Ed-
"life in
in connection with another
Haiti is all about laughter and tears.
ofhis paintings that
people find a
There is misery in Haiti but the
way-and even have the nerve-to
sing and dance and cry."2 There
laugh. You see people who
ingin The Haitian
seems to be quite a lot of singing and dancDeclaration
but
a few tears as well,
tears ofIndependence, also, ifone looks hard, not
ifby
we understand
had to be made for
something of the sacrifices that
January 1, 1804, to come about. The Haitian
ofIndependence was a triumphant and defiant
Declaration
spects, but it was also pervaded
pronouncement in many reof loss,
by a harsh and even
tragedy, violence, and persecution.
menacing awareness
themes is not the same as
Dessalines's rendition of these
ofb both.
Prophète's, but ambivalence is a common feature
Second, Prophète's
painting serves as a reminder that, in the beginning,
to be made for
something of the sacrifices that
January 1, 1804, to come about. The Haitian
ofIndependence was a triumphant and defiant
Declaration
spects, but it was also pervaded
pronouncement in many reof loss,
by a harsh and even
tragedy, violence, and persecution.
menacing awareness
themes is not the same as
Dessalines's rendition of these
ofb both.
Prophète's, but ambivalence is a common feature
Second, Prophète's
painting serves as a reminder that, in the beginning, --- Page 111 ---
96 MALICK W. GHACHEM
IO
Oml
address, January 1, 1804- Painting by
Dessalines reads the text of his
of Jack Rosenthal and Holly
Jean-Jacques
(From the private collection
Ernst Prophète, 1999- of Tequila Minsky)
Russell; photo courtesy
a text-or at least, it was
was not originally
the Haitian decthe Declaration of Independence British North American predecessor,
oft these,
not only a text. Like its
document."' But more than either
both an event and a
an oral proclalaration was
was, first and foremost,
him in
of Saint.Dominguey
gathered around
thei independence
the
of Haitians
Dessalines to community
In light of the clearly permation by
depicted by Prophète.
it as a "speech"
the public space at Gonaives
we might well describe
with
formative nature ofthe proclamation. things with words. 4 One contrast
act," a way of doing
the military action that gave
or "illocutionary
is that nearly all of
declaration
the American
preceded its
French
raeentrrest
independence
that another
rise to Haitian
and justified fears of Haitians
manifesto for
the very real, persistent,
This is, in significant part, a
invasion would someday come.
icted by Prophète.
it as a "speech"
the public space at Gonaives
we might well describe
with
formative nature ofthe proclamation. things with words. 4 One contrast
act," a way of doing
the military action that gave
or "illocutionary
is that nearly all of
declaration
the American
preceded its
French
raeentrrest
independence
that another
rise to Haitian
and justified fears of Haitians
manifesto for
the very real, persistent,
This is, in significant part, a
invasion would someday come. --- Page 112 ---
LAW AND ATLANTIC REVOLUTIONARY
EXCEPTIONALISM 97
a cause that, while fragile, has already been
the formal expression of Haiti's
won. Another difference is that
lamation rather than a written independence took the form of a live procof the original
enactment, though Julia Gaffield's
publication of the declaration
discovery
wished also to speak to the broader
underscores that Haiti's leaders
The Prophète
Atlantic World via the medium of
painting and others like it
the
print.
lease on life, as art, and SO teach
give Haitian declaration a third
their
us that, for contemporary Haitians
founding-era ancestors, both the form and the
as for
dence canon are inherently
content of the indepenplural.
Is the declaration any less an act of"law" that it
a discourse (to use the
took the original form of
memorably
eighteenth-century French term) and
today as an image? To answer
persists most
identification oflaw with written
yes requires belief in a mistaken
other. The modern
or published instruments of one sort or anequation of law with print also
literate slave populations of the early modern
excludes the largely nonof legality and institutional
New World from the province
and others have
justice, an exclusion that Natalie Zemon
explored with great sensitivity and
Davis
of Flegal pronouncement describes
insight. But what kind
Dessalines's
influence in
fulminations against French
Saint-Domingue, his emphatic
was finally and forever over in Haiti? That insistence that the era of slavery
seeks an answer.
is the question to which this essay
My answer turns on the relationship between
made in the declaration, which
two of the central claims
of
is more accurately understood as a
pronouncements or acts, the centerpiece of which
collection
to the assembled people of Gonaives.
is Dessalines's speech
as the Haitian
(I refer to these documents collectively
independence canon and to Dessalines's
declaration.") First, Dessalines insisted that
discourse as "the
an absolute rupture with the nation's
independence would effectuate
France in particular. Second, and less colonial slaveholding past and with
lenged the
transparently, the declaration chalEnlightenment belief that the period from
constituted a symbiotic "Age of
the 1770S onwards
by the American and French
(northern Atlantic) Revolution" dominated
revolutions and
Haitian Revolution. In both
extending into the events ofthe
contexts, Haiti's
seems to stand for radical
Declaration of Independence
discontinuity: In
no longer part of France and wanted
announcing that "Haitians" were
societies (the United States
nothing more to do with slaveholding
impliedly if not
was also articulating an
expressly included), Dessalines
transformative
independent status for the Haitian
and foundational event ofthe Atlantic
Revolution as a
independence from colonial
World. For the claim of
lution did not and could
slavery was also a claim that the Haitian Revonot share the means and ends
(more particularly) the French revolutions.
ofthe American and
In this sense, 1804 marked the
ouncing that "Haitians" were
societies (the United States
nothing more to do with slaveholding
impliedly if not
was also articulating an
expressly included), Dessalines
transformative
independent status for the Haitian
and foundational event ofthe Atlantic
Revolution as a
independence from colonial
World. For the claim of
lution did not and could
slavery was also a claim that the Haitian Revonot share the means and ends
(more particularly) the French revolutions.
ofthe American and
In this sense, 1804 marked the --- Page 113 ---
98 MALICK W. GHACHEM
revolutions-and the beginning of
end of the era of the northern Atlantic
Latin American
another that looks forward to the early nineteenth-century
revolutions to the south.
embedded in these claims.
All sorts of fictions and compromises were the evidence that ran against
Indeed Dessalines did not try to disguise all of
influence, notably
assertions of rupture. The traces of French
the grain ofhis
everywhere to be seen (hence everywhere
French legal influence, remained
of slavery were omnipresent
he exclaimed. And the legacies
to be eradicated),
not simply in the form
in Saint-Domingue on the cusp of independence, Louverture and Desenacted under both Toussaint
of laws and regulations
workers as harbingers of
salines that struck many of the former plantation
landscape,
but also in the scars inflicted on the physical
their servile past,
world, and in countless other forms. Finally,
in the hostility of the outside
discernible impact on the Haitian Revalthough the American Revolution's could not be said of the French Revolution was indeed negligible, the same
connected to parallel
which, for much of the 1790S, was SO closely
olution,
to try to distinguish the
events in Haiti that it becomes counterproductive
two trajectories.
truth in Dessalines's claims ofindeBy 1804, however, there was enough
to sustain the declaration.
pendence and Haitian revolutionary particularity remains a matter of contention.
Exactly how we characterize those claims
reflected in the contrischolarship (as
In particular, Haitian revolutionary
to this volume) continues to
butions by David Geggus and Jeremy Popkin in terms that carry traces of
frame the particularity oft the Haitian declaration
the American
The temptation to treat
American and French exceptionalism.
because it came first and embodDeclaration of Independence as normative
declaration pointed forfuture, whereas Haiti's
ied the Atlantic republican
must be resisted. There was no single
ward to Caribbean authoritarianism,
one road out of slaverye
in the Atlantic World nor any
path to independence
revolutionary America or France, was
And Haiti's path, unlike that of either
for the overwhelming
a path out of racial plantation slavery
this
emphatically
If we must say that Haiti has not managed
majority of the population.
we must also say that no other
transition very well in the years since 1804,
to do much better.
faced with the same challenges, has managed
nation,
captures that mix of sentiments.
Prophète's painting nicely
OfLaw and Revolution
documents, Haiti's declaration is not "about" any
Like all complex historical
most
first reading this most
subject. But what struck me
upon
one single
unlike that of either
for the overwhelming
a path out of racial plantation slavery
this
emphatically
If we must say that Haiti has not managed
majority of the population.
we must also say that no other
transition very well in the years since 1804,
to do much better.
faced with the same challenges, has managed
nation,
captures that mix of sentiments.
Prophète's painting nicely
OfLaw and Revolution
documents, Haiti's declaration is not "about" any
Like all complex historical
most
first reading this most
subject. But what struck me
upon
one single --- Page 114 ---
REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 99
LAW AND ATLANTIC
documents, aside from its obvious
quintessential of Haitian revolutionary
the cluster of references to
and profound sense of grievance, was
passion
law and legality.
Dessalines lamented that
In his January 1, 1804, remarks at Gonaïves, retraces the memories
"the French name still haunts our land. Everything
habits, our towns,
of this barbarous people: our laws, our
of the cruelties
7These memories ofcruelty
still carries the stamp oft the French."
everything
"with laws that will guaranmade it necessary to consolidate a new regime
That last expression,
("votre libre individualité
tee your free individuality"
for it suggests that the crime of
"free individuality," is especially revealing, freedom of a group of people, but
slavery was not simply the negation of the
unique attrialso the denial of their status as individuals, each possessing
desire
suppressed this aspect of the human personality-the
butes. Slavery
to lead a life that is truly one's
to be different from all other personalities, of humanity. ("IA]m I not a
own-while also violating the collective claims
man and a brother?")
declaration sounded very much like a (someFramed in these terms, the
Elsewhere in his dismanifesto for the abolition of slavery.
what abstract)
that Haiti's Atlantic neighbors
however, Dessalines noted pointedly
course,
under the aegis ofthe laws that they have made
should be left to "live quietly
with an awkward reference
And he closed the declaration
for themselves."
for "laws that the spirit that watches over your
to the temporary necessity
The emphasis on law gave Haiti's
destiny dictates to me for your happiness."
character: the imperadeclaration at once a forward- and backward-looking
with acknowlrupture with the colonial slave past competing
tive ofabsolute
shadows of the law of slavery would necessarily peredgment that aspects or
law.
sist at the level of both foreign and domestic
recourse to a set of
Dessalines resolved the tension by
To some extent,
what it meant for the new Haitian state to
compromises and fictions about
with, renunciation emphatFrance" at the level of law. To begin
"renounce
undermine slavery in other quarters of the
ically did not entail a policy to
(Alexandre Pétion's subsequent
Atlantic World, as some have contended.
abolition in
Simon Bolivar on the condition that he support
embrace of
to create a space of asylum for the
Spanish America, and his willingness
1804 assurances, but only
Dessalines's
enslaved inside Haiti, complicated
the need to subordinate "insubsequently to the declaration itself.) Moreover,
Louverture's
to the demands of Haiti's "general liberty"-in
dividual liberty"
formal independence entailed in
terms- meant that whatever guarantees phrase-would be conditional
the way of "free indhidhaliny-Desalineis and
the search for new legal
From Louverture to Dessalines
beyond,
at best."
to create a space of asylum for the
Spanish America, and his willingness
1804 assurances, but only
Dessalines's
enslaved inside Haiti, complicated
the need to subordinate "insubsequently to the declaration itself.) Moreover,
Louverture's
to the demands of Haiti's "general liberty"-in
dividual liberty"
formal independence entailed in
terms- meant that whatever guarantees phrase-would be conditional
the way of "free indhidhaliny-Desalineis and
the search for new legal
From Louverture to Dessalines
beyond,
at best." --- Page 115 ---
100 MALICK W. GHACHEM
for the "rule of law" that, in
foundations was embedded in a larger quest
promise to the new
seemed to offer only an illusionary
the circumstances,
nation.
radical claims of the declaration as
Yet to characterize some of the more
in their own day.
fictions is not to deny that they served an urgent purpose
or other nature, can be highly consequential.o
Fictions, whether of a legal
existence of Haiti, the very
Beyond this general consideration, the mere
itself-all of these
class, and the act of the declaration
fact of its new ruling
in the Atlantic World. It is easy to demonnovel forces
were momentously
from the beginning, a legal formalism
strate that Haiti's independence was,
to the control of forthat could not disguise the nation's acute vulnerability States above all. The AmeriFrance, Britain, and the United
the same
eign powersrevolutions clearly did not all act upon
can, French, and Haitian
ofthe Haitian declaration is, in a sense,
world-historical stage. But the genius
chain of events triggered
that they did. Part and parcel oft the same
to pretend
revolutions became entities unto themby the Seven Years' War, the three
delineated by the relationship
selves after 1804, their characters more clearly
boundaries
stood to each other. In that process of demarcating
in which they
distinctive identities upon them,
between revolutions and hence stamping
the world stage
fiction of Haiti as a sovereign nation acting upon
the legal
a central place, even as the nation itself
as other sovereign nations occupied
became an outcast in a world it had helped to create.
Rule of Law
Haiti's Revolutionary
Haiti's status "among the Powers of the
Dessalines's ability to announce
Toussaint Louvercritically on the efforts ofhis predecessor"
earth" depended
first in a long line of
Louverture's 1801 constitution-the
ture. In particular,
and the first document to codify the abolition
written Haitian constitutions,
and to guarantee equal
of racial slavery, to prohibit racial discrimination,
instrumental to the
protection under the law in the Atlantic World-was
11 For it was the
of events that culminated in Haitian independence."
course
the "war of independence" of 1802-3, whose
1801 constitution that triggered
Dessalines's searing imagery in the
raw memories SO transparently underlay
familiar to historians of
declaration. While the 1801 constitution is now quite
and Haiti's
its relationship to the tumult of 1802-3
the revolutionary period,
rule of law should not go without comment
subsequent efforts to institute a
dedicated to the Haitian Declaration of Independence.
in a volume
that begins with Louverture's constiThe Haitian crisis of independence
resemblance to
and ends on New Year's Eve 1803 bore only a passing
tution
crisis of the 1770S. The most obvious similarity may
the American imperial
ly underlay
familiar to historians of
declaration. While the 1801 constitution is now quite
and Haiti's
its relationship to the tumult of 1802-3
the revolutionary period,
rule of law should not go without comment
subsequent efforts to institute a
dedicated to the Haitian Declaration of Independence.
in a volume
that begins with Louverture's constiThe Haitian crisis of independence
resemblance to
and ends on New Year's Eve 1803 bore only a passing
tution
crisis of the 1770S. The most obvious similarity may
the American imperial --- Page 116 ---
REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 101
LAW AND ATLANTIC
may well seem overstated in
be one that, in light of the Haitian comparison, hesitance to seek and declare
on the American Revolution: the
recent writing
in the Haitian case than
independence until very late in the process-farlateri
it could not have
12 Before the 1802-3 war of independence,
the American.'
would culminate in the complete sevbeen predicted that Haiti's revolution
Napoléon Bonaof all ties with France for which Dessalines agitated.
erance
not the last person to construe Louverture's
parte was the first but certainly
a shot across the
1801 constitution as a de facto declaration of independence, and rules by which
bow rather than a coherent attempt to state the principles
seems to have
would be governed. But Louverture
the new Saint-Domingue
and rules could and would operate within
envisioned that those principles
For him, and for most others at
framework of some sort.
a French imperial
far from inevitable as of 1801, and may well have
the time, independence was
and deportation to France in June
been unforeseeable. While his capture
full thirteen years or SO after the
1802 put an end to that illusion, they did SO a
after the uprising
revolution, eleven years
beginning of the Saint-Domingue
at Bois Caïman.
difference between the
This chronology, in turn, points to a conspicuous extent the 1801 consticrises. To the
American and Haitian independence
but also the first governing
tution was not simply a warning to Napoléon become Haiti, the Haitian path
charter of the state that would eventually
In British North
the reverse of the American."
to statehood was effectively
amounted to announcing "statehood in
America, the sequence of 1776/1787
has put it), followed by
of independence" (as David Armitage
the language
of the state." 14 There is little in the
constituting the union in the language
materially from any asto suggest that Haiti borrowed
Haitian experience
Most superficially, the sequence of
pect of this prior North American history.
flipped the American
1801/1804 constitution followed by independencein 1801
head. In one of his supreme acts of statesmanship,
example on its
his rule over the fractured
Toussaint Louverture attempted to consolidate
over which he
by promulgating a constitution
territory of Saint-Domingue
control. The entity to which this
himself exercised more or less singlehanded
"free
a . French colony," not a
constitution applied was, it bears emphasizing, declaration.' 15
state" in the manner of the 1776
and independent
becomes what form ofcolonial
That being the case, the operative question
in light of the
Louverture sought to institute in Saint-Domingue
be
governance
Here again, the 1801 constitution can
available models and precedents.
American or French precedents.
likened only in a very rough sense to either
to divide authority
the 1801 charter sought
As was true of its predecessors,
the "legislative, the "governbetween the three branches of government:
did draw
In this respect, Louverture's handiwork
ment," " and the "tribunals."
ofcolonial
That being the case, the operative question
in light of the
Louverture sought to institute in Saint-Domingue
be
governance
Here again, the 1801 constitution can
available models and precedents.
American or French precedents.
likened only in a very rough sense to either
to divide authority
the 1801 charter sought
As was true of its predecessors,
the "legislative, the "governbetween the three branches of government:
did draw
In this respect, Louverture's handiwork
ment," " and the "tribunals." --- Page 117 ---
102 MALICK W. GHACHEM
and French notions ofthe separation of powers. And
vaguely upon American
of private property as "sacred and
discrete provisions, such as the guarantee
in the 1789 French Decinviolable, > echoed similar statements of principle
more or
of Man and the Citizen." But the analogies
laration of the Rights
less end there.
to divided government, the new
Notwithstanding a formal commitment
of the colony (a post
constitution clearly gave the top hand to the governor
the power
appointed himself for life), who possessed
to which Louverture
could adopt. And Louverture's
all measures that the legislature
to propose
forms of jurisdiction that reflected Saintconstitution recognized two other
militarized society of plantations:
Domingue's distinctive character as a forces. Yet another pair of the
municipal administration and the armed
as they did plantitles confirmed this orientation, regulating
constitution's
of abandoned and confiscated
trade, and the management
tation cultivation,
properties.' 17
toward its more conservative diIft these aspects of the constitution point forward-looking and bold in
mension, other provisions were unequivocally
of the document's
the context of their times. This is true most obviously
not exist
Title II) to the abolition of slavery: "Slaves may
commitment (in
forever abolished. All men are there
servitude is there
on this territory, [and]
French.' >18 In the very same phrase by which the
born, live, and die free and
continuity (in the
announced an end to slavery, it also portended
constitution
with the imperial framework. A separate proviform of French civic status)
of the laws: "The law
something like the equal protection
sion guaranteed
*19 As David Brion Davis
is the same for all, whether it punishes or protects." would not make their
reminds us, abolition and equal protection principles
The first Haitian
constitution until 1865 and 1868.20
way into the American
dramatic innovation at the level of doconstitution, in other words, coupled
of the external
with maintenance (or, at most, hedging)
mestic legal principle
framework that would oversee this new domestic regime. that made it difficult
the
to combine these two pursuits
It was
attempt
adhere
to either of them.
for Louverture and his successors to
successfully declaration were
and fictions that appear in the text of
The compromises
of"general liberty," of which the 1801
already present in Louverture's project
sandwiched in time beconstitution was only a part. That document came
before and after
that sharply curtailed (both
tween two other proclamations
liberty and equality. In his October
the fact) Title Il's guarantees ofi findividual
November 1801 proclalabor regulations and a subsequent
1800 plantation
rules that would tie the formally freed slaves
mation, Louverture set forth
who refused to work the land, and
to their plantations, punish "vagabonds"
of which the 1801
already present in Louverture's project
sandwiched in time beconstitution was only a part. That document came
before and after
that sharply curtailed (both
tween two other proclamations
liberty and equality. In his October
the fact) Title Il's guarantees ofi findividual
November 1801 proclalabor regulations and a subsequent
1800 plantation
rules that would tie the formally freed slaves
mation, Louverture set forth
who refused to work the land, and
to their plantations, punish "vagabonds" --- Page 118 ---
REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 103
LAW AND ATLANTIC
identification cards that could be held only
provide for a system of municipal
of a "recognized" status or position."
by those possessed
administrator of Saint-Domingue to insist
Louverture was hardly the first
and forced labor. The emansuch measures of plantation surveillance
in
upon
Sonthonax and Étienne Polverel
of Léger-Félicité
cipation proclamations
and indeed it is impossible
and 1794 contained very similar provisions,
without
in Saint-Domingue in the 1790S
to trace the history of emancipation
that went along with liberty. The
parallel attention to the coercive strictures been best
by Claude
combination of carrot and stick has
captured
resultant
liberty" oft the freed slaves as a comMoise: in order to preserve the "general
such
Louverture
Atlantic World resolutely hostile to
liberty,
munity in an
the freedom that each oft the individuals making
found it necessary to qualify
of his own labor as each saw fit.22
that community enjoyed to dispose
up
references in Louverture's public pronounceAs Moïse sees it, the many
for a "rule of law" in Saintto the need
ments in these years (1800-1802)
version of liberty, rather
Domingue speak to this tragically compromised rule. 23 Others may be more inthan to an innate penchant for authoritarian individual liberty a contradicclined to call the tension between general and
Louverture's policies
tion in terms. Whatever the best way of characterizing American revolutionary
be, it seems clear that he was following a North
as
may
broadest of outlines. To the contrary, even insofar
star only in the very
was concerned, the
conservative) dogma of "general liberty"
the (arguably
had come to upend the order of things as esHaitian revolutionary process
the events of 1776. By 1802-3, a second
tablished in the Atlantic World by
but it would
state in the Atlantic World was perforce on its way,
independent
different from those that had served to conbe organized on principles very
of the questions of abolition and
stitute the first-most notably in respect
enshrined in the Haiequality:" This, too, is part of the exceptionalism
legal
tian independence canon.
in the Declaration
Law and Foreign Policy
abstract references to liberty and to the equality
Other than its powerful but
in the American declaof all human beings at creation, there was nothing doctrines of the Haitian
which to model these quintessential
ration upon
reflects that dissonance at several levRevolution. The Haitian declaration
policy toward other
its statement of the new nation's foreign
els, including
somewhat romantic effort to assimilate the
Atlantic slaveholding powers. A
continues to feed interest
American and Haitian revolutions to one another
modofthe Haitian declaration that was, supposedly,
in an alleged first draft
abstract references to liberty and to the equality
Other than its powerful but
in the American declaof all human beings at creation, there was nothing doctrines of the Haitian
which to model these quintessential
ration upon
reflects that dissonance at several levRevolution. The Haitian declaration
policy toward other
its statement of the new nation's foreign
els, including
somewhat romantic effort to assimilate the
Atlantic slaveholding powers. A
continues to feed interest
American and Haitian revolutions to one another
modofthe Haitian declaration that was, supposedly,
in an alleged first draft --- Page 119 ---
104 MALICK W. GHACHEM
draft that itself underwent significant revision at
eled on Jefferson's draft-a
25 Perhaps one day the manuscript
the hands of the Continental Congress."
there is certainly no
draft will be recovered. In the meantime,
of this alleged
contained in a recent account of the diploevidence to support the assertion,
declaration was
American Revolution, that "the black republic's
macy ofthe
wrote in 1776. m26
modeled on the one that Jefferson
Haiti was a highly
elsewhere that abolition in revolutionary
Ihave: argued
achievement in its own time, depending as it did
conflicted and ambiguous
with the law and culture of slavery that
and collaborations
on compromises
"abolition." n27 It is also true that the Amerby the label
are not easily captured
slavery in 1787 does not negate the potent
ican founders' failure to abolish
Revolution, tools that would later
ideological tools generated by the American
and others in
liberation of African Americans, women,
facilitate the actual
these points, however,
subsequent generations." 28 Even after acknowledging
alone of the three
it remains the case that the Haitian revolutionary northern process, Atlantic, posed a
great revolutions of the late eighteenth-century between master and slave as it
frontal challenge to the domestic relationship
then existed on the territory of a major slave colony.
slavery as a sysRevolution also directly challenged
Whether the Haitian
is a different matter. David
commercial relationships
tem of international
Dessalines was not
argues that, in declaring Haiti's independence,
Armitage
the end of slavery" but also "thereby
simply "asserting firmly and clearly
like the United States. n29
threatening the stability of remaining slave powers constitution expressly auThat last point is far less clear. Louverture's 1801
and indeed described
thorized the continued importation of "cultivators"
in another
to the rebuilding of Saint-Domingue,
them as "indispensable"
liberty could be sacrificed
manifestation ofl Louverture's belief that individual
to general liberty where necessary of the Atlantic slave trade did not find
It is true that this limited embrace
speech or into the first postinits way into Dessalines's 1804 independence of 1805). But to describe Haiti's Decdependence Haitian constitution (that
of the Atlantic World's
laration of Independence as a threat to the stability
in Desslave powers is to overlook a very conspicuous passage
remaining
Gonaives. "Let us ensure however that a prossalines's January 1 address at
P he intoned. "[LJet our neighbors
elytizing spirit does not destroy our work," the
of the laws that they
breathe in peace, let them live quietly under
aegis
firebrands promade for themselves, and let us not go, as revolutionary
have
of the Antilles, seek glory by disturbing the
claiming ourselves legislators Islands. n Dessalines was undoubtedly speaktranquility of the neighboring
audience in this passage. Gaffield's
ing to both a domestic and international
declaration canon is especially
edition of the
discovery ofthe original printed
P he intoned. "[LJet our neighbors
elytizing spirit does not destroy our work," the
of the laws that they
breathe in peace, let them live quietly under
aegis
firebrands promade for themselves, and let us not go, as revolutionary
have
of the Antilles, seek glory by disturbing the
claiming ourselves legislators Islands. n Dessalines was undoubtedly speaktranquility of the neighboring
audience in this passage. Gaffield's
ing to both a domestic and international
declaration canon is especially
edition of the
discovery ofthe original printed --- Page 120 ---
REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 105
LAW AND ATLANTIC
reasonable to infer from the Haitian govsignificant on this point. It seems
and then circulate it to the
ernment's decision to publish Dessalines's speech
in
World that Dessalines meant for this language particular
greater Atlantic
other New World slave powers. It was not
to reach Jefferson's America and
intended for foreign as well as dothat Dessalines
the only pronouncement
statement, and one that complicates
mestic consumption, but it was a critical
intervention into the politics
the notion that Haiti's declaration was a radical
of the Atlantic World.
its emphasis on law. Dessalines
Notice one other aspect ofthis language:
of laws that
institution was a function
recognized that slavery as a domestic
for itself. To respect those laws
each slave society oft the New World developed
nations and
the juristic boundaries that separated sovereign
was to recognize
To seek to upend those laws would make the
their colonies from one another.
the Antilles," a role that Dessalines
Haitian revolutionaries "legislators of
Haitian state itself
declined because it would endanger the new
expressly
to which that new state was now
by violating the principle of sovereignty
in this sense, entailed at
formally committed. The logic of independence,
elsewhere in the
with the existing reality of slavery
least some compromise
of the law could be used to sever the ties that
Atlantic World. The language
not necessarily the effect)
bound Haiti to France: that was the point (though discourse of the law of
independence. But to participate in the
of declaring
that other societies remained
nations also required an acknowledgement
a cost of declaring
slaveholding pasts: that was, arguably,
bound to their
independence.
ofthe law of nations and the act of declaring
Whether inherent in the logic
Haiti from extera
strategy to protect
independence or merely precautionary
antirevolutionary
Dessalines's Gonaïves address struck a distinctly
nal foes,
of Haiti. This aversion to interslavery outside the boundaries
note regarding
states did not long remain a cenvening in the domestic laws of neighboring
assumed
of Haitian foreign policy, and its implementation
tral component
between Caribbean colonies that
an ability to maintain sharp boundaries
of President Pétion's use
in
often porous. Ada Ferrer's study
were practice
influence abroad, which
of free soil principles to project Haiti's antislavery of Afro-Jamaican sailors
focuses on his decision to grant asylum to a group
and "forof "domestic"
in 1817. offers a rich account of the inseparability also cite Pétion's insistence
Caribbean." One could
eign" in the post-1804
of the former's willingness to
that Bolivar push for abolition as a condition
As of
the precursor of Latin American independence.
shelter and support
aspects of Haitian foreign policy
1804, however, these more interventionist
remained several years in the future.
Haiti's antislavery of Afro-Jamaican sailors
focuses on his decision to grant asylum to a group
and "forof "domestic"
in 1817. offers a rich account of the inseparability also cite Pétion's insistence
Caribbean." One could
eign" in the post-1804
of the former's willingness to
that Bolivar push for abolition as a condition
As of
the precursor of Latin American independence.
shelter and support
aspects of Haitian foreign policy
1804, however, these more interventionist
remained several years in the future. --- Page 121 ---
106 MALICK W. GHACHEM
A Domestic "State of Exception' "?
has served as a touchstone for acGiorgio Agamben's book State of Exception
in Italy in 2003
discussion of emergency law since it was published
ademic
The basic premise of the book is that,
and in English translation in 2005.2
state to
on an emergency
the First World War, the claim of the
govern
since
of"normal" government. While claiming the
basis has become a paradigm
other words, the state of exception oppower to suspend everyday law, in
of law masks law's
a form of the rule of law: the negation
erates as itself
This is the paradox that Agamben's work has
reliance on its very negation.
popularized in scholarly discourse.
that Dessalines, again in sharp
It is not too much of a stretch to suggest
like a
the Americans in 1776, was trying to declare something
contrast to
address at Gonaives. The rule of
"state of exception" in his January 1, 1804,
the world on that day was
law that he created and announced to
vulnerable:
emergency
because Haiti remained highly
exceptional in significant part
vulnerable also to the legacies of the
and
vulnerable to external aggression
conflict between creole (New World-
"war within the war" of 1802-3. The
Trouillot SO
insurgents that Michel-Rolph
born) and bossale (African-born)
Dessalines's own position
analyzed in Silencing the Past threatened
brilliantly
Louverture: both were born in Saint-Domingue
as successor to Toussaint
from the rise of bossale militancy
and both faced challenges to their authority
of the conflicts beof
33 This is to say nothing
during the war independence."
creole or bossale) and free people of
tween the recently enslaved (whether division of Haiti in 1806 (and make
color that would eventually produce the
free colored republic in the
the divergent foreign policies of Pétion's
possible
black monarchy in the North until 1820).
South and Christophe's
that Dessalines would apSet against this context, it is hardly surprising both from within and withconditions facing Haitians
peal to the emergency
of facilitating Dessalines's
out. Such an appeal served the obvious purpose
But to be effective, the
consolidation of his own power as the head of state.
appeal to the
effort along the lines of Louverture's
strategy required some
ofindividual and general libHaitian public interest: an attempted synthesis
the conin precisely this direction by highlighting
erty. Dessalines gestured nation's own domestic laws of slavery.
straints imposed by the new
themselves from their own hisHaitians needed urgently to emancipate
of the colonial past circa
tory, in effect. Dessalines evoked the persistence "Everything here recalls
1804 in the language of haunting and memory.
our laws, our manof the cruelties of those barbarous people;
n
the memory
still carries the imprint of the French.' What
ners, our towns, everything
and real was that they were
made these memories all the more foreboding
highlighting
erty. Dessalines gestured nation's own domestic laws of slavery.
straints imposed by the new
themselves from their own hisHaitians needed urgently to emancipate
of the colonial past circa
tory, in effect. Dessalines evoked the persistence "Everything here recalls
1804 in the language of haunting and memory.
our laws, our manof the cruelties of those barbarous people;
n
the memory
still carries the imprint of the French.' What
ners, our towns, everything
and real was that they were
made these memories all the more foreboding --- Page 122 ---
REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 107
LAW AND ATLANTIC
of actual French persons in Saintaccompanied by the lingering presence
17 said Dessalines, "and yet
"There are Frenchmen in our Island,"
Domingue.
of that Republic which fought every
you think you are free and independent
those who are deterother nation, it is true; but which has never vanquished
mined to be free."
immediate response. There was not
An imminent threat required an
call to eliminate all rethis statement from an explicit
much that separated
the soil of Haiti, and Dessalines notorimaining white French residents on
months later, in a move that reously would make good on his threat several
exploit as a justification
actionary critics ofthe Haitian Revolution would long difficult to erase the
Haiti's own right to exist. It would be more
for opposing
in the form of depersonalized specters: laws,
traces of France that remained
itself), the weight of
signs, names, figures of speech (the French language oft the French."' ") Dessalines
custom, and all else that "still carrie(d] the imprint
met more
that has still not been
thereby raised a challenge to his countrymen
of continued reliance
later, as the single example
than two hundred years
and elite culture attests. 34
upon the French language in official
fide
in terms that
Conceptualizing the task and goal of bona independence ofhand. But
for Haitians to realize was not exactly sleight
made it impossible
the
of law in a context that,
use of concept
it did rely on a very ambiguous
of the war of independence, seemed
flowing from the very anarchical period
of the
of law. Dessalines evoked the haunting presence
the very antithesis
referring to laws that
order on the day ofi independence by French plantation
of those barbarous people. Declining
continued to embody "the cruelties
well have been
the exact laws he was describing, Dessalines may
to specify
But that edict had been impliedly repealed for
referring to the Code noir.
Most other elements of the
the last time with Louverture's 1801 constitution.
Haitian
order remained in place in 1804, and postrevolutionary
colonial legal
based in
measure on French legal
law codes would continue to be
significant
including Napoléon's 1804 Code civil.
nonetheless
precedents,
cruelties he had in mind, Dessalines
Whatever the specific
for emphasizing that the stricimmediate and personal reason
had a more
still echoed in the legal landscape of the new natures of the law of slavery
awkwardly anticipated some of the
tion. Near the very end ofl his speech, he
that would soon arise from some ofhis very own policies:
discomfort
while receiving the laws that the spirit
If you ever rejected or grumbled dictates to me for your happiness, you
that watches over your destiny
would deserve the fate of ungrateful peoples.
of the liberty you
this shocking idea; you will be the support
But I reject
you. 35
cherish, the support of the chief who commands
still echoed in the legal landscape of the new natures of the law of slavery
awkwardly anticipated some of the
tion. Near the very end ofl his speech, he
that would soon arise from some ofhis very own policies:
discomfort
while receiving the laws that the spirit
If you ever rejected or grumbled dictates to me for your happiness, you
that watches over your destiny
would deserve the fate of ungrateful peoples.
of the liberty you
this shocking idea; you will be the support
But I reject
you. 35
cherish, the support of the chief who commands --- Page 123 ---
108 MALICK W. GHACHEM
because the translation is inevitably
Again, the reference is elusive (in part
with
and
to laws that have been met
rejection
inexact): Dessalines points which laws he has in mind. This statement
grumbling without telling us
1, 1804, as the origto refer to rules yet to be promulgated as of] January
seems
tense of"les lois que le génie .
inal French speaks in the future conjunctive
me dictera pour ton bonheur."
to dictate to you in ways that will cause
"Your happiness" will require me
be found both the making
if not defance: in this one sentence can
Louverture's
protest
Dessalines's short reign. The passage echoes
and unmaking of
rule of law in 1800-1801 on at least two
embrace of the
a
own ambiguous
continued Louverture's hybrid policy of
different levels. First, Dessalines
formal
combined with
commitment to abolition and
equality
constitutional
a series of plantation uprisings in
draconian labor regulations that prompted
in no small part on
October 1801. Indeed Dessalines's rise to power depended
of these
Louverture with the brutal suppression
his having been charged by
time for him to assume conuprisings. 36 Not surprisingly, when it came
same
very
Dessalines found himself in very
trol ofthe northern insurgent camps, continued flow of money and goods from
position of needing to guarantee a
articulated this dilemma in
the once thriving plantations. Second, Dessalines distinction between general
terms that echoed very closely the Louverturian
the latter
with its emphasis on the need to subordinate
and individual liberty,
his followers to accept
the demands of the former. Dessalines expected
to
would "dictate" to him "for
with resignation the policies that a higher power could fail to see that in
s Only an "ungrateful" people
[their] own happiness."
would be acting to "sustain" rather than unsol leading the nation, Dessalines
every Januaryi 1in Haiti.
dermine the liberty henceforth to be commemorated much as an Atlantic
of
sounds like nothing SO
This vision governance
version oft the state of exception. His
colonial (and imminently postcolonial) all French influence from the scene
protestations about the need to eliminate
naïve about
Dessalines cannot be accused of being overly
notwithstanding,
would work on Haiti's future. In contrast
the legal fictions that sovereignty
there is far less in the Haitian
to the American Declaration ofIndependence,
of sovereign
declaration canon on the importance of joining a community
declaration evokes the drama of "assumling)
states. Where the American
and equal station to which the
among the Powers of the earth the separate
United States, the
and of nature's god entitled" the newly
laws of nature
ofany continued association with
Haitian declaration dwells on the dangers declaration asserts title to the full
or traces of France. 37 Where the American
war, conclude peace,
of "free and independent states" to "levy
prerogatives
commerce," n etc., the Haitian declaration emphacontract alliances, establish
death to anyfree and independent" means "preferfring]
sizes that "livling)
the American
and equal station to which the
among the Powers of the earth the separate
United States, the
and of nature's god entitled" the newly
laws of nature
ofany continued association with
Haitian declaration dwells on the dangers declaration asserts title to the full
or traces of France. 37 Where the American
war, conclude peace,
of "free and independent states" to "levy
prerogatives
commerce," n etc., the Haitian declaration emphacontract alliances, establish
death to anyfree and independent" means "preferfring]
sizes that "livling) --- Page 124 ---
REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 109
LAW AND ATLANTIC
back under the yoke." Put simply, the Haitian
thing that will try to place you
of
it burns with
reads like an enactment of a state emergency;
declaration
compared to which studied consideration
a sense of temporal immediacy, of statehood seems abstract and remote.
of the international legal incidents
Conclusion
language of "liberty" and the
What should we make of this compromised
and of the short reigns of
"rule oflaw" in the Haitian independence canon,
to see both figures
and Dessalines more generally? It is tempting
Louverture
dictators in their own right and precursors
(and particularly Dessalines) as "authoritarianism" in the nineteenth and
of modern Haitian and Caribbean
much in their approach to govCertainly there was not
twentieth centuries,"
principles of repubernance that reflects a commitment to revolutionary-era of powers) or at
level (the separation
licanism, whether at the institutional
the thrust of the authoritarithe individual level (the rights of man). Indeed,
Revolution,
to discount the notion that the Haitian
anism thesis is precisely
radical form of politics committed to
in its outcomes, represented a uniquely individualism. 39 At that level of generality,
republicanism and modern liberal both tell us less than meets the eye. The
however, the thesis and its antithesis
whether the Haitian Revoluis
true ofthe related contest over
same arguably
resulted in the resurrection of older
tion in fact abolished "slavery" or simply
practices of coerced labor under a different guise.
from these deHere is where a work of art makes a difference. Missing ambivalence capversions, is the
bates, especially in their more polemical
rooted in the naïf
painting. Perhaps it takes a perspective
tured in Prophète's
fact of Haitis existence as a separate
tradition to remind us that the mere
novelty, a revolutionary
state in the Atlantic World of 1804 was a tremendous
culture that
of the character ofthe political
act in its own right-independent is certainly on a par with the "momentous
accompanied that act. This novelty
of when he describes the American
radicalism" that Gordon Wood speaks dominated by the "commonplace
Revolution as having ushered in a new era
people. n40 The very idea of a legitimate
behavior" and concerns of"ordinary
of African descent, was a deeply
black state, a state led by and for persons
17 And the image and reality
extension of the "Age of Revolution.
revolutionary
of this new state was inseparable from the novof Afro-Haitians at the head
unprecedented, given
elty of 1804, even though it was not, strictly speaking,
as of the late
Louverture's de facto leadership of Saint-Domingue
Toussaint
1790S.
of this radicalism consisted of the proviThe central legal embodiment
1805 constitution
1801 constitution and Dessalines's
sions in Louverture's
black state, a state led by and for persons
17 And the image and reality
extension of the "Age of Revolution.
revolutionary
of this new state was inseparable from the novof Afro-Haitians at the head
unprecedented, given
elty of 1804, even though it was not, strictly speaking,
as of the late
Louverture's de facto leadership of Saint-Domingue
Toussaint
1790S.
of this radicalism consisted of the proviThe central legal embodiment
1805 constitution
1801 constitution and Dessalines's
sions in Louverture's --- Page 125 ---
110 MALICK W. GHACHEM
abolishing slavery "forever" and
under the law,41 Dessalines's
guaranteeing the equal treatment of all
promise in the
mulgate "laws that will guarantee
independence discourse to prothis spirit, even though he
your free individuality" should be read in
until the leaders of the cautioned that such freedom had to be deferred
revolution had
our devotion.' That
collectively given "the final
of
proof, an oath "to
proof
breath,' > was the military
fight for independence until their last
the insistence
counterpart to the political and legal
upon the necessity of severing all ties with promise. And
Dessalines's vision of Haiti's future,
France was, in
commitment to ending
equally inseparable from the bedrock
crossed
slavery-though it also
over the line separating
tragically and ominously
remaining white French residents independence from the extermination of all
in
The snare in this vision is not that Saint-Domingue. Dessalines
ined themselves to be
and his fellow leaders
assuming a fully
and
imagof eliciting the same
'separate
equal station" capable
recognition from "the Powers
American republic would
of the earth" that the
salines's vision of
eventually win after 1812. It is, rather, that DesFrance with renunciation independence, on the whole, conflated renunciation of
of the legacies of the law
tions ofmore than one hundred
of slavery. The reverberayears of life
were not available for "renunciation"
under the rule oft the Code noir
historical
in this way, no more than
legacy can be erased by a single
any complex
for that matter, by an ideology like the
speech or stroke of the pen. Or,
Louverture's and Dessalines's
rule oflaw, SO prominent a thread in
state and the society that would thinking about the nature of the new Haitian
When it
rise from the ashes of old
came to the task of replacing the
Saint-Domingue.
set of new legal foundations for
regime of the Code noir with a
supremacy and the
a Caribbean society that now rejected white
little in the
ofa ownership of persons as property, the rule ofl law
way roadmap for practical reform.
offered
true of Haiti and the ideology of
(To some extent, this is still
To describe this
democracy promotion today.)
predicament in terms of either
uniquely radical form of late
authoritarianism or a
human rights misses this cighteenth-century Atlantic republicanism and
point. The emphasis on
complicated and indeed profound human
authoritarianism takes a
complex legacies oft the law of
dilemma-how to overcome the
no other form of
slavery in a society that had known
government or social
essentially
question of political volition, i.e., the
organization-and reduces it to a
assume and carry forward the mantle willingness of Haiti's new leadership to
struing Haiti's revolution
ofi 1776 or 1789. The emphasis on conas a uniquely radical
politics, for its part, gives rise to a different contribution to democratic
divorcing political
kind of distortion:
language and constitutional rhetoric from
effectively
the intractable
oft the law of
dilemma-how to overcome the
no other form of
slavery in a society that had known
government or social
essentially
question of political volition, i.e., the
organization-and reduces it to a
assume and carry forward the mantle willingness of Haiti's new leadership to
struing Haiti's revolution
ofi 1776 or 1789. The emphasis on conas a uniquely radical
politics, for its part, gives rise to a different contribution to democratic
divorcing political
kind of distortion:
language and constitutional rhetoric from
effectively
the intractable --- Page 126 ---
REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 111
LAW AND ATLANTIC
arrangements that,
"thickness" of institutional and social arrangements,
transform and
difficult to
in the Haitian case, have proven exceptionally
overcome.
therefore helps us to understand why it is diffiThe Haitian declaration
authoritarian relapse from or
cult to see the Haitian Revolution as either an
The
manifestation of the Age of Revolution.
pronouncea uniquely radical
succeed in constituting Haiti as a genuinely
ments of] January 1, 1804. did not
time. But they can be said to have
sovereign nation in the hostile world of its
movement in the era of
constituted the Haitian Revolution as a distinctive
(North) Atlantic revolutions.
the late eighteenth-century
drew boundaries between events as
The Declaration of Independence
it made clear that the American
well as between nations. In its final version,
the distinctive demands
model would not suffice to capture
comrevolutionary
And, coming as it does at the very end of the
of the Haitian situation.
and
revolutions
plex chain of events that linked the French
Saint-Domingue end to the idea that
Dessalines's declaration put an
throughout the 1790S,
and ended at the same legal and constitutional
these two movements started
distinctive a form of social and popoints. Plantation slavery was simply too
and
to survive
for that sense of shared endeavor
purpose
litical organization
inevitable, the war of 1802-3 marks the moindefinitely. Though it was not
and Haitian revolucustodians of the French
ment at which the respective
tions came to accept this truth.
therefore permits us, in retroThe Haitian Declaration of Independence effect that bind the American,
the chains of cause and
spect, to disentangle
successive phases of a single process iniFrench, and Haitian revolutions as
by the Latin American revolutiated by the Seven Years' War and continued
North Atlantic revolunineteenth century. That the three
tions of the early
ends particular to the respective
to achieve distinctive
tions were struggles
the central teaching of the ansocieties in which they unfolded is perhaps
much that announceof Haitian sovereignty in 1804, however
nouncement
fiction in its own time. The Haitian
ment may have amounted to a legal
between 1776, 1789, and all
declaration of 1804 demarcated the boundaries
thereafter. In SO doing,
in Saint-Domingue in the years
that had transpired
not only to the Haitian Revolution,
it gave a distinctive meaning and identity
but also to the American and French revolutions.
Notes
for inviting me to the
Many thanks to Julia Gaffield and Andrew O'Shaughnessy which an earlier draft of this
gathering at Monticello in March 2013 at
splendid
time. The Haitian
ment may have amounted to a legal
between 1776, 1789, and all
declaration of 1804 demarcated the boundaries
thereafter. In SO doing,
in Saint-Domingue in the years
that had transpired
not only to the Haitian Revolution,
it gave a distinctive meaning and identity
but also to the American and French revolutions.
Notes
for inviting me to the
Many thanks to Julia Gaffield and Andrew O'Shaughnessy which an earlier draft of this
gathering at Monticello in March 2013 at
splendid --- Page 127 ---
112 MALICK W. GHACHEM
fellow seminar participants for their stimuessay was first presented. I thank my
for the
of two
and helpful comments and am grateful
reports
lating presentations
of Virginia Press.
anonymous readers for the University
"Millenium" issue ofthe New York
First
in the November 29, 1999
1.
published
collection of Jack Rosenthal and
the painting is now in the private
Times Magazine,
moved to Port-au-Prince in
Russell. Born near Cap Haïtien in 1950, Prophète
school
Holly
of the Duvalier era, to finish his high
1968 or 1969, amidst the persecutions
he learned to paint in Port-au-Prince at
education. An electrical engineer by training,
ever since. In
he began
Eugène and has been doing SO
1978,
l'École Privée Grégoire
Haitian electric company). See the
career with Electricité d'Haiti (the
a very long
Danticat in Jonathan Demme and Kirsten Coyne,
interview of Prophète by Edwidge
Ernst Prophète (New
eds., Haiti, Three Visions: Etienne Chavannes, Edger Jean-Baptiste, selection of Prophète's
This catalog includes a stirring
York: Kaliko, 1994), 45-46.
and culture.
other representations of Haitian history
many Demme and Coyne, Haiti, Three Visions, 45-46.
2.
declaration also served as the beginning (or con3. Less clear is whether the
has suggested of the Ameritinuation) of a new political genre, as David Armitage Independence: A Global History
declaration. David Armitage, The Declaration of
can (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007),.
Skinner and His Critics
Tully, ed., Meaning and Context: Quentin
4- See James
Press, 1998), 8-9.
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Diviners: Slaves' Experience of CrimNatalie Zemon Davis, "Judges, Masters,
5Suriname," " Law and History Review 29, no. 4 (2011): 925-84inal Justice in Colonial
into the Latin American revolutions of
6. This essay does not attempt to reach
here with respect to Haiti applies
nineteenth century, but the point made
the early
and abolition processes
equally to those movements. Latin American independence ofthe. American and French
the tendency to read the normativity
further complicate
in im1 The Haitian Revolution contributed
models into a larger "Age of Revolution."
but should not be seen as providing
portant ways to those Latin American processes
a template for them.
Dessalines at Gonaïves, January 1, 1804 (Port-au7 Speech of Jean-Jacques
in The National Archives of the
du Gouvernement, 1804), 3,
Prince: LImprimerie
[hereafter "Speech of Dessalines"].
United Kingdom (TNA), CO 137/m1/1
8. This translation differs from the appendix.
and "general" liberty, see
On Louverture's distinction between "individual"
de 1801
9.
national de Toussaint Louverture et la constitution
Claude Moïse, Le projet
(Montreal: CIDIHCA, 2001).
Slave's Two Bodies: The Life of an American
10. Cf. Malick W. Ghachem, "The
809-42.
Fiction, " William and Mary Quarterly 60, no. 4 (2003):
of
Legal
rival for this status is the French constitution 1795,
11. The only plausible
Convention's February 1794 abolition of
the National
which explicitly incorporates
constitution also incorporates the 1789
slavery in the French colonies. The 1795
but that document cannot, in any
Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen,
1).
Slave's Two Bodies: The Life of an American
10. Cf. Malick W. Ghachem, "The
809-42.
Fiction, " William and Mary Quarterly 60, no. 4 (2003):
of
Legal
rival for this status is the French constitution 1795,
11. The only plausible
Convention's February 1794 abolition of
the National
which explicitly incorporates
constitution also incorporates the 1789
slavery in the French colonies. The 1795
but that document cannot, in any
Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, --- Page 128 ---
REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 113
LAW AND ATLANTIC
as enacting a ban on race discrimination and
straightforward sense, be described
laws. I thank Jeremy D. Popkin for
of the
a guarantee of race-neutral application
the
constitution and slavery enpressing me on these points; see his essay on 1795 5 French Historical Studies
"Thermidor, Slavery, and the 'Affaire des Colonies,'
titled
38, no. 1 (2015): 61-82.
within the Continental Congress to push
12. On the reluctance of moderates
J. Ellis, Revolutionary
during the early months of 1776, see Joseph
for independence
(New York: Knopf, 2013), 5- For more
Summer: The Birth of American Independence
National Politics: An Interpreanalytical detail, see Jack N. Rakove, The Beginnings of
Continental Congress (New York: Knopf, 1979), 84-98.
tive History oft the
See generally Moïse, Le projet national.
13.
Declaration of Independence, 23.
14. Armitage,
of the French Colony of Saint-Domingue (Cap-Français,
15- 1801 constitution
at
[here1, available
sensmodiniconuiudienade)
Saint-Domingue: P. Roux, 1801),
American Declaration of Indepenafter "1801 constitution of Saint-Domingue"l: the
dence, July 4, 1776.
V, Art. 12)- Cf. French Declara16. 1801 constitution of Saint-Domingue, 3 (Title
the
of Man and the Citizen, Aug. 26, 1789, Art. 17 (characterizing
tion ofthe Rights
right to property as "sacred and inviolable").
VI, X-XII).
1801 constitution of Saint-Domingue, 3, 11--15 (Titles
17.
18. Ibid., 1 (Title II, Art. 3).
19. Ibid., 2 (Title II, Art. 5).
The Rise and Fall of New World Slavery
20. David Brion Davis, Inhuman Bondage:
York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 167.
(New
in Moïse, Le projet national, 131-57.
21. These documents are reproduced
22. Ibid., 69.
See generally Moise, Le projet national.
Decla23and Equality: The Life and Times ofthe
24. Cf. Alexander Tsesis, For Liberty
Press, 2012), which argues that
(New York: Oxford University
ration oflndependence
declaration inspired a rhetoric of equal protecthe language of equality in the 1776
became the formal equal protection
tion in the antebellum period that ultimately
provision of the 14th amendment in 1868.
Maier, American Scripture:
Armitage, Declaration ofIndependence. 115; Pauline
For an inci25-
(New York: Knopf, 1997), chap. 3.
Making the Declaration oflndependence
and Dessalines
roles ofl Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerres
sive analysis ofthe respective
Jenson, Beyond the Slave
the final version of the declaration, see Deborah
in crafting
in the Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: LiverNarrative: Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts
pool University Press, 2011), 86-91.
the Earth: The American Revolution
26. Eliga H. Gould, Among the Powers of
Harvard University Press,
and the Making ofo a New World Empire (Cambridge, MA:
ofthe 1801 constituaccompanying print depicting the promulgation
2012), caption
between pp. 110 and 111.
tion of Saint-l Domingue,
, Beyond the Slave
the final version of the declaration, see Deborah
in crafting
in the Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: LiverNarrative: Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts
pool University Press, 2011), 86-91.
the Earth: The American Revolution
26. Eliga H. Gould, Among the Powers of
Harvard University Press,
and the Making ofo a New World Empire (Cambridge, MA:
ofthe 1801 constituaccompanying print depicting the promulgation
2012), caption
between pp. 110 and 111.
tion of Saint-l Domingue, --- Page 129 ---
114 MALICK W. GHACHEM
and the Haitian Revolution (New York:
Malick W. Ghachem, The Old Regime
27.
University Press, 2012), esp. chaps. 5-6.
York:
Cambridge
The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New
28. Gordon S. Wood,
Revolution: A History (New York: Modern
Knopf, 1991), 186-87; and The American
Library, 2002), 57Independence, 16.
29. Armitage, Declaration of
VI, Art. 17).
1801 constitution of Saint-Domingue, 4 (Title
30.
and
in the Revolutionary Atlantic,"
Ada Ferrer, "Haiti, Free Soil,
Antislavery
31.
American Historical Review 117, no. 1 (2012): 40-66.
Kevin Attell (Chicago: UniAgamben, State of Exception, trans.
32. Cf. Giorgio
versity of Chicago Press, 2005).
the Past: Power and the Production of History
Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Silencing
33-
(Boston: Beacon Press, 1995), chap. 2.
Ruggles, "A Creole Solution
Michel DeGraff and Molly
34- On which see, e.g.,
York Times, August 1, 2014,
mmungpimnuemn/oigoipedl
for Haiti's Woes," New
follows:
jamais tu refusais ou recereads as
"[Sji
Darcrne
35- The original (French) text
vielle à tes destins me dictera pour ton
les lois que le génie qui
vais en murmurant
bonheur, tu mériterais le sort des peuples ingrats. le soutien de la liberté que tu
"Mais loin de moi cette affreuse idée; tu seras
cheris, l'appui du chef qui te commande." World: The Story of the Haitian RevoluLaurent Dubois, Avengers oft the New
36.
MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 247.
tion (Cambridge,
July 4.1 1776. On the need that AmerAmerican Declaration of Independence,
a
period felt to make the new United States "treatyicans of the postindependence
Gould, Among the Powers ofthe Earth.
worthy" nation, see the brilliant work of
of Revolution, in The Age of
"The Caribbean in the Age
38. See David Geggus,
ed. David Armitage and Sanjay SubrahRevolutions in Global Context, ca. 1760-1840,
and Robert Fatton Jr., The
(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 95-100;
manyan
(Boulder, CO: Lynne Riener, 2007), 60.
Roots of Haitian Despotism
The Haitian RevoluNick Nesbitt, Universal Emancipation:
39. See, for example,
University of Virginia Press, 2008);
tion and Radical Enlightenment (Charlottesville:
New World, esp. 3, 6-7
and Dubois, Avengers ofthe
40. Wood, Radicalism, ix.
1-2 (Title II, arts. 3-5); 1805 constitu41. 1801 constitution of Saint-Domingue, Imperiale, 1805), 2-3 (Arts. 2-3), availtion of Haiti (Les Cayes, Haiti: L'Imprimerie
able at swnedomncontinionde
, for example,
University of Virginia Press, 2008);
tion and Radical Enlightenment (Charlottesville:
New World, esp. 3, 6-7
and Dubois, Avengers ofthe
40. Wood, Radicalism, ix.
1-2 (Title II, arts. 3-5); 1805 constitu41. 1801 constitution of Saint-Domingue, Imperiale, 1805), 2-3 (Arts. 2-3), availtion of Haiti (Les Cayes, Haiti: L'Imprimerie
able at swnedomncontinionde --- Page 130 ---
Norbert Thoret,
Jean-Jacques Dessalines,
Aftermath of the
and the Violent
Declaration of Independence
Haitian
JEREMY D. POPKIN
personal memoir of Norbert Thoret, a
Why should the recently discovered
inspire a new
tailor from the small French town of Bourbonneles-Bains, Although his
consideration of the Haitian Declaration of Independence?'
the
detailed we have oft the events in Haiti during
account is one ofthe most
Thoret does not even mention the issuance
first year after its independence,
extensive information about
of the declaration. He does, however, provide carried out on the orders of
the massacre of the French white population
from the point of view
Dessalines in the early months of 1804,
recorded
Jean-Jacques
survivors of that action. Among other things, he
of one of the few
from Saint-Domingue whose
the sad fate of Louis Dufay, the white deputy
had inspired the French
1794 (16 pluviose An II),
speech, on February 4,
decree abolishing slavery, and who
National Convention to pass its historic
killed.? Thoret's memoir resuicide rather than wait to be
chose to commit
was indissolubly
that the
of Haitian independence
minds us
proclamation violence and challenges us to explain the
linked to an episode of shocking
nature ofthat connection.
fact that his tailoring skills made himself
Thoret owed his survival to the
of the Haitian Declaration
the central figure in the story
useful to Dessalines,
these events
and its aftermath. The two men experienced
of Independence
In Thoret's memoir, the Haitian Decin completely different ways, however.
and the massacres
did not even merit a mention,
laration of Independence
For Dessalines, the
and unjustified.
he barely survived were inexplicable
ofhis
was the great accomplishment
achievement of Haitian independence
of securing that indelife, and the massacres were integral to the process those who are eager to fit
pendence. For present-day scholars, particularly narrative of the struggle for
the story of the Haitian Revolution into a global of Dessalines is fully satisfacfreedom, neither Thoret's perspective nor that
were
cannot see the massacres as inexplicable: they
tory. Unlike Thoret, we
ofwhite violence that he essentially
clearly a reaction against the long history
unjustified.
he barely survived were inexplicable
ofhis
was the great accomplishment
achievement of Haitian independence
of securing that indelife, and the massacres were integral to the process those who are eager to fit
pendence. For present-day scholars, particularly narrative of the struggle for
the story of the Haitian Revolution into a global of Dessalines is fully satisfacfreedom, neither Thoret's perspective nor that
were
cannot see the massacres as inexplicable: they
tory. Unlike Thoret, we
ofwhite violence that he essentially
clearly a reaction against the long history --- Page 131 ---
116 JEREMY D. POPKIN
On the other hand, however, no one would want
excluded from his narrative.
of defenseless men, women, and
justify the killing oft thousands
to explicitly
basis of their ancestry and skin color. Historians
children, simply on the
the most sensitive and painful
know that the 1804 massacres are among
They have been cited ever
episodes ofthe Haitian struggle for independence.1 of the black population and
the
barbarous nature
since to prove supposedly
do not want to provide ammunition for
especially of Dessalines. Most of us
were inextriNevertheless, these massacres
the revival of these accusations.
and no full evaluation
cably connected to the Declaration of Independence, without taking them into
of that document and its significance is possible
account.
about the 1804 massacres. The
Few historians have written at length
but by the ninehistorical accounts are not by white authors,
most detailed
who were critical of the first leader of
teenth-century "mulatto" historians
Alexis Beaubrun Ardouin,
independent Haiti, particularly Thomas Madiou, scholars who want to underand Guy-Joseph Bonnet." Twenty-first-century modern ideas of freedom often
line the Haitian movement's contribution to Dubois does not comment on
give these events minimal attention. Laurent
of the Haitian Revothe fact that the title of his widely read general history
in which
of the New World, is taken from the proclamation
lution, Avengers
The massacres have drawn
justified the massacres."
Dessalines publicly
however. Philippe R. Girard's 2005 arincreased attention in recent years,
because of his
"Caribbean Genocide,' 77 has been highly controversial
ticle,
emotional label. Robin Blackburn has vigorapplication to them of that
insisting that
of the term "genocide,
ously contested the appropriateness
and explaining them as a reaction
the massacres were not racially motivated
scale," " and Girard has chosen
to "French massacres on a considerably larger
recent The Slaves Who
to describe these events in his more
other wording
that book stresses the general violence of
Defeated Napoléon, even though
accounts." 5 Deborah Jenson
the years from 1802 to 1804 more than previous for the language of the
has insisted on Dessalines's personal responsibility
Western cultural
which she calls an "effort to replace
in
1804 proclamations,
and history as a slave
hermeneutics with those from his own environment
ofl Dessalines's
Saint-Domingue: n She refers only briefly to the consequences violence and low
which she calls a "traumatic repetition of the
language,
of human life that were hallmarks of colonialism."
estimation of the value
importance as a critic of colonialWhereas Jenson insists on Dessalines's
whose justification of violence
ism, Blackburn sees him as an isolated figure,
that Blackburn
of racial and civic harmony"
"stimulated a counterdoctrine
identifies as the real legacy of Haitian independence.
memoir,
ignore a source such as Thoret's
Although historians can hardly
Dessalines's
Saint-Domingue: n She refers only briefly to the consequences violence and low
which she calls a "traumatic repetition of the
language,
of human life that were hallmarks of colonialism."
estimation of the value
importance as a critic of colonialWhereas Jenson insists on Dessalines's
whose justification of violence
ism, Blackburn sees him as an isolated figure,
that Blackburn
of racial and civic harmony"
"stimulated a counterdoctrine
identifies as the real legacy of Haitian independence.
memoir,
ignore a source such as Thoret's
Although historians can hardly --- Page 132 ---
DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH OF THE
DECLARATION 117
which provides many new details about the events
tion as to whether introducing it into
of 1804, there is a quesindependence risks
a discussion ofthe Haitian struggle for
distorting our
too much
understanding of that event
emphasis on the sufferings of what
by putting
remaining whites.' "
he
Jenson calls "small groups of
Thoret
Although was not particularly well
was literate and SO was able to leave a written
educated, Norbert
dured. The far more numerous black
account of what he enHaitian struggle for freedom
victims who lost their lives during the
us to
were not able to do the same
imagine their
thing, compelling
often has to be combed experiences on the basis of fragmentary evidence that
why the 1804
out ofhostile sources. There are a number of
massacres are too important to be omitted from
reasons
consideration of the Haitian Declaration of
any serious
that the massacres had a high
Independence, however One is
price for the
as the September prison
newly independent nation. Just
massacres in Paris in
on the French Revolution and served
1792 left a long-lasting stain
the 1804 massacres deterred
to justify resistance to that movement,
other countries from
pendence and provided an emotionally
recognizing Haiti's indedenounced its
powerful argument for those who
population as uncivilized savages.
in
argument to justify the massacres, the
Second, laying out an
also set up the framework for
Haitian Declaration of
a dictatorial
Independence
the individual rights of
regime that would not
any ofits citizens, whatever
recognize
reason for examining them is the fact that
their skin color. A third
make it clear that many blacks and
sources such as Thoret's account
sion to kill the whites and did what people of color disapproved of the decirecover these stories of moral
they could to save some of the victims. To
of the Haitian
courage is to underline an
past. Finally, the 1804 massacres
important element
tions about the legitimacy of
bring into sharp focus quesbefore the Haitian Revolution anticolonial violence that were debated even
and that continue to
ophers today.
preoccupy social philosIt is certainly appropriate to bear in mind
the massacres of whites in
throughout this discussion that
in which black
1804 came at the end ofa long history of
people had been far more often the
violence
trators. Slavery was an inherently violent
victims than the perpeof the colony of Saint-Domingue,
system, and throughout the history
of life or death over their
slave owners had insisted on their right
ofa wholesale
"property." Prior to the uprising of 1791, the idea
massacre of the black slaves contradicted
which depended on their labor, but whenever
the logic of slavery,
never hesitated to resort to
whites felt threatened, they
had about mass killings arbitrary killings. Whatever inhibitions whites
rising, and there is
disappeared completely in the face of the
no doubt that, during the violent
1791 up1802-3, many times more blacks than whites
periods of 1791-93 and
were killed simply because
slave owners had insisted on their right
ofa wholesale
"property." Prior to the uprising of 1791, the idea
massacre of the black slaves contradicted
which depended on their labor, but whenever
the logic of slavery,
never hesitated to resort to
whites felt threatened, they
had about mass killings arbitrary killings. Whatever inhibitions whites
rising, and there is
disappeared completely in the face of the
no doubt that, during the violent
1791 up1802-3, many times more blacks than whites
periods of 1791-93 and
were killed simply because --- Page 133 ---
118 JEREMY D. POPKIN
boasted of killing
of the color of their skin. White military men routinely encounters. After
thousands of "brigands" in their armed
hundreds or even
account My Odyssey cheerfully
the author of the first-person
one slaughter,
within a circle of two
"one could not find a living Negro
reported to a friend,
with their bloody remains. n7 The
and a half miles, and the roads were strewn
in 1802 and
committed under Generals Leclerc and Rochambeau
atrocities
is to be held responsible for intro1803 are well documented. Ifany group
into Saint-Domingue,
the practice of racially motivated mass killing
ducing
it is certainly the whites.
little about this history of violence. ThoNorbert Thoret's memoir says
for whom the colony had
owner, but rather a man
ret was not a plantation
had first gone there in 1790 at the age of 22.
been a land of opportunity. He
tailoring shopin Cap Français.
he had opened his own
Within a few months,
the six workers he was soon employing were
He does not specify whether
establishments in the city
slaves, although it is not unlikely: other tailoring violence unleashed by the
labor. He was soon confronted by the
did use slave
National Guard unit maintained order at
racial tensions in the colony. His
colored leaders Vincent Ogé and
execution of the free
the gruesome public
"I was SO shocked that I turned my
Chavannes in early 1791.
and
Jean-Baptiste
their horrible cries,' " he recalled. Illness
head SO as not to see, but Il heard
1792. He had not given up
exhaustion led him to return to France in August and in 1802 he and his
of making his fortune in the colony, however,
The
hope
with the French Leclerc expedition.
family came back to Cap Français
demand for his services, and
officers in the French army provided a steady workers, this time all legally
within a few months, he was employing forty
France and having
metropolitan
free rather than slaves. Having grown upin
was still intact,
short time in the colony while the slave system
spent only a
feelings about the institution one way or
Thoret probably did not have strong
that he could make money there
the other; what attracted him was the fact
he would learn that even
than in Europe. In 1804, however,
far more easily
like himself could not escape the conserelatively disengaged white colonists
quences of the heritage of slavery.
white civilians in Cap Français
Thoret was one of the several thousand
Haiti after the surthemselves trapped in the newly independent
who found
the end of 1803. They learned of the mortal
render of the French army at
who had witnessed the
threatening them when a British ship captain
ofdanger
arrived in their city and secretly
massacre of the whites in Port-au-Prince
to take such a risk. When
fered to help them escape, but most were unwilling assumed that only adult
Dessalines and his troops arrived in the city, Thoret
to find a
SO he left his wife and child and attempted
men would be targeted,
and put to work sewhiding place, but he was eventually spotted, imprisoned,
1803. They learned of the mortal
render of the French army at
who had witnessed the
threatening them when a British ship captain
ofdanger
arrived in their city and secretly
massacre of the whites in Port-au-Prince
to take such a risk. When
fered to help them escape, but most were unwilling assumed that only adult
Dessalines and his troops arrived in the city, Thoret
to find a
SO he left his wife and child and attempted
men would be targeted,
and put to work sewhiding place, but he was eventually spotted, imprisoned, --- Page 134 ---
OF THE DECLARATION 119
DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH
Once Dessalines moved on to Fort-Dauphin,
ing trousers for black officers.
to the other whites. Contrary
servant told Thoret what had happened
a black
he learned that women and children had been
to what Thoret had assumed,
and marched to the city cemetery at La
rounded up, separated from the men,
whose hands had been tied
Fossette, where they had been killed. "The men, refused to march. They
behind their backs put up some resistance and been held), and as soon as
forced out [oft the building in which they had
w9
were
slaughtered." Thothey! had passed through the door, they were immediately
but he and his
wife and daughter had managed to escape the massacre,
ret's
they were assisted by a number
family were by no means safe, even though
whites remained at the
ofblacks and people of color in the city. The surviving
who took it into his head to kill them.
mercy of any mauvais sujet
Dessalines
him a certain protection;
Thoret's close association with
gave he heard the blacks say,
according to his account, when he visited the palace,
Desharm that white man, he's the tailor of the Emperor
"Be careful not to
remained precarious, and in his
salines. >10 Nevertheless, Thoret's situation
Thoret managed
memoir, he did not hesitate to call it "slavery."u Eventually, him and his family to
to find a black sailor with a small boat who smuggled under the control oft the
former
colony of Santo Domingo, then
the
Spanish
Ferrand. Ferrand was as pleased as Dessalines
French general Jean-Louis
his service, and Thoret promptly went
had been to have a skilled tailor at
workers. Neveremploying as many as forty
back into business, eventually
the
of what he had lived
theless, he could not free himself from
memory
I couldn't sleep for a single night
through in Cap Haïtien: "For many years,
dreams in which I relived the
without my rest being interrupted by horrible
v12
dangers I had experienced."
represent the 1804 massacres as an
Whereas Norbert Thoret could only
Jean-Jacques Dessalines unquestionably
inexplicable outburst of violence,
the assertion of Haitian indepenconsidered them as an essential part of
Haitian Declaration of
and the creation of a new society. To read the
dence
that the majority ofthe documentis devoted
Independence is to be reminded
French. Whereas the American
and imprecations against the
to menaces
had been careful to lay the blame for oppresDeclaration of Independence
indeed specifically on George III, the
sion on the British government, and
calling for "anathema to the
Haitian document targets the French people,
that "the French name
French name, eternal hatred to France"; complaining Frenchmen in our Island,
warning that "there are
still haunts our country";
demanding to know "When
and yet you think you are free and independent"; do?"; asking "What do we
tired of
the same air as they
will we be
breathing
and announcing that "they are
have in common with these executioners?"; and.. ifthey find asylum among us,
not our brothers they never will be,
calling for "anathema to the
Haitian document targets the French people,
that "the French name
French name, eternal hatred to France"; complaining Frenchmen in our Island,
warning that "there are
still haunts our country";
demanding to know "When
and yet you think you are free and independent"; do?"; asking "What do we
tired of
the same air as they
will we be
breathing
and announcing that "they are
have in common with these executioners?"; and.. ifthey find asylum among us,
not our brothers they never will be, --- Page 135 ---
120 JEREMY D. POPKIN
of our troubles and our divisions.' 7 "What
they will again be the instigators
souls of the 'indigenous' populafor before appeasing [the
are you waiting
"Let us frighten all those
tion killed by the Frenchl?, " the proclamation asked.
with the French,"
would dare to try to take it from us again: let us begin
who
"Let them shudder when they approach our
the proclamation concluded.
resolution that we shall enter into of putof] the terrible
coasts . [because
French, and who would soil with their
who is born
ting to death, anyone
sacrilegious foot the territory ofl liberty."
deterrence, and purificaThe leitmotifs of the declaration are vengeance,
history" In the
three common motives for mass killings throughout
tion,
calls for retribution against those
name of justice, the declaration repeatedly the "indigenous citizens." ' Just
responsible for the crimes committed against
for destroying
white colonists had denounced the black insurgents
as the
insists on the need to avenge the killing of wives,
families, the declaration
"infants at the breast' 71 In
husbands, brothers, sisters, children, and even
its calls for action
however, the declaration also justifies
addition to revenge,
security. Ifany Frenchmen were
the French in the name of national
against
to the document, "they will continue
allowed to remain in Haiti, according
divisions. s The danger was not
the
of our troubles and our
to be
plotters
the
might be taken in by the
only a military one; it was also that
population 1 Finally, the declara-
"misleading eloquence of their agents' proclamations."
of anything
to purify the new country
tion clearly reflects a determination
that "the French name
that might recall the French presence. The complaint still lingered, even in
that a French spirit
still haunts our country" suggests
elimination of the remaining French
the absence of French authority. The
ritual intended to do away not just
population would be a form of exorcism, a
with their
as well.
of a group of people but
spirit
with the physical presence
and of the two shorter documents pubThe content of the declaration
was directly linked
lished with it make it clear that the anti-French campaign head of state. Whereas
of the absolute authority of the new
to the assertion
declaration speak of the people's common destiny,
the first two-thirds of the
repeatedly, as Dessalines
the word "I" appears
in the concluding paragraphs,
fought, sometimes alone,"
reminds his audience that "I have stood guard,
and insists that, as a result, they owe him unquestioning
for their liberty,
while receiving the laws that
obedience. "If you ever rejected or grumbled
for
destiny dictates to me your happiness,
the spirit that watches over your
77 In a separate document
would deserve the fate of ungrateful peoples."
you
version of the declaration, the leading generals
included with the printed
Dessalines in the fight against the French
who had participated along with
issued by his authority, the only one
signed an oath "to obey blindly the laws
war, and to name
we give him the power to make peace,
we acknowledge:
ing
for their liberty,
while receiving the laws that
obedience. "If you ever rejected or grumbled
for
destiny dictates to me your happiness,
the spirit that watches over your
77 In a separate document
would deserve the fate of ungrateful peoples."
you
version of the declaration, the leading generals
included with the printed
Dessalines in the fight against the French
who had participated along with
issued by his authority, the only one
signed an oath "to obey blindly the laws
war, and to name
we give him the power to make peace,
we acknowledge: --- Page 136 ---
AND THE AFTERMATH OF THE DECLARATION 121
DESSALINES, THORET,
used the declaration and the oath accomhis successor." >14 Dessalines thus
population to follow
panying it to commit both the military and the general in the island. As
whatever orders he gave regarding the French remaining volume, "The Haitian
Ghachem has argued in his contribution to this
Malick
enactment of a state of emergency," an assertion
declaration reads like an
nation was SO precarious that its
that the situation of the newly independent
ofl law,15
safety could not be assured through ordinary processes
French infludenunciation of all lingering
In view of the declaration's
document was written in French.
ence in Haiti, it is of course ironic that the
to the mass
Whether and how the document's language was communicated
is unknown. There has been considerable
of the new nation's population
about the process of the declaration's
scholarly debate in the past few years
conabout the extent of Dessalines's personal
composition, and in particular
had been preceded by an earlier victribution to its phrasing. The declaration
and co-signed by Dessalines,
dated November 29, 1803,
tory proclamation,
Christophe, which had had a very different
Augustin Clervaux, and Henry
whites during the fighting and
tone: it apologized for the death ofinnocent be allowed to return to their
promised that white property owners would the lawfulness of the cause
plantations, provided that they "acknowledged these twelve years. >16 The Declafor which we have been spilling our blood
alone, conveyed a radically
attributed to Dessalines
ration of Independence,
different message.
command of French. Mid-nineDessalines himself had at best a limited
attributed the acwith Thomas Madiou,
teenth-century authors, starting
to Louis Félix Boisrondtual wording of the Declaration of Independence France. The most famous
free man of color educated in
Tonnerre, a young
that "In order to draw up our act
version of this story has him announcing white to serve as a parchment, his
we need the skin of a
>17
of independence,
for ink, and a bayonet for a pen.' More elabskull as an inkwell, his blood
of Ardouin and Bonnet, state that
orate versions of the story, such as those
declaration modeled after
another man of color, Charéron, had composed a
American document of 1776. According to Bonnet,
the
with dignity, the grievances we
Charéron had taken pains to enumerate,
the reasons why the
France, and thereby to establish naturally
had against
Charéron's work was
Haitian people was proclaiming its independence. suitable for us, Boisrondsubmitted to Dessalines: this manifesto is not
his secsaid, and, with the authorization of the general-in-chief,
Tonnerre
the next day, the
produced, in one night, the act that was published
retary
first of January 1804. 18
1776. According to Bonnet,
the
with dignity, the grievances we
Charéron had taken pains to enumerate,
the reasons why the
France, and thereby to establish naturally
had against
Charéron's work was
Haitian people was proclaiming its independence. suitable for us, Boisrondsubmitted to Dessalines: this manifesto is not
his secsaid, and, with the authorization of the general-in-chief,
Tonnerre
the next day, the
produced, in one night, the act that was published
retary
first of January 1804. 18 --- Page 137 ---
122 JEREMY D. POPKIN
the words on paper, Deborah Jenson has
Regardless of who actually put
true author of the document.
argued that we should regard Dessalines as the
not Boisrond, was the
"There is abundant literary evidence that Dessalines,
voice of the document in the narrative proclamations 19
crucial conceptual
months of 1804, > she claims. The docfrom late 1803 through the final
revolutionary rhetoric than
clearly owes more to French
ument's language
has
to recall the words of the "Maracknowledges, however. One only
Jenson
ofhow violent the language of French revolutionary
seillaise" to be reminded
could be. The declaration also borrows
calls for vengeance against enemies
in their violent denunciations of
from the tropes used by the white colonists
against them in the early
and free men of color who had risen up
the blacks
of victims in terms of their family re1790S. In particular, the enumeration
powerful emotional
lationships to the living, as a way ofi inciting particularly
in the colonists' propaganda.
responses, was a commonplace
however, that the declaration
Jenson is undoubtedly justified in asserting,
in 1804 "are marked
and the other documents issued in Dessalines's name
for viorhetorical and poetic ferocity." >20 Dessalines's penchant
for
by a singular
before 1804, he had made a name
rhetorical. Long
lence was not merely
leader. His harsh treatment of the
himself as a particularly brutal military
earned
André Rigaud in 1799-1800 supposedly
enemy in the war against
Louverture-"T told you to weed the field,
him a rebuke from Toussaint
Philippe Girard has docubut you tore everything out by the roots"2Land
black rivals and the
mented both the way in which he eliminated potential
black guerrilla
in the French campaign against
extent of his participation
before he somewhat belatedly changed
resistance in the summer of 1802,
violence that would not
sides.2 The Declaration of Independence forecasts about assuming that
for several months, and we must be careful
take place
massacres. As David Armitage has noted
its phrasing led directly to the 1804
appear as ifthey were
declarations ofi independence, its words
in his book on
but its elaborate French VOaddressed primarily to the Haitian population, of them and it is not clear
cabulary would have been unintelligible to most
subsequently yissued
it circulated within the country2 Dessalines
how widely
the killing of the white population,
several documents explicitly justifying
himself from the
it clear that he had no desire to distance
however, making
in French and circuThese proclamations, too, were published
massacres.
in the middle oft the killing campaign, he sent
lated abroad. On April 1, 1804,
he claimed that "the irrevocable resa circular letter to his generals in which
needed any
that we have taken to exterminate our oppressors" hardly
olution
could never equal the sum of injustices
justification, since "our vengeance
n24
and atrocities of our enemies.
four weeks later, in
Dessalines returned to the subject of the massacres
however, making
in French and circuThese proclamations, too, were published
massacres.
in the middle oft the killing campaign, he sent
lated abroad. On April 1, 1804,
he claimed that "the irrevocable resa circular letter to his generals in which
needed any
that we have taken to exterminate our oppressors" hardly
olution
could never equal the sum of injustices
justification, since "our vengeance
n24
and atrocities of our enemies.
four weeks later, in
Dessalines returned to the subject of the massacres --- Page 138 ---
OF THE DECLARATION 123
DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH
28, 1804, and written, according to Ardouin,
a proclamation issued on April
Chanlatte. "The hour of venby another of his mixed-race secretaries, enemies Juste of the rights of man have
geance has struck, and the implacable for their crimes," 77 this document
suffered the punishment they deserved
"I raised my arm,
Although its wording had Dessalines proclaim,
began.
above their guilty heads,' it made
which had remained too long suspended
"you" and "we," " associating the other generals
more use of the pronouns
with the killings that had now been
and indeed the whole of the population
largely accomplished.
torrent which roars, tears away, sweeps along, your
Like an overflowing
in its path. Where is there a
vengeful fury has carried away everything who doesn't think he fulfilled
vile Haitian, unworthy of his regeneration, blood-crazed tigers [] Yes,
the eternal decrees in exterminating these
crimes for crimes, outrages
these real cannibals war for war,
we have given
I have avenged America."
for outrages. Yes, I have saved my country,
took special pains to associate the lighter-skinned peoThe proclamation
"Blacks and yellows, whom the duplicity ofthe
ple of color with the killings.
who are today only the same
Europeans has sought for SO long to divide, you
reconciliation needed
have no doubt, your perfect
thing, only a single family,
n The proclamation ended with a
to be sealed in the blood of your torturers.' There is motto. Liberty, indecall for a "war to the death against tyrants! that could my have come directly
pendence! There is our rallying cry!," a phrase
but followed by a
French revolutionary proclamations,
from innumerable
successors follow the line I have
distinctively Dessalinian coda: "May my
their
it is the worthitraced for them! It is the best system to maintain
power;
>25
est homage they could render to my memory.
of April 28, 1804,
Like the Declaration oflndependence, the proclamation echoes of wellbut it also has unmistakable
expresses a strong personality,
have been familiar with the princiknown European texts. Its author might
treatise on the law of nations,
ple of retaliation outlined in Emer de Vattel's
which noted that "when
handbook respected throughout the world,
a basic
nation, who observe no rules, and never give
we are at war with a savage
ofany of their people we take
them in the person
quarter, we may punish
to force them to respect the law
and endeavour, by this rigorous proceeding,
in conflicts with
p26 Europeans had often cited this principle
of humanity.
ofthe Haitian combatants as pononwhites, and it might have struck many
of Leclerc and Rochambeau.
etic justice to see it applied to the countrymen closer relationship to the
of April 28, 1804, has an even
The proclamation
inserted into the 1780 edition of Raynal's Hiscelebrated lines that Diderot
people we take
them in the person
quarter, we may punish
to force them to respect the law
and endeavour, by this rigorous proceeding,
in conflicts with
p26 Europeans had often cited this principle
of humanity.
ofthe Haitian combatants as pononwhites, and it might have struck many
of Leclerc and Rochambeau.
etic justice to see it applied to the countrymen closer relationship to the
of April 28, 1804, has an even
The proclamation
inserted into the 1780 edition of Raynal's Hiscelebrated lines that Diderot --- Page 139 ---
124 JEREMY D. POPKIN
Indes asking, "Where is he, this great man that
toire philosophique des deux
tormented children?" This passage was
nature owes to its vexed, oppressed, returned to the burned-out ruins of
certainly known in the colony: when he
somewhat improbably
his home after the insurrection of 1791, one colonist of
still on
that he had found his "elegant in-quarto edition Raynal
claimed
this phrase: 'And if the blacks
my acajou table, open to the page containing
1n27 Dessalines's procthe laws for the whites will be terrible.'
take vengeance,
a "torrent"; Diderot had
lamation had referred to his followers as forming
the
71 which
of a movement "more impetuous than
torrents,"
already spoken
ineffaceable traces of their justified anger." The
would "leave everywhere
America; the Diderot passage had promised
proclamation spoke of avenging
by the blood that they have
that "the fields of America will be intoxicated unfortunates, piled up for
awaited for SO long, and the bones of SO many
the homwill tremble with joy." n Dessalines had anticipated
three centuries,
Diderot had forecast that "the name
future generations would pay him;
blessed
age
the rights of the human race will be
of the hero who reestablished
to his glory." Finally, Dideeverywhere, everywhere they will put up trophies
the Code blanc will be
had written, "The Code noir will disappear, and .
M28
rot
only by the right of reprisal. Chanlatte
terrifying, if the victor is inspired
his justifiwell have had this specific passage in mind as he composed
could
cation of Dessalines's actions.
proclamations was that of
Whereas the polished rhetoric ofthese printed
from
educated secretaries, we get a sense of his own language
Dessalines's
Chazotte, which recount
the memoirs of the white planter Peter Stephen whites in the southern HaiDessalines's supervision of the killing of the
a
1804. Although Chazotte was undoubtedly:
tian city of Jérémie on March 9,
conforms
his description of the events in Jérémie generally
hostile witness,
is
with that in
and his depiction of Dessalines congruent
to other evidence,
to Chazotte's narrative, Dessalines,
other sources of the period. According
assembled before him under
after having the city's whites rounded up and
harangued them in
the guard ofh his own military unit, the 4th demi-brigade, hai moue, > he began.
Creole. Wous blancs de Jérémie, moue conne wous
reproached
of Jérémie, I know you hate me. " Dessalines
["You white men
ofslavery in 1793 and their supthe whites for their resistance to the abolition
island. He claimed, howfor the British during their occupation of the
their interests.
port
whites should have recognized his concern for
ever, that the
defender of rights for all, he reminded
Rather than presenting himself as a
of color and the blacks.
the whites of actions he had taken against the people
your
Rigaud in 1799-1800, he had "passed through
During the war against
enemies.' s He also credited himself
country, destroying the mulattoes, your
avery in 1793 and their supthe whites for their resistance to the abolition
island. He claimed, howfor the British during their occupation of the
their interests.
port
whites should have recognized his concern for
ever, that the
defender of rights for all, he reminded
Rather than presenting himself as a
of color and the blacks.
the whites of actions he had taken against the people
your
Rigaud in 1799-1800, he had "passed through
During the war against
enemies.' s He also credited himself
country, destroying the mulattoes, your --- Page 140 ---
OF THE DECLARATION 125
DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH
of inspectors to compel les citoyens
with having "formed black companies
M29
to labor more than they did before.
nègres
Dessalines made against the whites, accordThe most serious accusation
their wealth to corrupt the general's
ing to Chazotte, was that they had used
of the
whom Dessalines had appointed as commander
own cousin, Domage,
Leclerc's forces land without opposition.
region, and to persuade him to let
shall pay for Domage's
for this! The blood of all of you
"I shall be revenged
to Chazotte, "at this
treacherous conduct," ' Dessalines concluded. According
and
himself to the extreme of a maniac's fury,"
moment he had worked
up
to calm him down." If
Geffrard had to intervene
the mixed-race general
we can see that the theme of venChazotte's account is basically accurate,
of Independence, was
expressed in the Declaration
geance, SO powerfully
speech, and that his fear that the
also the dominant note in Dessalines's
cause was rooted in concrete
whites could seduce blacks to betray their own
his intentions
We can also see that he had no hesitation in expressing
events.
and in front of numerous witnesses.
in his own language,
of Chazotte and Thoret, as well as other
Survivors' accounts such as those
testify to Dessalines's diBonnet's memoirs,
documents such as Guy-Joseph
also make it clear that many of
involvement in the massacres, but they
rect
these killings. GenDessalines's fellow military officers and soldiers opposed
intervened
of the leading free colored officers, personally
eral Geffrard, one
ordered another officer of color, Colonel
to save Chazotte. When Dessalines
Gaston responded by apsome of the whites in Jérémie,
Gaston, to execute
house, in front ofa a large crowd, and telling
pearing on the balcony ofhis own
Dessalines that I rather die
the spectators, "I order you to report to Governor of murder.' 77 He then
hand than be concerned in, or be guilty any
by my own
memoirs mention the actions of General Diaquoi
shot himself.31 Numerous
to save as many white victims as
(or Diakwé), a black officer who intervened
also
as a rescuer in
Madame Dessalines, the dictator's wife,
appears
he could.
blacks and people of color also helped
a number of accounts. More ordinary
those who aided him in one way
white survivors on many occasions. Among
official, and his wife and
Thoret mentions Ferrier, a mixed-race
or another,
libre; two domestiques; a femme de couleur
her mother, as well as a négresse
later made the Comte de Limowho knew his mother-in-law; Julien Prévost,
took Thoret and
Christophe; and the black fisherman who eventually
nade by
thirst for violent vengeance was clearly not
his family to safety. Dessalines's
shared by the whole of the Haitian population.
force behind the
There is thus little doubt that Dessalines was the driving
to the Haimassacres and that he saw them as a necessary complement had be1804
and as a demonstration that Haiti
tian Declaration of Independence
as well as a négresse
later made the Comte de Limowho knew his mother-in-law; Julien Prévost,
took Thoret and
Christophe; and the black fisherman who eventually
nade by
thirst for violent vengeance was clearly not
his family to safety. Dessalines's
shared by the whole of the Haitian population.
force behind the
There is thus little doubt that Dessalines was the driving
to the Haimassacres and that he saw them as a necessary complement had be1804
and as a demonstration that Haiti
tian Declaration of Independence --- Page 141 ---
126 JEREMY D. POPKIN
were not simply an extension of the
come a sovereign nation. The massacres
since its outset in August,
violence that had marked the Haitian Revolution
of slavery
however. To be sure, violence against the white perpetrators in the
1791,
against slavery. The participants
was a central element of the uprising
of changing
understood that they had no other way
August 1791 insurrection
of the slave owners and the COtheir situation. The complete intransigence for "reform" of slavery, such
lonial government in the face of any proposals
resistance to even the
the Castries edicts of 1784-85 and the ferocious
as
free
of color during the first years
slightest concessions to the island's
people the whites had no intention of
of the French Revolution, made it clear that
peacefully yielding any oftheir power or privileges. the violence of the first
On the whole, however, what is striking about
limited
call the Haitian Revolution is how relatively
phase of what we now
the burning of cane fields and
it was. The destruction of property through
itself deeply in the memplantations houses was spectacular and imprinted
not, despite the
whites who witnessed it, but the insurgents were
ories of
the wholesale massacre of the white
accusations of the colonists, bent on
eliminated the one mempopulation. Other black leaders themselves quickly
and killing
Bullet, whose behavior in torturing
ber of their group, Jeannot
and the members of the
prisoners suggested a truly sadistic personality, the four months of extensive
French First Civil Commission estimated that claimed only four hundred
between August and December 1791 had
Protesfighting
the few days of fighting between
white victims.7 (By comparison,
the bloodiest episode
and Catholics in the city of Nîmes in June 1790,
tants
Revolution, cost some three hundred lives.)
in the early years of the French
leader of the Haitian movement,
Toussaint Louverture, the most important
of unthinkhistorical record as an opponent
first enters the documented
the memoirist Gabriel Gros, when
ing violence against whites. According to
of negotiations
Biassou, enraged by the breakdown
the black leader Georges
threatened to kill his white prisoners,
with the whites in December 1791,
he might have
"braving all danger, attempted to save us, though
Louverture,
He represented to him, that
been himself the victim to this monster's rage.
not to be thus sacrificed, without being imprisoned,
we could not, and ought
>33
and calling a court martial upon us.
ofhuman lives in the HaiThe episode that claimed the largest number
of
Français
the burning Cap
to the Leclerc expedition,
tian Revolution prior
violence, but rather
was not the result of black revolutionary
in June 1793,
of free people: French sailors and white
of a clash between rival groups
and white
of the refree
of color
supporters
colonists on one side,
people
and Polverel on the other. Most of
publican civil commissioners Sonthonax
with their lives, whereas the
the city's white residents managed to escape
ofhuman lives in the HaiThe episode that claimed the largest number
of
Français
the burning Cap
to the Leclerc expedition,
tian Revolution prior
violence, but rather
was not the result of black revolutionary
in June 1793,
of free people: French sailors and white
of a clash between rival groups
and white
of the refree
of color
supporters
colonists on one side,
people
and Polverel on the other. Most of
publican civil commissioners Sonthonax
with their lives, whereas the
the city's white residents managed to escape --- Page 142 ---
OF THE DECLARATION 127
DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH
of the three thousand to ten thousand victims were
overwhelming majority
violence in Saintblack. 34 The worst episodes ofl fblack-on-white
white
undoubtedly
1802, such as the killing of over seven hundred
Domingue prior to
in July 1794 and that ofat least
colonists in Spanish-occupied Fort-Dauphin rebellion in 1801, occurred not in
several hundred whites during the Moyse
their determination to
when the slaves had to dramatize
the early period
after the French authorities had officially
gain their freedom, but in the years
triggered by rumors about
recognized the end of slavery; they were usually
Toussaint Louverture
restoration of slavery, and, once he came to power,
the
whites in the Artibonite Valto
them. 35 The massacres of
acted quickly stop
that took
in the first weeks after the
ley and other parts of the island
place
by Dessalines's
ofLeclerc's troops in 1802, most ofthem perpetrated
of the
landing
logic: whites in other parts
troops, responded to a certain military
and, as the black forces precolony had indeed welcomed the French troops,
fifth column
face the invaders, they did not want to leave a potential
pared to
differ from all previous episodes of blackin their rear. 36 The 1804 massacres Revolution because they were carried
on-white violence during the Haitian
constituted government,
the
orders of the head of the newly
out on explicit
and because there was an
because their targets were completely powerless, would have been just as effeceasily available alimuhe-ipetulia-durs
tive in purging Haiti of French presence.
was pondered at length
The moral problem posed by the 1804 massacres
founders of Haitian revolutionary
by the two great midninctenth-cemntury Beaubrun Ardouin. As Madiou wrote,
historiography, Thomas Madiou and
that the violence of our
"these terrible measures horrify humanity. the Seeing whites to stay among us, they
political passions made it impossible for
of them had failed to leave
should have been deported; if a large number
we had officially
with the debris of the French army, it was because
"One
along
n37 Similarly, Ardouin wrote,
promised them security and protection.'
at a moment when the
understand vengeance in the midst of fighting,
can
to intimidate one's enemy : : . But, after
struggle requires extreme measures
and
sentiments
moderation
generous
the victory, when justice triumphs,
m38 Ardouin was particushould prevail over hatred, no matter how justified."
that the massacres
larly eloquent in underlining the negative consequences
a reaffirmato
had for the new nation. "It was . the only way guarantee harm the state it was
against the black race, to
tion of colonial prejudices
in the eyes of the civilized world, as
founding, by making its citizens appear,
boundaries, of any sentiment
barbarians, incapable of respecting any moral
research has shown, the
of pity, if not of generosity" *39 As Julia Gaffield's officials in Jamaica had
disrupted the negotiations that British
massacres
Dessalines about a trade treaty and thereby helped
been conducting with
consequences
a reaffirmato
had for the new nation. "It was . the only way guarantee harm the state it was
against the black race, to
tion of colonial prejudices
in the eyes of the civilized world, as
founding, by making its citizens appear,
boundaries, of any sentiment
barbarians, incapable of respecting any moral
research has shown, the
of pity, if not of generosity" *39 As Julia Gaffield's officials in Jamaica had
disrupted the negotiations that British
massacres
Dessalines about a trade treaty and thereby helped
been conducting with --- Page 143 ---
128 JEREMY D. POPKIN
that Haiti would achieve at least de facto recognition
close off the possibility
dominant maritime power." 40
from the world's
ofits independence
Madiou and Ardouin affirmed
Even in condemning the 1804 massacres,
and in the positive contheir belief in the justice of Haitian independence the
history. "If
Dessalines had made to country's
tribution that Jean-Jacques
consider the
massacres,
historians have been able to
September
French
for the public security, should
which make humanity shudder, as necessary veil over the memory of the
with even more justification, throw a
one not,
that was then almost in a state
massacres of 1804, committed by a people
and intellectubarbarism, not only in a physical sense, but also morally
of
Ardouin went even further, insisting that since all
ally?" Madiou asked, and
definitive elimination ofwhite inHaitians had benefitted from Dessalines's their share of moral responsifluence in their country, they needed to accept
in France
actions. 41 Émile Bergeaud, whose Stella, published
bility for these
novel written by a Haitian author, went even
in 1859, is considered the first
with the Haitian people, rather than
further in associating the massacres
their ultimate justification. Acmerely with Dessalines, and in insisting on
vivid and detailed fictional account, the European population
cording to his
thousand arms moved by fury." Neverthe-
"perished beneath the blows of a
that stained it with blood,
concluded, "Despite all the crimes
less, Bergeaud
other. The people whom it emancipated
this revolution was as great as any
can now glory in it.' n42
however, Ardouin also
Even as he wrote his justification of Dessalines,
and of the
that the most damaging effect of the massacres,
acknowledged
for them in the Declaration of Independence
rationale Dessalines had given
had laid the basis for a dictatoand his other proclamations, was that they been carried out, he wrote, "our
rial regime in the country. If they had not
toward our oppressors,
would have reflected this generosity
interior regime
given a character of violence whose rapid
instead of which it was immediately sacrifice ofthe chief who had SO many
progression pushed the people to the
declaration
its open
n43 As we have seen, the
coupled
rights to their gratitude."
that the Haitian people give unthreats to the French whites with a demand
the government's
conditional support to their leader; instead of announcing
the American Declaration of Independence
dependence on the citizenry, as
the citizens' obligation to their
had done, the Haitian document proclaimed
threatened not
The violence to which Norbert Thoret was subjected
leader.
The Haitian Declaration of Indepenonly whites, but the entire population.
that national independence was
dence of 1804 was a landmark in asserting but it also foreshadowed the
of
of color as well as of whites,
a right people
rights that would often characterize the
sacrifice of individual to national
twentieth centuries. 44
movements of the nineteenth and
revolutionary
dependence on the citizenry, as
the citizens' obligation to their
had done, the Haitian document proclaimed
threatened not
The violence to which Norbert Thoret was subjected
leader.
The Haitian Declaration of Indepenonly whites, but the entire population.
that national independence was
dence of 1804 was a landmark in asserting but it also foreshadowed the
of
of color as well as of whites,
a right people
rights that would often characterize the
sacrifice of individual to national
twentieth centuries. 44
movements of the nineteenth and
revolutionary --- Page 144 ---
OF THE DECLARATION 129
DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH
the Haitian Declaration of IndepenIn its vehemence and its violence,
character of Dessalines. But
reflected some aspects ofthe
dence undoubtedly
discourse about violence and vengeance
its content also reflects a broader
that some elements of
the Atlantic revolutionary era. It is possible
during
traditions of political thought. In a widely
the declaration reflected African
that the
myths of many African
cited article, John Thornton has noted
origin force and conquest,
celebrated a "founder [who] ruled through
kingdoms
violence," 7 although there were also competing
maintaining his control by
forms
nothat praised more moderate
ofleadership."Ther
African traditions
his willingness to resort to violence
tion that a leader needed to demonstrate
limited to Africa. After
order to establish his authority is, of course, hardly
in
three thousand Ottoman prisoners in March
ordering the execution of some
the remaining garrisons in
Napoléon issued a proclamation urging
what has just
1799,
him, telling them that "the example of
the region to yield to
show
that, although I am terrible to
happened at Jaffa and Gaza should
you
most
friends. s After this massacre, Napoléon's
my enemies, I am good to my
further need to show his
comments, "He had no
recent French biographer
to deter many of his
determination, since the memory of Jaffa was enough
rivals and opponents." n46
actions was clear, but the tone of the
The political logic of Dessalines's
current of melodradeclaration probably owed most to a French
Haitian
in the "Marseillaise" and in innumerable
matic political rhetoric, exemplified assemblies, clubs, and public festivals.
speeches in the French revolutionary
rhetoric made a
In accordance with the logic of melodrama, revolutionary has argued in
between heroes and villains. As Dan Edelstein
sharp division
this kind of binary thinking easily led
his book The Terror of Natural Right,
of the human species" and
to the classification of opponents as "enemies
the evil they
that they merited exemplary punishment to avenge
to claims
from Saint-Domingue made their own
had done. 47 White French colonists
denuncicontribution to this rhetoric, through their impassioned
distinctive
and the officials they blamed for the collapse of
ation of the "philanthropists"
the slave regime in their island.
world had inspired one of the
As we have seen, slavery in the colonial
kind
anticipations ofthis
ofvengeance-laden
most powerful prerevolutionary:
philosophe and dramatist
melodrama. The famous lines the Enlightenment foreshadow the spirit
Diderot contributed to Raynal's Histoire philosophique
scenes that folDeclaration of Independence and the bloody
of the Haitian
ofirony in the relationship between Didelowed it. There are multiple layers
of events in Haiti. As the French phiand the reality
rot's prophetic passage
of Caribbean slavery imagined how
losopher who had never seen the reality
Americas might end, he
between whites and blacks in the
an armed struggle
aden
most powerful prerevolutionary:
philosophe and dramatist
melodrama. The famous lines the Enlightenment foreshadow the spirit
Diderot contributed to Raynal's Histoire philosophique
scenes that folDeclaration of Independence and the bloody
of the Haitian
ofirony in the relationship between Didelowed it. There are multiple layers
of events in Haiti. As the French phiand the reality
rot's prophetic passage
of Caribbean slavery imagined how
losopher who had never seen the reality
Americas might end, he
between whites and blacks in the
an armed struggle --- Page 145 ---
130 JEREMY D. POPKIN
prose the warnings the
no more than translating into impassioned
was doing
constantly issued in insisting on their need
colonial slave owners themselves
Dessalines
authority over their chattels. And as Jean-Jacques
for absolute
America, > he was, wittingly or unembarked on his campaign to "avenge melodramatic vengeance all too
operating within a framework of
wittingly,
and especially to the French revolutionaries.
familiar to Europeans,
aware of this
Dessalines and his scribes were consciously
Whether or not
outlined in the Haitian Dectradition, it is clear that the policy of vengeance
one, not an exwas a calculated and premeditated
laration of Independence
emotion. It is undoubtedly
pression of primitive savagery or of spontaneous
played a certain role
Girard has emphasized, that greed
true, as Philippe
some of the white victims' propin these events; Dessalines appropriated 49 Nevertheless, the fundamental
erty and let his soldiers engage in looting.
more ideological than
motivation for the postindependence massacres was
violence Frantz
theorist ofanticolonial
pragmatic. Like the twentieth-century
in violence was necesclearly believed that engagement
Fanon, Dessalines
from the shackles of oppression. "For the
sary to forge a new people, freed
of the rotting corpse of the settler,"
native, life can only spring up again out
this violence - invests their
Fanon wrote in 1961. "For the colonized people
ofviolence binds
with
and creative qualities. The practice
characters
positive
individual forms a violent link in the
them together as a whole, since each
which has surged upward
great chain, a part ofthe great organism ofviolence In addition to giving
to the settler's violence in the beginning."
in reaction
collective identity, "at the level ofindividuals,
the colonized population a new
from his inferiority complex
violence is a cleansing force. It frees the native fearless and restores his
and from his despair and inaction; it makes him
selfrespect," " Fanon continued.
the violence of the Algerian
Fanon's book was written primarily to justify
references to Haiti
movement; his essay contains no explicit
French
independence
he
have been thinking of his own
and only a few hints that might
when he wrote, mention of Haiti
Caribbean background. At the moment
and undermined
have evoked the excesses ofthe Duvalier dictatorship
might
in violence immunized
assertion that collective participation
his optimistic
The subsequent evolution of
acceptance of dictatorship.
the masses against
Fidel Castro, another of Fanon's inspirathe Algerian regime and of that of
the evolution of
the time, remind us that it is not SO easy to prevent
tions at
Nevertheless, the parmovements into dictatorships.
violent revolutionary
in 1804 and Fanon's philosophiallels between Dessalines's proclamations
are
So long as oppressed populations
cal arguments in 1961 are significant.
violence will continue to have a
denied "the rights of man, " such appeals to
real attraction and a certain undeniable logic.
dictatorship.
the masses against
Fidel Castro, another of Fanon's inspirathe Algerian regime and of that of
the evolution of
the time, remind us that it is not SO easy to prevent
tions at
Nevertheless, the parmovements into dictatorships.
violent revolutionary
in 1804 and Fanon's philosophiallels between Dessalines's proclamations
are
So long as oppressed populations
cal arguments in 1961 are significant.
violence will continue to have a
denied "the rights of man, " such appeals to
real attraction and a certain undeniable logic. --- Page 146 ---
AND THE AFTERMATH OF THE DECLARATION 131
DESSALINES, THORET,
in Haiti are now at the center of broader discussions
The 1804 massacres
recent
between the
of historical violence, as a
exchange
of the meaning
Zizek shows. Buck-Morss has
philosophers Susan Buck-Morss and Slavoj
Revolution's contribution
influential
about the Haitian
written an
argument but she is also critical of "defenders of Haiti,
to modern ideas of freedom,
[who] cite Dessalines's justheir moral sentiment ablaze with enthusiasm,
[and] exonerate
tification of racial slaughter, I have avenged America,"
as he
Dessalines for setting out 'to give as good
got.'
the slaves, defending
when
intending to
the dangers that result
"imagination,
She warns against
virtue out of violence against the violator. If
set the world aright, makes a
itself behind a selfimposed
enlightened critique stops here, it entrenches dismantled if humanity is to
barrier, one that must be
and selfdefeating
cycle of victim and avenger. >51 Her position
progress beyond the recurring
who insisted on the need to "distinprovoked a furious reply from Zizek,
of violence; radical emanciguish as clearly as possible between two types
which serves the
the ex-oppressors and the violence
patory violence against
of hierarchical relations of exploitation
continuation and/or establishment
the elimination of all whites in
" Zizek would "condemn
and domination."
for the innocent among them,
Haiti not out of humanitarian compassion
of this process was to
the
that the true strategic goal
but based on
insight
the remaining blacks, justified by
establish a new hierarchical order among
the ethnic ideology of blackness." >52
Zizek demonstrates, the issues
between Buck-Morss and
As the exchange
and the massacres that
posed by the Haitian Declaration of Independence in 1804. To ignore them in
followed it remain as explosive today as they were
ofthe Haitian movethe interest of celebrating the undeniable achievement and to obscure the
would be to deny a very real aspect of that story,
ment
events of 1804 and the subsequent course of Haitian
connection between the
societies has shown,
Too often, as the history of SO many postcolonial
history.
violence turn into dictatorships directed against
regimes founded through
The deprivation of rights
they initially promised to liberate.
the populations
and the other French whites in Saint-Domingue
suffered by Norbert Thoret
foreshadowed the
of the Haitian Declaration of Independence
as a result
in subsequent years. In the
fate of many other members of the population
the Haitian Declarapostrevolutionary era, the massacres that accompanied the outside world to deny
would become a pretext for
tion of Independence
the status of civilized human beings. In ponHaitians, and blacks in general,
declaration, we need to bear
the historical significance of the Haitian
and
dering
for the struggles against slavery
in mind both its positive significance
to vengeance that led to the
colonialism, and the price of its troubling appeal
depicted in Thoret's memoir.
consequences SO graphically
In the
fate of many other members of the population
the Haitian Declarapostrevolutionary era, the massacres that accompanied the outside world to deny
would become a pretext for
tion of Independence
the status of civilized human beings. In ponHaitians, and blacks in general,
declaration, we need to bear
the historical significance of the Haitian
and
dering
for the struggles against slavery
in mind both its positive significance
to vengeance that led to the
colonialism, and the price of its troubling appeal
depicted in Thoret's memoir.
consequences SO graphically --- Page 147 ---
132 JEREMY D. POPKIN
Notes
a lecturer at Columbia, sent me a copy of the
1. In 2012, Heidi Holst-Knudsen,
printed in France: Jean-Claude
edition that Thoret's descendants had had privately aventureuse de Norbert Thoret
Nicollier, and Yves Nicollier, eds., La vie
Nouët, Claude
Editions du Port-au-Prince, 2007). I am very gratedit TAméricain 1767-1850 (Paris:
document available to me and for giving
for making this
ful to Ms. Holst-Knudsen
scholars. I have not had the opportunity to see
to share it with other
me permission
but Dr. Jean-Claude Nouët, one ofThothe original Thoret manuscript for myself,
of it. The manuscript
has kindly provided me with a photocopy
ret's descendants,
hand, with a certain number of corrections.
is 173 pages long, all written in a single
article on Thoret (Robert Duval,
The printed edition also includes a genealogical Haute-Marne. Norbert Thoret et sa
"Anciens colons de Saint-Domingue réfugiés en Cahiers Haut-Mamais no. 125 [2e
" originally published in Les
fille Françoise-Félicité
the basic outline ofhis life story. The author ofthis
trimestre 1976)), which confirms
of the existence of" Thoret's memoir.
article was unaware
D. Popkin, You Are All Free:
Thoret, Vie, 44. On Dufay's speech, see Jeremy
2.
and the Abolition of Slavery (New York: Cambridge University
The Haitian Revolution
Press, 2010), 357-61.
d'Haiti, 8 vols. (1847; repr. Port-au-Prince: Henri
3- Thomas Madiou, Histoire
Beaubrun Ardouin, Études sur PhisDeschamps, 1987), 3:140-42, 160-79; [Alexis]
(Paris: Dézobry et E. Magdetoire d'Haiti, suivies de la vie du général J.-M. Borgella
ed.);
Port-au-Prince: F. Dalencour, 1958), 6:10-17 (Dalencour
leine, 1853-60; repr.
de Guy-Joseph Bonnet, général de division
Edmond Bonnet, ed., Souvenirs historiques aide de camp de Rigaud (Paris: Auguste
des armées de la république d'Haiti, ancien
Durand, 1864), 128-32.
New World: The Story ofthe Haitian Revolution
4- Laurent Dubois, Avengers ofthe
Dubois mentions the
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 299-301. America: The Polifamous phrase in his article, "Avenging
context of Dessalines's
Revolution," in The World of the Haitian Revolution,
tics of Violence in the Haitian
(Bloomington: Indiana University
ed. David Patrick Geggus and Norman Fiering
Press, 2009), 111-24.
Genocide: Racial War in Haiti, 1802-4" Pat5- Philippe R. Girard, "Caribbean
Robin Blackburn, The American Crucible:
terns of Prejudice 39, no. 2 (2005): 138-61;
Verso, 2011), 213; Philippe R. GiSlavery, Emancipation and Human Rights (London: Louverture and the Haitian War of
rard, The Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon: Toussaint
Press, 2011), 324. For a
1801-1804 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama
Independence,
in his 2005 article, see Alyssa Sepincritique of Girard's use oft the word "genocide"i H-France Review, February 2013,
wall, review of The Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon,
HR Narrative: Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts in
6. Deborah Jenson, Beyond the Slave
the Haitian War of
rard, The Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon: Toussaint
Press, 2011), 324. For a
1801-1804 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama
Independence,
in his 2005 article, see Alyssa Sepincritique of Girard's use oft the word "genocide"i H-France Review, February 2013,
wall, review of The Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon,
HR Narrative: Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts in
6. Deborah Jenson, Beyond the Slave --- Page 148 ---
OF THE DECLARATION 133
DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH
University Press, 2011), 94 96; Blackthe Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: Liverpool
burn, American Crucible, 215.
Althéa de Puech Parham trans. and ed. (Baton
7- [Jean-Paul Pillet], My Odyssey,
A complete critical edition of
Louisiana State University Press, 1959), 32.
which differs
Rouge:
revolutionary-era memoir,
the original French text of this important
in 2015: Anja Bandau and Jersubstantially from the English translation, appeared de
par. Jeaneds., 'Mon Odyssée': lépopée d'un colon Saint-Domingue,
emy D. Popkin,
Siècle' (Paris: Société française d'Étude du DixPaul Pillet. Collection 'Dix-Huitième
Huitième Siècle, 2015).
8. Thoret, Vie, 7,10, 12, 22-23.
details of the massacre, written many years
Ibid., 39. Thoret's account of the
works
9.
precisely to those given in most historical
after the event, does not correspond
of events in which the men were
which usually describe a sequence
on the subject,
rounded up and killed some days
killed first, with the women and children being
and survivors are impossible
later. The estimates he gives for the number ofvictims of his memoir, he says that
and also somewhat contradictory: on page 38
at
to verify
survivors out of forty-five hundred whites in the city
there were only twenty-three
he mentions a larger number of victims
the time of the massacres, but on page 43,
one hundred nuns from
killed some time after the principal massacre, including
hundred, which
It is not clear whether the estimate of forty-five
the city's convent.
casualties given in most other sources, includes these
is higher than the figures for
victims as well.
10. Ibid., 5311. Ibid., 56.
12. Ibid., 70.
Chirot and Clark McCauley, Why Not Kill Them
13. See the discussion in Daniel
Murder (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
All?: The Logic and Prevention of Mass Political
University Press, 2006), esp. 19-45in the printed version of
Whether all the officers whose names appeared
to
14In the memoirs attributed
this document actually signed it is an open question.
figure, writes,
mixed-race military and political
him, Guy-Joseph Bonnet, a leading
la première fois, des offi-
"Souvent à la lecture d'un acte public qu'ils voyaient pour
Bonnet,
qu'ils y avaient apposé leurs signatures."
ciers étaient étonnés d'apprendre
Souvenirs, 128.
of Revolution': Law, Exceptionalism,
Malick Ghachem, "The End of the "Age
15. Haitian Declaration of Independence," p. 109.
and the
American Proclamations of Haitian
16. Cited in Deborah Jenson, "Dessalines's
Independence, 7) Journal of Haitian Studies 15 (2009):72-102. à Phistoire d'Haiti (1804;
Mémoires pour servir
17. Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre,
Études, 6:7; translation in
Saint-Denis: Prévot et Drouard, 1981), ix; Ardouin,
repr.
Dubois, Avengers, 298.
and the
American Proclamations of Haitian
16. Cited in Deborah Jenson, "Dessalines's
Independence, 7) Journal of Haitian Studies 15 (2009):72-102. à Phistoire d'Haiti (1804;
Mémoires pour servir
17. Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre,
Études, 6:7; translation in
Saint-Denis: Prévot et Drouard, 1981), ix; Ardouin,
repr.
Dubois, Avengers, 298. --- Page 149 ---
134 JEREMY D. POPKIN
18. Bonnet, Souvenirs, 128.
Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative, 89.
19.
20. Ibid.
back to the French naturalist Michel-Étienne
21. This quotation appears to go
observations (Paris: Dufart Père,
Descourtilz's memoir, Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses
1809), 3:261.
Dessalines and the Atlantic System, a Re22. Philippe R. Girard, "Jean-Jacques
no. 3 (2012): 549-82.
appraisal," ' William and Mary Quarterly 69,
A Global History (CamDavid Armitage, The Declaration of Independence:
23.
Harvard University Press, 2007), 116.
bridge, MA:
Études 5:342-43 (Dézobry, ed.). ArThe document is printed in Ardouin,
or where
24.
it, how Dessalines obtained a copy,
douin does not specify who composed
Ardouin himself found it.
25- Ibid., 6:66-69.
Chitty (Philadelphia: T. and
26. Emer de Vattel, The Law of Nations, trans. Joseph
J W. Johnson, 1854), 348.
et détail de quelques événements qui ont
27. Le Clerc, "Campagne de Limbé,
époque de l'incendie
commune) jusqu'au 20 juin 1793,
eu lieu dans ce quartier (ou
(Aix-en-Provence), carton CC9 A 8,
du Cap," n.d. Centre des Archives d'Outre-Mer Accounts ofthe Haitian Insurreccited in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution: Eyewitness
University of Chicago Press, 2007), 104.
tion (Chicago:
des deux Indes, (Geneva: Pellet, 1780),
28. G.-T. Raynal, Histoire philosophique Ardouin noted the parallel between
historian
3:204-5- The mid.tinetentlkcentury
document in his comments on the
passage and the Dessalines
the Raynal/Diderot
Ardouin, Études, 6:70.
April 28, 1804, proclamation:
Sketches ofthe Revolution and the Foreign
29. Peter Stephen Chazotte, Historical
York: W. Applegate, 1840), cited in
and Civil Wars in the Island of St. Domingo (New
Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 348-49.
Facing Racial Revolution, 349.
Chazotte, Historical Sketches, cited in Popkin,
30.
31. Ibid., 355-56.
as "Johnny" in the English version
32. For the execution of Jeannot (described Recital, ofthe Different Occurrences
ofGros's memoir), see [Gabriel] Gros, A Historick
and Others (Baltimore:
Dondon, Sainte-Suzanne,
in the Camps ofGrande-Reviere,
Facing Racial Revolution, 127 For
Samuel and John Adams, 1793), cited in Popkin,
of the insurrection, see the
estimate of white losses in the first four months
the
to the Minister of the Navy, December 23, 1791,
letter ofthe First Civil Commission
the same time estimated
D XXV 1, d. 2. A white colonist writing at around
in AN,
insurrection at four thousand. "Evaluation de la
the number of blacks killed in the
AN, D XXV113,
révoltés dans les dix paroisses en insurrection,"
quantité des nègres
d. 897
cited in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 150.
33- Gros, Historick Recital,
On the role of white sailors in the violence in
Popkin, You Are All Free, 242.
34-
Commission
the same time estimated
D XXV 1, d. 2. A white colonist writing at around
in AN,
insurrection at four thousand. "Evaluation de la
the number of blacks killed in the
AN, D XXV113,
révoltés dans les dix paroisses en insurrection,"
quantité des nègres
d. 897
cited in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 150.
33- Gros, Historick Recital,
On the role of white sailors in the violence in
Popkin, You Are All Free, 242.
34- --- Page 150 ---
OF THE DECLARATION 135
DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH
of the revolution, see Jeremy D. Popkin, "Sailors
Saint-Domingue in the early years
French History 26
Naval Mutineers in Saint-Domingue, 1790-1793
and Revolution:1
(December 2012): 460-81.
the vivid survivor account in Mon Odyssée,
35- On the Fort-Dauphin massacre, see and the forthcoming work of Graham
in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 255-64, Revolution, Emancipation, and ReenslaveNessler, An Islandwide Struggle efor Freedom:
of North Carolina Press,
(Chapel Hill: University
ment in Hispaniola, 1789-1809
rebellion, see the letter of the
forthcoming). On white deaths during the Moyse
December 5, 1801, in the
Whitfield to Governor Nugent of Jamaica,
British agent
to this source, at least
National Library, Nugent Papers, ms. 72. According
Jamaican
killed in the
of the rebellion.
two thousand blacks were
repression 126-27 There is a vivid survivor's ac36. Girard, Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon,
vols. (Paris: Dufort,
Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, 3
count in Michel-Etienne
Racial Revolution, 286-92.
1809), cited in Popkin, Facing
37 Madiou, Histoire, 3:177.
38. Ardouin, Études, 6:10 (Dalencour ed.).
39. Ibid.
in the Remaking of the Early Nineteenth40. Julia Gaffield, "Haiti and Jamaica
60, no. 3 (2012): 607.
Atlantic World," William and Mary Quarterly
Century
Ardouin, Études, 6:74 (Dézobry ed.).
41. Madiou, Histoire, 3:178;
Paris, 1889), accessed via DLOC,
Émile Bergeaud, Stella, 2nd ed. (1859; repr.
42.
February 2013.
ed.).
43- Ardouin, Études, 6:73 (Dézobry
Human Rights in History (Cambridge,
See Samuel Moyn, The Last Utopia:
44.
MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 30.
of Congo': African Political
John Thornton, "I am the Subject of the King
45.
Revolution, 1 Journal of World History 4, no. 2 (1998):190.
Ideology and the Haitian
(Paris: Gallimard, 2013), 419, 420.
46. Patrice Gueniffey, Bonaparte: 1769-1802 Republicanism, the Cult of Nature,
Dan Edelstein, The Terror of Natural Right:
260.
47.
University ofChicago Press, 2009), 17, 42,
and the French Revolution, (Chicago:
and the Haitian Revolution (New York:
48. See Malick Ghachem, The Old Regime
Cambridge University Press, 201).
Girard, Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon, 322.
49.
Wretched
Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (1961;
50. Frantz Fanon, The
ofthe
repr. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1963), 93-94.
PA: UniHegel, Haiti, and Universal History (Pittsburgh,
51. Susan Buck-Morss,
versity of Pittsburgh Press, 2009), 142, 144.
2nd ed. (New York: Verso, 2009),
52. Slavoj Zizek, In Defense of Lost Causes, for bringing these passages to my
472. I would like to thank Eric Brandom
471,
attention.
(1961;
50. Frantz Fanon, The
ofthe
repr. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1963), 93-94.
PA: UniHegel, Haiti, and Universal History (Pittsburgh,
51. Susan Buck-Morss,
versity of Pittsburgh Press, 2009), 142, 144.
2nd ed. (New York: Verso, 2009),
52. Slavoj Zizek, In Defense of Lost Causes, for bringing these passages to my
472. I would like to thank Eric Brandom
471,
attention. --- Page 151 ---
Did Dessalines Plan to Export
the Haitian Revolution?
PHILIPPE GIRARD
was delivered by a Haitian, in
The Haitian Declaration of Independence
was not only Haibut its intended audience, arguably,
Haiti, to Haitians,
nothing," Jean-Jacques Destian but international. "You have accomplished assembled on January1,1 1804
salines admonished the revolutionary veterans
of the vengeance
"unless
give to the nations a terrible, but just, example
you
the whole universe, to posterity,
that must be wrought. ' "Let us swear before
also read.
name
France forever," the text
"My
and to ourselves to renounce
"1 In many ways, delivering
has become a horror to all those who want slavery."
of
theater performed on a world stage.
the declaration was an act political
intended audience. "Dessalines
Other clues point to the declaration's
because he thought
a word of French," noted a contemporary,
never spoke
for "white man. n2 And yet, to make it accessible
this language was only fit a
in Haitian Kreyol, the lanthe world's
the declaration was not
to
diplomats,
in Haiti, but in a form of French SO formal
guage most commonly spoken
Dessalines included, must have
and legalistic that many contemporaries,
in the US press
it. Translated copies soon appeared
struggled to understand
world as well.
to ensure its diffusion in the English-speaking
who fully underHaitian revolutionaries,
This was no isolated example.
only successful slave revolt,
stood the international implications of history's hostile accounts oft their eneto
a counternarrative to the
were eager present
declaration of independence, delivered
mies. An earlier and lesser known
world that Haitian rebels would
November
1803, warned the outside
>3
on
29,
taken
by "any of the powers ofthe Earth.'
never allow their rights to be
away
found its way into US
Like that of January 1, 1804 this declaration quickly with our writings,"
We proved the legitimacy of our Rights
newspapers."
later boasted Dessalines's successor.'
stood the international implications of history's hostile accounts oft their eneto
a counternarrative to the
were eager present
declaration of independence, delivered
mies. An earlier and lesser known
world that Haitian rebels would
November
1803, warned the outside
>3
on
29,
taken
by "any of the powers ofthe Earth.'
never allow their rights to be
away
found its way into US
Like that of January 1, 1804 this declaration quickly with our writings,"
We proved the legitimacy of our Rights
newspapers."
later boasted Dessalines's successor.' --- Page 152 ---
PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 137
DID DESSALINES
A Call to Arms?
was a message to the world, what
If the 1804 Declaration of Independence
obviously
content? Declaring and justifying Haiti's independence
was its
black state was such a radical notion in a recame first, but the existence of a
that a burning question
dominated by colonialism, racism, and slavery
to
gion
Atlantic World of 1804: Would the new regime try
was preoccupying the
societies?
export its slave revolt to neighboring plantation most radical of Haiti's revBecause Dessalines has a reputation as the
he viewed Haiti's
scholars have concluded that
olutionary leaders, many
ambitious revolutionary project aimed
independence as the first step of an
of this theand white rule in the New World. Proponents
at ending slavery
Caribbean authors who want their hero to
sis include Haitian and French
US scholars who rely on
black nationalist model, as well as modern
fit a
that Dessalines was actively sponcontemporary rumors in the US press
to the framework
overseas." Ultimately, according
soring slave conspiracies
From Rebellion to Revolution (1979), the
proposed by Eugene Genovese in
point in the history of
revolutions "constituted a turning
Haitian and French
African rebellions to an era of
slave revolts," from a period of short-sighted "resulted in efforts, often carried
ideologically ambitious revolutions. They
revolts and movements for
French-speaking blacks, to encourage slave
n7
by
they became carriers of new doctrines."
national liberation. everywhere
hand, the Haitian Revolution's imFor David P. Geggus, on the other
the Americas, slaves and
than tangible. Throughout
pact was more symbolic
achievements and occasionally tried
people of color celebrated the Haitians' Haitian involvement in slave upthem, but evidence for direct
to replicate
When such involvement was noticerisings was tenuous and inconclusive.
with Genovese, "it was the
able, Geggus further argues in contradistinction southern
who
of mixed racial descent [from Haiti's
province]
freeborn men
not the former slaves" from the
the revolution,
sought to internationalize
North and West like Dessalines."
addressed this question, in
The Declaration of Independence directly
To those
that must have surprised many of its contemporaries.
the
a manner
his black legions across
convinced that Dessalines would soon dispatch
itself, his commitment
Caribbean, he offered a two-pronged answer. In Haiti
but he
and individual freedom was uncompromising;
to national sovereignty
internal labor system.
saw no reason to interfere with his neighbors'
and emanin Haiti (by which Dessalines meant independence
Liberty
"We must forever
cipation rather than democracy) was non-negotiable.
7 he explained
of liberty in the country that gave us birth,"
ensure the empire
meant killing "anyone who is
in the Declaration of Independence, even ifit
vinced that Dessalines would soon dispatch
itself, his commitment
Caribbean, he offered a two-pronged answer. In Haiti
but he
and individual freedom was uncompromising;
to national sovereignty
internal labor system.
saw no reason to interfere with his neighbors'
and emanin Haiti (by which Dessalines meant independence
Liberty
"We must forever
cipation rather than democracy) was non-negotiable.
7 he explained
of liberty in the country that gave us birth,"
ensure the empire
meant killing "anyone who is
in the Declaration of Independence, even ifit --- Page 153 ---
138 PHILIPPE GIRARD
would soil with their sacrilegious foot the territory of
born French, and who
issued in ensuing weeks were in the
liberty." 7 Proclamations that Dessalines
French planters still residing
vein. He then massacred most
same jingoistic
28 that "the implacable enemies of the
in Haiti before announcing on April
of their crimes. >10 441 Break all
suffered the penalty worthy
rights of man have
if
do not want your blood to be mixed
alliance with my enemy (France] you
Santo Domingo (Dominican
with his," " he warned the Spaniards of nearby
Bonaparte,
letter to Napoléon
Republic)." Finally, in a possibly apocryphal French rival. Send along your sister
he resorted to biting humor to taunt his
her, and "this way CorDessalines suggested. He would then marry
Pauline,
blood." w12
sican blood would unite with negro
France, Dessalines insisted
And yet, even as he pledged eternal hatred to colonies and the United
would not extend to European
that his animosity
have been missed by the scholars who
States-a crucial point that seems to
however that a proselyunderline his messianic ambitions. "Let us ensure
of
> he
in the Declaration
tizing spirit does not destroy our work,"
explained let them live quietly
Independence. "Let our neighbors breathe in peace, themselves, and let us
of the laws that they have made for
under the aegis
ourselves legislators of the
firebrands proclaiming
not go, as revolutionary
the tranquility oft the neighboring Islands."
Antilles, seek glory by disturbing
Dessalines's radicalism would be purely defensive.
issued after Destone, the proclamation of April 28, 1804,
Despite its fiery
embraced the same dichotmost of Haiti's white planters,
salines massacred
ifthe French ever invaded Haiti again,
omy. He promised "a new holocaust"
liberation, limiting himself to
but he made no call for a hemispheric war of
in the Lesser Antilles,
lamenting the fate of the "unfortunate Martiniquais" offer little more than moral suphis own admission, he could
to whom, by
distance: "If only I could fly to help you and break
port due to geographical
a French colony, SO this show of
ironsl"1s At any rate, Martinique was
your
posed no threat to non-French actors.
sympathy
Dessalines's policy of selfcontainment was merely
One could argue that
before he could
to lull his enemies into complacency
an empty promise
declaration ofinstrike. After all, in their November 29, 1803, preliminary
planters
fellow
had promised mercy to French
dependence he and
generals
them a few months
incite them to return from exile, only to massacre
to
Dessalines's stance on
Actions
louder than words, SO ultimately
later.
speak
should be deduced from his actual policies
exporting the Haitian Revolution
rather than his speeches.
Haitian meddling in
There is still much research to be done regarding
scholarly intersocieties, partly because widespread
neighboring plantation
is little more than two decades old (at least
est in the Haitian Revolution
ellow
had promised mercy to French
dependence he and
generals
them a few months
incite them to return from exile, only to massacre
to
Dessalines's stance on
Actions
louder than words, SO ultimately
later.
speak
should be deduced from his actual policies
exporting the Haitian Revolution
rather than his speeches.
Haitian meddling in
There is still much research to be done regarding
scholarly intersocieties, partly because widespread
neighboring plantation
is little more than two decades old (at least
est in the Haitian Revolution --- Page 154 ---
PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 139
DID DESSALINES
because of the field's intrinsic difficulties. For security
outside Haiti), partly
are unlikely to have been docreasons, secret plots against Haiti's neighbors did not exist, as this paper
umented in detail. Proving that such plots largely
absence of evidence,
one can only point to the
will argue, is also a challenge:
yet remains the only way to
which is far less compelling than positive proof Haitian Revolution's global
about the
correct a common misunderstanding
meaning.
policies of Haitian revolutionaries is also
Researching the international multiarchival and multilingual research
task that requires
a backbreaking
and North and South America. Haitian archival
in the Caribbean, Europe,
after independence due to political indeposits are notoriously incomplete the archives of potential target countries
stability and poor recordkeeping;
documents were authored by planters
because many
are equally problematic
to slave conspiracies and who
and officials who were unlikely to be privy evidence of Haitian involvewere prone to exaggerate or even manufacture
Ada Ferrer, who made a
ment to suit their agenda. For lack ofl better options, relied
on
ofa alleged Haitian plots in Cuba,
extensively
thorough investigation
even as she lamented the fact that
interrogations of suspected ringleaders, the threat of torture and that all of
confessions were obtained under
many
mediated by the captors' scribes.' 14
them were
revolutionaries take to export their revoluWhich steps, then, did Haitian
is
little" if we define
tion? Based on the available evidence, the answer Toussaint "quite Louverture and
revolutionaries as former black slaves like
Haitian
slave revolts or conspiracies were inspired by
Jean-Jacques Dessalines. Many
of the Haitian Revolution, but
the Haitian Revolution or involved veterans
and after Deswas exceedingly rare before, during,
direct state involvement
mixed-race Haitians were more entresalines's time. As noted by Geggus,
white idealists (including
preneurial than their black countrymen; SO were
conclusion that will further complicate our understandJews), a surprising
of the Haitian Revolution.
ing ofthe racial dynamics
the Haitian Revolution: Dominguan Precedents
Exporting
in Saint-Domingue (Haiti's name before
Slave resistance had a long history
rather than universal struggle.
January 1, 1804), but it was an inward-looking aimed at getting their sovereignty
Communities of slave runaways typically
for a pledge of nonaggresrecognized by colonial authorities in exchange resistance that did not fundacalibrated act of
sion.' 15 Theirs was a carefully
of Saint-Domingue or that of its
mentally challenge the plantation system
neighbors.
Revolution began in 1791, slave rebels concentrated
When the Haitian
ents
Exporting
in Saint-Domingue (Haiti's name before
Slave resistance had a long history
rather than universal struggle.
January 1, 1804), but it was an inward-looking aimed at getting their sovereignty
Communities of slave runaways typically
for a pledge of nonaggresrecognized by colonial authorities in exchange resistance that did not fundacalibrated act of
sion.' 15 Theirs was a carefully
of Saint-Domingue or that of its
mentally challenge the plantation system
neighbors.
Revolution began in 1791, slave rebels concentrated
When the Haitian --- Page 155 ---
140 PHILIPPE GIRARD
domestic white planters, not
task of defeating
their efforts on the daunting
There has been considerable debate
on launching a hemispheric revolution.
but worldwide revolution
the aims of the rebel leaders in 1791,
concerning
foreign involvement during the early
was clearly not on the list. If anything,
white
begged
Revolution went from the outside in because
planters
Haitian
which ultimately led to British and
their neighbors for military assistance,
The only plan to export the
Spanish invasions of Saint-Domingue in 1793.6
Jean-Pierre Brissot
conflict came from France: in 1792, French abolitionist
thousand free people of color from Saint-Domingue
proposed to employ ten
American revolutionary Francisco
invade
colonies. But the South
to
Spanish
the expedition, declined the offer."7
de Miranda, when asked to command
in Saint-Domingue but
The 1790S was a most eventful decade, not only
where the number
throughout the Caribbean and the Western Hemisphere, fact that such revolts were
and size of slave revolts suddenly spiked. But the
that they origiwith the Haitian Revolution does not prove
contemporary
for this restlessness range
Possible explanations
nated in Saint-Domingue.
rebels to a recent influx of African-born
from the example set by Dominguan
in the context of the wars of the
slaves to divisions within colonial powers
Revolution to a decline in the size of European garrisons."
French
difficult to detect before 1798. ReDominguan involvement is particularly
involved people who
in Pointe Coupée (Louisiana) in 1791 and 1795
bellions
but there is no evidence that they were acting
had lived in Saint-Domingue,
slave revolt-most of whom did not
orders from leaders of the Haitian
on
until 1794." 19 Cuba was hit
even embrace the ideal of general emancipation
1796 (one case), and
or actual revolts in 1795 (two cases),
from
by conspiracies
though they often expected help
1798 (five), but suspected conspirators,
20 Three slaves involved in the
received no such assistance.?
Saint- Domingue,
had apparently served the
rebellion in 1796 in Santo Domingo
Boca Nigua
but they denounced the plot to
Dominguan general Jean-François Papillon,
overanalyzing this revolt as
authorities, sO Antonio Pinto has argued against
reached a similar conAda Ferrer
of the Haitian Revolution."
an offshoot
which Cuban authorities
clusion in the case of the 1806 Gûines conspiracy,
planter cruelty, had
tied to Haiti to hide the fact that local factors, namely
prompted slaves to revolt.22
in the United States in the
Suspected or actual plots were numerous
is again lacking. In 1793
1790S, but proof of tangible Haitian involvement
refugees and their
after the arrival of numerous Dominguan
in Charleston,
"French negroes, " but evidence on the
slaves, a plot was blamed on so-called
is conflicted. Rather than
ofthe revolt's backers (or even its existence)
ideidentity
have originated with French-American
black Frenchmen, the plot might
whose nephew Isaac
the
merchant Abraham Sasportas,
alists such as Jewish
in the United States in the
Suspected or actual plots were numerous
is again lacking. In 1793
1790S, but proof of tangible Haitian involvement
refugees and their
after the arrival of numerous Dominguan
in Charleston,
"French negroes, " but evidence on the
slaves, a plot was blamed on so-called
is conflicted. Rather than
ofthe revolt's backers (or even its existence)
ideidentity
have originated with French-American
black Frenchmen, the plot might
whose nephew Isaac
the
merchant Abraham Sasportas,
alists such as Jewish --- Page 156 ---
PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 141
DID DESSALINES
involved in another conspiracy in Jamaica. Alternatively, French
later became
fabricated the plot to discredit their republican oppomonarchists may have
southern planters." 23
nents by tying them to a cause sure to upset
such as slaves, repubThe presence of various groups of French refugees
and Coand royalist émigrés in New Granada (Venezuela
licans, prisoners,
worrisome to local Spanish authorities, but these
lombia) in 1793-95 was
of revolutionary ideas in the creole
groups "took no part in the development 24 The Coro revolt of 1795 has been
population," n concluded Angel Sanz Tapia.
Leonardo Chirinos,
but only because its leader, José
tied to Saint-Domingue
not because he was acting on orders from
had spent time in the colony,
white and free conspirators
Dominguan rebel leaders. In 1797 in Cartagena, French revolutionary ideals,
of color planned to found a republic modeled on
A clearer example of a
from
was not forthcoming.
but help
Saint-Domingue
that still involved enterprising individDominguan connection, though one
took place in 1799 in Maracaibo
uals rather than formal top-down planning,
crews was uncovand Cartagena, where a plot by Dominguan privateering
ered before it could be set in motion.
took
decade's largest slave revolts outside Saint-Domingue
One of the
inspired by French colonial policies:
place in 1795 in Curaçao. It was clearly blacks have been given their freedom
one rebel explained that "the French
Holland has been taken over
[under the 1794 French law abolishing slavery), n25 A leader even took on the name
by the French, hence we too must be free.
Louverture) while the other
of Toussaint (after the black general Toussaint André Rigaud). Whether
called himself Rigaud (after the mixed-race general issue. There is no trace
nominal homage reflected actual ties is another
this
Rigaud's involvement is more credible
of any involvement by Louverture.
and Curaçao
commercial ties between southern Saint-Domingue
since
to the Dutch prosecution, had
and rebel leaders, according
were extensive,
Frenchman named Rigeaud [sic] was going to
told the slaves that "a certain
should ready themselves to fight the
come to set them all free and that they
that they were not imagined
whites.' p26 But Rigaud's reassurances (assuming
did not mean active
rebel leaders to encourage their troops)
by Curaçaoan
and the Curaçaoan
support: no material help came from Saint-Domingue
revolt was brutally suppressed.
1798 in Bahia, Brazil, made
Similarly, members ofthe Tailors' conspiracyin:
that Napoléon Bonaideals and hoped
references to French emancipationist
was in Egypt at the time (where,
parte would send some help; but Bonaparte which is revealing of the extent to
incidentally, he did not abolish slavery),
could be wishful thinking. 27
which talk of French or Dominguan support involvement was unlikely until
More generally, large-scale Dominguan
Spanish and British
was too busy repelling
1798 because Saint-Domingue
was brutally suppressed.
1798 in Bahia, Brazil, made
Similarly, members ofthe Tailors' conspiracyin:
that Napoléon Bonaideals and hoped
references to French emancipationist
was in Egypt at the time (where,
parte would send some help; but Bonaparte which is revealing of the extent to
incidentally, he did not abolish slavery),
could be wishful thinking. 27
which talk of French or Dominguan support involvement was unlikely until
More generally, large-scale Dominguan
Spanish and British
was too busy repelling
1798 because Saint-Domingue --- Page 157 ---
142 PHILIPPE GIRARD
encouraged the French
invasions to go on the offensive. When a subordinate
of
in
Sonthonax to mount an invasion Jamaica
commissioner Léger-Félicité
would have to be put on hold until the
1796, he replied that this project abated.25 Only in 1798 did Louverture nemilitary crisis in Saint-Domingue
He then expelled or margingotiate the departure of the last British troops.
himself as the leading
and established
alized French colonial representatives
first in the northern and
political and military figure in Saint-Domingue, and eventually through-
(1798), then in the South (1800),
western provinces
was free from foreign invaders
(1801). Once Saint-Domingue
out Hispaniola
former slave, it now became theoretically possible for
and under the rule ofa
Haitian slave revolt to take a proactive
the leaders who had emerged from the
role overseas.
Revolution: The Louverture Precedent
Exporting the Haitian
foreign policy would have
Toussaint Louverture to embrace a messianic
For
from Paris. After the National Convention abolbeen consistent with orders
when the Directory took over
ished slavery in 1794 (a policy that was upheld beyond its empire as a way
in 1795), France saw the spread of emancipation
blow at its enemies,
its ideals, but also to strike a mortal
not only to export
in Jamaica. "Let's toss liberty at the
Great Britain and its colony
most notably
boasted the deputy Georges Danton
colonies; today, the English are dead,"
from Europe
the abolition law was passed." 29 Unable to ship troops
on the day
France also found it convenient to rely on
due to British naval blockades,
ofthe Caribbean population. 30
black freedmen, who formed the vast majority
accordingly began
similar to the one first floated by Brissot in 1792
Plans
in Saint-Domingue to
as Paris instructed French commissioners
to multiply
black freedmen. Abolish slavery in Santo
go on the offensive by employing
"the Blacks most fanatic about libDomingo (Dominican Republic) and use
in 179631 "You must
wrote the minister of the navy
erty" to attack Jamaica,
and abolish slavery in the Antilles,'
think ofattacking [the English]in Jamaica
initially emhis successor a few years later.' 32 Napoléon Bonaparte
in
repeated
policy after seizing power 1799
braced the Directory's emancipationist
than they did as slaves but
because "Iblacks] will make less sugar, maybe,
n33 a Soon, he instructed Louverture
they will serve us, ifneeded, as soldiers."
will help enlarge
in March 1801, "a division of the army of Saint-Domingue n34
and
of the Republic.
in your climates the glory
possessions
during the tenParisian calls for action had a noted impact in Guadeloupe
the colony
After retaking
ure of the French agent Victor Hugues (794-98). freedmen to target St. Vincent
from Great Britain, Hugues employed French
35 Also notable
while Guadeloupe became a nest of privateers."
and St. Lucia
they will serve us, ifneeded, as soldiers."
will help enlarge
in March 1801, "a division of the army of Saint-Domingue n34
and
of the Republic.
in your climates the glory
possessions
during the tenParisian calls for action had a noted impact in Guadeloupe
the colony
After retaking
ure of the French agent Victor Hugues (794-98). freedmen to target St. Vincent
from Great Britain, Hugues employed French
35 Also notable
while Guadeloupe became a nest of privateers."
and St. Lucia --- Page 158 ---
PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 143
DID DESSALINES
sailors and soldiers of color from Guawas the 1800 invasion of Curaçao by
officers such as Alexandre
deloupe, along with some mixed-race Dominguan
Pétion and Rigaud's brothers.' 36
schemes were surprisingly
In contrast with Guadeloupe, expansionist
Louverture's opnonexistent in the much larger colony of Saint-Domingue. French agents were eager
position largely accounts for this paradox, because
between France and
their
Hugues. As the Quasi-War
to imitate
colleague
the French commissioner Gabriel
the United States took hold in 1797-98,
enough to declare
d'Hédouville asked: "Ifthe United States was ungrateful their own turf2"37
would it not be possible to attack them on
war against us,
invasion accordingly spread
Rumors of an imminent French-Dominguan the United States, however,
through the US South. 38 Rather than invading
and security"
wrote to President John Adams to offer "protection
Louverture
ports." 39 In May-June 1799, he signed
to US ships coming to Dominguan
under which he promised not to
formal treaties with British and US envoys
of commercial
Revolution in exchange for a resumption
export the Haitian
both of which were
ties and US naval support in a civil war against 40 Rigaud,
far more relevant to his immediate policy goals. Hédouville's successor Philippe
Despite Louverture's lack of enthusiasm,
With the help of the mixedRoume plowed ahead with plans of expeditions. Isaac Sasportas, Roume
Martial Besse and the Jewish merchant
race general
to invade Jamaica and abolish slavery there.
devised an ambitious plan
that the plan also included a simultane-
(The governor of Curaçao argued
invented this story to undermine
ous attack on Curaçao, but he probably of Jamaica was by far the most
his political rivals. 42) The planned invasion
during the Haitian
ambitious overseas venture mounted in Saint-Domingue the
to British and
Revolution, but it collapsed when Louverture leaked
plans
US authorities." 43
Louverture's son and then recycled
According to a claim first made by
Louverture opArdouin and C. L. R. James,
by historians such as Beaubrun
dream: "to fling
invasion becausel he had an even grander
posed the Jamaican
the African continent SO as to abolish the
himselfwith a handful ofbraves on
did the opposite: according to
slave trade and slavery." n44 Louverture actually traders "for the importation
the governor of Jamaica, he asked British slave
because a labor
of negroes (from the coast of Africa) into Saint-Domingue" 45
hampered the recovery of the plantation sector."
shortage
abetted Gabriel Prosser's
According to Douglas Egerton, two Frenchmen
white veterans of
in Richmond, but he identified them as
1800 conspiracy
who were "acting strictly on
the American Revolution and anti-Federalists whereby European idealists
their own. n46 This is consistent with a pattern
than cauFrench revolutionary ideals were more entrepreneurial
inspired by
importation
the governor of Jamaica, he asked British slave
because a labor
of negroes (from the coast of Africa) into Saint-Domingue" 45
hampered the recovery of the plantation sector."
shortage
abetted Gabriel Prosser's
According to Douglas Egerton, two Frenchmen
white veterans of
in Richmond, but he identified them as
1800 conspiracy
who were "acting strictly on
the American Revolution and anti-Federalists whereby European idealists
their own. n46 This is consistent with a pattern
than cauFrench revolutionary ideals were more entrepreneurial
inspired by --- Page 159 ---
144 PHILIPPE GIRARD
domestic prileaders like Louverture, who had to juggle multiple
tious rebel
diversions.
orities and treated overseas ventures as unwelcome took place in January
Louverture's sole foray beyond Saint-Domingue Republic). But Santo
1801 when he invaded Santo Domingo (the Dominican with
to share a land border
Saint-Domingue,
Domingo was the only colony
with his
partners,
did not violate Louverture's treaties
Anglo-American
SO it
he could not send warships more than five leagues
which stipulated that
had officially ceded Santo
shores."7 Also, because Spain
from Hispaniola's
under the Peace of Basel, Louverture was able
Domingo to France in 1795
takeover of a fellow French
to present the invasion as a mere administrative
territory.
that Louverture abolished slavery when
Most historians take it for granted
the
instance in which
which would mark
only
he invaded Santo Domingo,
48 This had indeed been
he officially freed slaves beyond Saint-Domingue. since the Peace of Basel." The
aim of Parisian authorities
a long-standing
had accordingly sent envoys to Santo
French governor of Saint-Domingue of
but the Spanish governor
Domingo in 1795 to spread the "decree liberty,"l and crushed three attempts
had postponed its implementation indefinitely 50 "Spanish inhabitants do not want
by Dominican slaves to free themselves.
at the time 51
hear of
liberty," " Louverture had noted
to
general
in 1800-1801,
he
to take over Santo Domingo
Accordingly, as prepared
liberty and his concern
between his desire to expand
Louverture was caught
planters to flee with their valuthat a sudden abolition would incite Spanish
treated and governed as
workforce. Santo Domingo "will continue to be
able
"We often talked about the bad manner
in the past, " he instructed a general.
was given in the
transition period] in which general liberty
[i.e., without a
and how it is important to wisely make it
French part (Saint-Domingue),
should thus not change anything
reign without tremors into this part: one
orders
exists. n52 Documents published on Louverture's
to the system that
the issue of emancipation, presumably to
during the takeover tiptoe around
ofv whom were threatening to leave
avoid scaring off Spanish planters, many
with their slaves. 53
formally abolished slavery in 1801
The printed decree by which Louverture
because
has yet to be found, presumably, one suspects,
in Santo Domingo
he turned slaves into "cultivators," a type
there never was one.s Instead,
at the time. Louverture exof quasi-serfdom prevalent in Saint-Domingue
their "liberty" and be
slaves that they would now enjoy
plained to Dominican
insisted that cultivators remain tied to their
paid a fourth of the crop; but he
than before; that they remain
"that they work, even more
former plantations;
with diligence, being fully determined to
obedient; that they do their duty
difference between
those who don't. 55 Unable to tell the
punish severely
ivators," a type
there never was one.s Instead,
at the time. Louverture exof quasi-serfdom prevalent in Saint-Domingue
their "liberty" and be
slaves that they would now enjoy
plained to Dominican
insisted that cultivators remain tied to their
paid a fourth of the crop; but he
than before; that they remain
"that they work, even more
former plantations;
with diligence, being fully determined to
obedient; that they do their duty
difference between
those who don't. 55 Unable to tell the
punish severely --- Page 160 ---
PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 145
DID DESSALINES
planters later
Louverture's free but stern labor regime, Spanish
slavery and
Louverture had not proclaimed the lib-
"remembered that general Toussaint
oft their slaves during the takeover.' >56
reerty
Louverture made public in July 1801 strongly
The constitution that
Saint-Domingue (art. 3), which theoretaffirmed that all men were free in
earlier that year. In practice,
ically applied to Santo Domingo, conquered Nessler before and after 1801
manumission documents examined by Graham
and French law
situation in which layers of Spanish
hint at a chaotic legal
facto standard. 57
overlapped while slavery remained the de
Under arclause of the 1801 constitution is worth mentioning.
Another
could only be employed to maintain public
ticle 52, the Dominguan army
banned foreign ventures.
order and to defend the colony, which implicitly limit ourselves to guarding
"We will not wage war in foreign lands; we will 58 Domestic tranquility re1 Louverture instructed his officers.
our coasts,
of 1802, when a large expedition sent by
mained his priority until the spring
brought a sudden end to his reign.
Bonaparte
the Revolution: Dessalines's Record
Exporting
ideological heir. After LouverIn many ways, Dessalines was Louverture's Dessalines took over as leader of the
ture was exiled to France in 1802 and
policies, including nonrebel army, he embraced many of his predecessor's Dessalines's behalf) to
interventionism. Letters sent by Dessalines (or on
all offered
and the United States in the summer of 1803
Cuba, Jamaica,
Louverture's own diplomacy:
the basic quid pro quo that had underpinned Dessalines proposed, and in
sell us weapons and buy our tropical crops, 59 "As long as we enjoy our
exchange we will not threaten our neighbors. 1 a rebel officer informed
rights, you have nothing to fear from us,
legitimate
Anglo-American merchants.
in the 1804 Declaration of IndepenThe promises made by Dessalines
Far from being an aberdence must be understood in this historical context.
selfcontainment was consistent with a strategic compromise
ration or a lie,
since overseas adventures might not
that harked back to the Louverture era:
a neutral posture SO as
succeed for lack of naval means, it was best to adopt
that the French
cultivate allies at a time when Dessalines was convinced
to
to reconquer Haiti.
would soon send a new expedition
in the spring of 1804 has
with British Jamaica
Dessalines's diplomacy
with the views expressed in the Declabeen well documented,1 In keeping
British envoys that he would
Dessalines promised
ration of Independence,
and not invade Jamaica, while adamantly
set limits on his blue-water navy
national territory. 62 Declining to derefusing to give away an inch of Haitian
, it was best to adopt
that the French
cultivate allies at a time when Dessalines was convinced
to
to reconquer Haiti.
would soon send a new expedition
in the spring of 1804 has
with British Jamaica
Dessalines's diplomacy
with the views expressed in the Declabeen well documented,1 In keeping
British envoys that he would
Dessalines promised
ration of Independence,
and not invade Jamaica, while adamantly
set limits on his blue-water navy
national territory. 62 Declining to derefusing to give away an inch of Haitian --- Page 161 ---
146 PHILIPPE GIRARD
slaves, he limited himself to asking for
mand the emancipation of Jamaica's
become stranded overseas during
of black Haitians who had
the repatriation
Like Louverture before him, he also repeatedly
the course ofthe revolution."
laborers into Haiti to replenish a popasked that British slave traders import
been abolished, imported
ulation halved by a decade of war. (Slavery having field laborers tied to their
Africans would have become cultivators: semifree
plantations)"
had done in 1801, Dessalines invaded Santo
In 1805, just as Louverture
white and black DominiDomingo. Viewing Dessalines as an emancipator,
the invasion. 65 In fact, Dessalines's primary
cans either lamented or cheered
but the expulsion of
which he did not proclaim,
goal was not emancipation,
in Santo Domingo and threatened
the French troops who had reassembled
that a French
Haiti. He aborted the invasion after hearing reports
to attack
defending the homeland remained Haifleet was headed for Haiti: as always,
Haiti (another important
strategic priority. To repopulate
tis all-consuming
back prisoners of color from Santo
policy goal), Dessalines's army brought
slaves
probaof whom were "offered for sale as
[cultivators,
Domingo, many
bly]" according to a US eyewitness."
later in 1805 drew many ofits prinThe constitution issued by Dessalines
stated that
Louverture's. Like its 1801 precursor, it emphatically
ciples from
itself
1 and 2)- It also added that
forever abolished in Haiti
(art.
slavery was
with the views of
Dessalines] shall never form any enterprise
"the Emperor
and interior administration of
making conquests, nor to disturb the peace
foreign colonies" (art. 36).
during Dessalines's reign took
The most famous case of foreign meddling
in Jacmel, Haiti,
1806, when Francisco de Miranda stopped
place in March
According to the Haitian historian
on his way to invade South America.
local
and,
Dessalines allowed Miranda to recruit
supporters
Thomas Madiou,
advice on how to win a war of
offered some personal
through a subordinate,
off heads. n67 If Madiou is correct, one
independence: "burn houses and cut
because the British and
that Dessalines broke his neutrality pledge
and he
suspects
had also assisted Miranda (or SO claimed Miranda)
US governments
to fear. Other sources cast some doubts on
had no diplomatic repercussions
British admiral in Barbados wrote
the extent of Dessalines's involvement; a
that in
into effect the
Miranda that "you have represented to me
carrying
to
have met with some difficulty from
Expedition under your command, you
[Haiti]. 68 At
ofthe Force you expected to join at St. Domingo
the defection
rate, the invasion itselfwas a disaster.
any
there is "oblique evidence of Dessalines's particiFor Deborah Jenson,
that did not rely on formal and national
pation in decolonization schemes
and insurrection plotted
engagement, but on incendiary persuasion
military
a
that in
into effect the
Miranda that "you have represented to me
carrying
to
have met with some difficulty from
Expedition under your command, you
[Haiti]. 68 At
ofthe Force you expected to join at St. Domingo
the defection
rate, the invasion itselfwas a disaster.
any
there is "oblique evidence of Dessalines's particiFor Deborah Jenson,
that did not rely on formal and national
pation in decolonization schemes
and insurrection plotted
engagement, but on incendiary persuasion
military --- Page 162 ---
PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 147
DID DESSALINES
to
her
of
w69 But the evidence provided support
by small numbers people.
was planning to start a revolt
theory-a Frenchman's claim that Dessalines
the propensity of contemand Guadeloupe- -seems thin given
in Martinique
70 Julia Gaffield has shown that
porary: actors to see Haitian plots everywhere." Roberjot Lartigue, to whom
in St. Thomas, Arnaud André
the French agent
French fears SO as to raise
these rumors can be traced back, was playing up
of his salary." Eviin bureaucratic circles and obtain the payment
his profile
in British Trinidad
involvement in an 1805 conspiracy
dence for Dessalines's
disseminated in Spanish colonies
72 Similar rumors
also appears incomplete."
those that continued to circulate in
are vague and unconvincing, especially could do no harm for a simple reason: he
1807, at a time when Dessalines
was dead.7
the Revolution: After Dessalines
Exporting
1806 changed nothing within the basic
Dessalines's assassination in October
fears of Haitian infiltration conpattern of Haitian foreign relations. Inflated
unintended but positive ef
foreign slave owners, with the
tinued to trouble
restrict and then end its involvement in
fect of pushing the United States to
slave trade lest foreign slaves upset the US plantation system."
the Atlantic
Revolution continued to inspire slaves and
The example of the Haitian
in the short-lived republic of
free people of color in the Americas, notably actual Haitian meddling reCartagena from 1811 to 1815, but evidence of
Louisiana, the largest
weak.5 The German Coast Uprising in 1811
mained
mixed-race slave originally from Saint-Domingue,
in US history, involved a
is often the case, are too fragmentary
Charles Deslondes, but the sources, as
from Haiti.7% That
that the rebels received direct encouragement
to prove
but not directed by, Haiti failed in
same year, a plot that was inspired by,
British-occupied Martinique. 77
was blamed on HaiIn 1812 Cuba, the rebellion of José Antonio Aponte Dessalines were found in
because portraits of Louverture and
tian agitators
seconds pretended to be the
Aponte's house and because one of Aponte's But rebels were SO hopeful
(actually deceased) Haitian rebel Jean-François.
to blame their slaves'
from Haiti, and authorities SO eager
to obtain help
that Haitis involvement was likely
discontent on some outside influence,
exaggerated.?
after spending timein
Denmark Vesey is usually presented as a rebel who,
whites and then
hatched a plot in 1822 to kill Charleston's
is based
Saint-Domingue,
has shown that this narrative
sail to Haiti. But Michael P. Johnson
and that the very existence of
analysis of deeply flawed sources
on a cursory
is in doubt. One of the
(and hence any Haitian connections)
a conspiracy
slaves'
from Haiti, and authorities SO eager
to obtain help
that Haitis involvement was likely
discontent on some outside influence,
exaggerated.?
after spending timein
Denmark Vesey is usually presented as a rebel who,
whites and then
hatched a plot in 1822 to kill Charleston's
is based
Saint-Domingue,
has shown that this narrative
sail to Haiti. But Michael P. Johnson
and that the very existence of
analysis of deeply flawed sources
on a cursory
is in doubt. One of the
(and hence any Haitian connections)
a conspiracy --- Page 163 ---
148 PHILIPPE GIRARD
Monday Gell, explained that
few slaves who cooperated with the prosecution, this subject [the alleged
wrote to St Domingo or anywhere else on
"I never
with execution that he changed
plot)." It was only when he was threatened
"which was directed to
and cited some hypothetical letter by Vesey,
his story
Haiti) n79 Vesey, who had already been exepresident (Jean-Pierre] Boyer [of
cuted, could offer no rebuttal.
circulating among white plantInstead oft taking at face value every rumor
conspirators, Haitian
confession forcibly extracted by suspected
ers or every
reading this country's abundant political literpolicies should be assessed by
remained remarkably conwhich has scarcely been analyzed. Its tone
ature,
the aftermath of Dessalines's death, was divided
sistent, even after Haiti, in
Christophe (in the North) and Alexbetween two rival regimes led by Henry
with Haiti's legal traditions,
andre Pétion (in the West and South). In keeping abolition of slavery in Haiti
Christophe's 1807 constitution reaffirmed the
disturb the regime by
as well as "its unshakeable decision to not
(art. 1 and 2)
36). Similarly, per Pétion's
which [nearby slave colonies] are governed" (art.
abolished "within the
constitution (revised in 1816), while slavery was
"the Republic of Haiti will never form any
territory of the Republic" (art. 1),
or to trouble the peace and
with the view either to make conquests
enterprise internal order of foreign States or Islands" (art. 5).
the
did not
had been the case under Louverture and Dessalines, policy n
As
was not a "foreign island." In
which technically
apply to Santo Domingo,
when they expelled the last
1808, Christophe sent weapons to the Spanish
Pétion also promised
still present in Santo Domingo. In 1810,
French troops
make Santo Domingo independent from
weapons to conspirators aiming to
Spain."
law could be interpreted as an assault, albeit
Only one aspect of Haitian
country, SO in theory Haiti
slavery: Haiti was a free-soil
indirect, on foreign
as it had been since commiscould become a haven for foreign runaways,
For example, in 1817 seven
Sonthonax had abolished slavery in 1793.1
sioner
of Haiti controlled by Pétion, who refused to
Jamaican slaves fled to the part
British owner because article
extradite them despite the demands of their
to all refugees
constitution granted freedom and citizenship
44 of Pétion's
Pompée Valentin Vastey, criticized
of color."2 One secretary of Christophe, tends to upset the peace and the
because it "directly
Pétion's asylum policy
countries, s but Christophe himinternal regime oft these colonies or foreign
that were intercepted
self offered refuge to the captives of three slave ships
was willing to
1810-12.99 Perhaps Christophe, an Anglophile,
near Cuba in
welcome runaways as long as they were not British-owned. and found them to be
Ada Ferrer has analyzed Pétion's free-soil policies Britain because Haiti
"radical" than those of metropolitan France and
more
One secretary of Christophe, tends to upset the peace and the
because it "directly
Pétion's asylum policy
countries, s but Christophe himinternal regime oft these colonies or foreign
that were intercepted
self offered refuge to the captives of three slave ships
was willing to
1810-12.99 Perhaps Christophe, an Anglophile,
near Cuba in
welcome runaways as long as they were not British-owned. and found them to be
Ada Ferrer has analyzed Pétion's free-soil policies Britain because Haiti
"radical" than those of metropolitan France and
more --- Page 164 ---
PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 149
DID DESSALINES
midst of the Caribbean, making it a tempting haven
was located in the very
of a "land off the free" could also act as
for local runaways. 84 But the existence
the United States, where
societies, notably
a safety valve for nearby plantation nineteenth century to send freedmen to
there were numerous plans in the
them full citizenship. The
Haiti and Liberia because of a reluctance to grant
to Haiti, which
Haitian statesmen to encourage US blacks to come
efforts by
continued under Pétion and peaked
began under Louverture and Dessalines, in the 1820s, were thus not fundaunder the presidency of] Jean-Pierre Boyer
slave societies. 85
with the existence of nearby
mentally incompatible
material support to Simôn Bolivar
Twice in 1816, Pétion offered significant
Venezuela, the clearest case
the condition that Bolivar abolish slavery in
on
abolition to date, though he tried to
of official Haitian support for regional
"I want to free people from
hide his involvement for fear of offending Spain:
acts. >86
Bolivar, "but don't mention my name in any ofyour
slavery," he wrote
American slaves was unfortunately limited
But the actual impact for South
but also uncomfortto slavery
because Bolivar, who was innately opposed
to confront the
embodied by Haiti and unwilling
able with the racial equality
and gradual emanAmerican landed gentry, only issued a conditional
South
unenforced; the full abolition of slavery in
cipation law, which went largely
and Bolivar's deaths. 87
Venezuela only took place in 1854, long after Pétion
balanced repubthe other hand, Pétion's 1816 revised constitution, which
On
government, deeply influenced Bolivar's
licanism with a strong centralized
political thought." 88
Boyer (ruled 1818-43) was a mixedLike Pétion, his successor Jean-Pierre
some inclination to export
from Port-au-Prince who displayed
race general
invasion of Santo Domingo in 1822,
Haiti's ideals. Most notable was Boyer's
Full emancipawhich he finally ended slavery in this Spanish colony.
after
had apparently taken
that neither Louverture nor Dessalines
tion was a step
the invasion marked the only induring their 1801 and 1805 invasions, SO
Haiti by force of arms. "God
stance when abolition was exported beyond remembered a popular black
bless, / Papa Boyer, / Who gave us / La liberté,"
1822, was
he issued on February 9,
poem. 89 But Boyer, in a proclamation
Haiti's noninterventionist
that this did not change
careful to emphasize
established by articles 40 and 41
Hispaniola. "The principles
stance beyond
the Ocean as our border, are as well
which established
of our constitution,
under which we pledged never to trouble
known as article 5 ofthe same act,
>90
the peace of our neighbors."
the fears of Haiti's neighbors SO as to
Despite countless efforts to placate
this essenthe country's independence,
convince them to formally recognize
"Our constitution prevents
tial goal of Haitian foreign policy went unmet. of other states," complained
from ever interfering in the colonial regime
us
established by articles 40 and 41
Hispaniola. "The principles
stance beyond
the Ocean as our border, are as well
which established
of our constitution,
under which we pledged never to trouble
known as article 5 ofthe same act,
>90
the peace of our neighbors."
the fears of Haiti's neighbors SO as to
Despite countless efforts to placate
this essenthe country's independence,
convince them to formally recognize
"Our constitution prevents
tial goal of Haitian foreign policy went unmet. of other states," complained
from ever interfering in the colonial regime
us --- Page 165 ---
150 PHILIPPE GIRARD
Chanlatte in 1822, yet "our enemies insinuated that we
François Desrivières
that surround our island like Barbary pimight one day threaten the seas
that Haitian statesmen hamrates. w91 We are normal: such was the message nation's existence, yet within the first two decades ofthe
mered repeatedly
who visited Haiti in 1841 reported (accurately) that
out success. A Cuban spy
and that the Haitian army was
Haitian policies barred foreign interventions
were SO ingrained
itself overseas; but his prejudices
incapable of projecting
about secret agents, 27 "simply bethat he nevertheless went on to fantasize
cause Haiti is Haiti.' n92
the former colonial master, France,
Haitian leaders' policy goals toward
modus vivendi
their preference for a peaceful
were similar: they expressed
of nations in exchange for a nonthat would allow Haiti to join the concert
first exile in 1814
intervention pledge. After a ten-year standstill, Napoléon's settlement with France
that Haiti could finally reach a
raised the possibility
Louis XVIII immediately dispatched
under the new Bourbon government.
welcomed . until they
whom Pétion and Christophe
diplomatic agents,
and realized that they had been inchanced upon the envoys' instructions rule. Pétion kicked out one of the
structed to restore slavery and French
agents while Christophe jailed the other.3 fits and starts over the ensuing ten
Negotiations with France continued in
its
in
granted Haiti independence
years, until a French edict of 1825 finally
(Though the idea
and an indemnity.
exchange for commercial preferences has been ever since a source of conflict
originated with Pétion, the indemnity
sovereign; it had also
relations. 94) Haiti was now officially
in French-Haitian
that the French government did not
become SO sufficiently weak militarily
pledge before recognizconsider it necessary to demand a nonintervention
ing its independence.
Conclusion
Dessalines in the Declaration of IndeThe promise made by Jean-Jacques
of his neighbors was not
pendence not to tamper with the internal regime
decision taken that
truthful but also possibly the most momentous
Haiti's
only
the concerns of
day: by lessening (though not fully extinguishing)
with black selfthe pledge helped ensure that Haiti's experiment
neighbors,
But it also meant that the Haitian Revolution, however
rule would endure.
one-off event. This successful slave
remained a
impressive an achievement,
slaves occasionally tried to
that foreign
revolt was such a powerful precedent
the same as Haitian instigation,
imitate it; but Haitian inspiration was not failed. In the words of Seymour
and these isolated, unsupported uprisings all
both
and unrepeatable.
Drescher, "Haiti was
unforgettable
lessening (though not fully extinguishing)
with black selfthe pledge helped ensure that Haiti's experiment
neighbors,
But it also meant that the Haitian Revolution, however
rule would endure.
one-off event. This successful slave
remained a
impressive an achievement,
slaves occasionally tried to
that foreign
revolt was such a powerful precedent
the same as Haitian instigation,
imitate it; but Haitian inspiration was not failed. In the words of Seymour
and these isolated, unsupported uprisings all
both
and unrepeatable.
Drescher, "Haiti was
unforgettable --- Page 166 ---
DESSALINES PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 151
DID
made in the heat of the moDessalines's vOW was not an isolated speech
dub the Dessalines
policy, which one may
ment but a wellthought-out
of Dessalines's predecessor,
doctrine, that was in line with the policies
Only in earlier and
Toussaint Louverture, and successor, Henry Christophe. Haiti's ideals, such as the
later periods can one see isolated efforts to export André Rigaud), the 1799
encouraged by
1795 uprising in Curaçao (possibly
Alexandre Pétion's 1816 assistance
Roume-Sasportas plan to invade Jamaica,
of Santo Domingo, along
and Jean-Pierre Boyer's 1822 invasion
to Bolivar,
These were often mastermounted from Guadeloupe.
with the operations
activists rather than former slaves, thus
minded by white and mixed-race
racial
ofl Haiti's
politics.
upending our traditional understanding
Atlantic revolutions
can be drawn with the other two great
reComparisons
Revolution, which also had powerful ideological
oft the age. The American
in George Washington's and
percussions in Latin America, was hemmed by
overseas.
preference for neutrality and nonentanglement
Thomas Jefferson's
exported the Declaration of
In contrast, the French Revolution aggressively
revolution "in one
of Man to Europe and beyond. By pursuing
the Rights
Dessalines embraced the isolationist
country" (to paraphrase Joseph Stalin),
particularly those of French
American model, while a few ofhis countrymen,
descent, were more tempted by French-style adventurism. thinking of him
understand Dessalines's decision, we must stop
To fully
rebels, which reduces their identity to
and his fellow black generals as slave
Instead, we should take them
bondage and the color of their skin.
their past
foremost duty was to ensure that Haiti would
seriously as statesmen whose
in the world of politics, idealsurvive in a hostile environment. As SO often
ism had to yield to pragmatism.
Notes
"Proclamation" (JanuDessalines [and Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre),
1. Jean-Jacques
Archives Nationales (AN). Emphasis added.
ary 1, 1804), dossier 15, AB XIX/3302,
are from the appendix of this
The translations of the Declaration of Independence
for from the Dutch.
in this chapter are mine, except
volume; all other translations
31, 1804), The Port Folio 1, no. 5
Raguet, "Memoirs of Hayti" (January
2. Condy
(May 1809), 480.
Clervaux, Henry Christophe, "Déclaration
3- Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Augustin
1803), in H. Pauléus Sannon, Histoire
préliminaire d'indépendance" (November 29,
Louverture (Port-au-Prince: Héraux, 1933), 3:202.
de Toussaint
Advertiser no. 504 (January 13, 1804).
4- National Intelligencer and Washington
1, 1815), Tract A17, Boston Athe-
"Proclamation" (January
5- Henry Christophe,
naeum (BA). See also Tract B795, BA.
, Augustin
1803), in H. Pauléus Sannon, Histoire
préliminaire d'indépendance" (November 29,
Louverture (Port-au-Prince: Héraux, 1933), 3:202.
de Toussaint
Advertiser no. 504 (January 13, 1804).
4- National Intelligencer and Washington
1, 1815), Tract A17, Boston Athe-
"Proclamation" (January
5- Henry Christophe,
naeum (BA). See also Tract B795, BA. --- Page 167 ---
152 PHILIPPE GIRARD
Dessalines (Port-au-Prince: Les
6. Gérard Mentor Laurent, Six études sur J-J.
devant Thistoire
Jean-Baptiste Saint-Victor, Le fondateur
Presses Libres, 1950), 70;
d'Haiti, 2006); Jean Fouchard,
Port-au-Prince: Presses Nationales
(1954; repr.
' Revue de la Société Haitienne d'Histoire
"Quand Haiti exportait la liberté aux Antilles,
haîtien à Cuba: de la révolu-
(1984):41-47: Alain Yacou, "Le péril
et de Géographie 143
in Michel Hector, ed.,
à la reconnaissance de l'indépendance, 1791-1825."i
tion nègre
ruptures, nouvelles dimensions (Port-au-Prince:
La révolution française et Haiti:filiations,
Revolution: Haiti and
1991), 2:186-99; Ashli White, Encountering
Henri Deschamps,
Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010),
the Making oft the Early Republic (Baltimore:
Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts in the
Deborah Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative:
179;
Liverpool University Press, 2011), 176.
Haitian Revolution (Liverpool:
Revolution:
Slave Revolts
Genovese, From Rebellion to
Afro-American
7- Eugene
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,
in the Making of the Modern World (Baton
1979), xix, 94.
Rebellion during the Age of Revolution, in Curaçao
8. David Geggus, "Slave
Klooster and Gert Oostindie (Leiden:
Revolutions, 1795-1800, ed. Wim
in the Age of
P.
ed., The Impact ofthe Haitian RevKITLV Press, 2011), 32. See also David Geggus, of South Carolina Press, 2001), X.
olution in the. Atlantic World (Columbia: University
Archives Natio-
"Proclamation" (February 29, 1804), CC9B/18,
9. Dessalines,
nales d'Outremer (ANOM).
(April 28, 1804), dossier 15,
Dessalines, "Liberté ou la mort-Proclamation
10.
AB XIX/3302, AN.
(May 8, 1804), dossier 15,
Dessalines, "Aux habitants de la partie espagnole"
11.
AB XIX/3302, AN.
(October 9, 1804), 61J25, Archives Dépar12. Dessalines to Napoléon Bonaparte
tementales de la Gironde, Bordeaux.
(April 28, 1804), dossier 15,
Dessalines, "Liberté ou la mort-Procdamation
13.
have meant to refer to the people of Guadeloupe
AB XIX/3302, AN. Dessalines may
in 1802-3, rather than the
French Guiana, where Bonaparte had restored slavery
or
where the abolition of slavery had never taken place.
people of Martinique,
Revolution, and Freedom in Cuban
Ada Ferrer, Speaking of Haiti: Slavery,
and Nor14Haitian Revolution, ed. David Geggus
Slave Testimony." in The World ofthe
Indiana University Press, 2009), 229-34.
man Fiering (Bloomington:
d'août 1791 et ses liens avec le vaudou et le
15- David Geggus, "Le soulèvement
ruptures, nouvelles dimen-
" in La révolution française et Haiti: filiations,
1:61.
marronnage,"
Henri Deschamps, 1995),
sions, ed. Michel Hector (Port-au-Prince:
ed., Documentos para la his16. For requests for help, see José Luciano Franco,
des Archivo Nacional
toria de Haiti en el Archivo Nacional (Havana: Publicaciones French Colony in the
69; Bryan Edwards, An Historical Survey ofthe
de Cuba, 1954),
Island of St. Domingo (London: Stockdale, 1797),313, 1792), in Coll.,
Brissot to Francisco de Miranda (December
17. Jean-Pierre
Tipografia Americana, 1938), 15:159.
Archivo del General Miranda (Caracas:
:
ed., Documentos para la his16. For requests for help, see José Luciano Franco,
des Archivo Nacional
toria de Haiti en el Archivo Nacional (Havana: Publicaciones French Colony in the
69; Bryan Edwards, An Historical Survey ofthe
de Cuba, 1954),
Island of St. Domingo (London: Stockdale, 1797),313, 1792), in Coll.,
Brissot to Francisco de Miranda (December
17. Jean-Pierre
Tipografia Americana, 1938), 15:159.
Archivo del General Miranda (Caracas: --- Page 168 ---
PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 153
DID DESSALINES
"Slave Rebellion during the Age of Revolution," 23-56.
and
18. Geggus,
to New Orleans: Migration
In19. Nathalie Dessens, From Saint-Domingue
114-18. On the rebels' late
(Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2007),
Revolufluences
Popkin, You Are All Free: The Haitian
embrace of emancipation, see Jeremy
University Press, 2010), 135tion and the Abolition of Slavery (New York: Cambridge
Ferrer,
of Haiti," 228, 235.
20.
"Speaking
Slaves in the Context of the Peace of
21. Antonio J. Pinto, "Santo Domingo's Journal of Early American History 3
Basel: Boca Nigua's Black Insurrection, 1796,"
(2013): 142, 147, 152.
cubaine et la révolution haitienne," " An22. Ada Ferrer, "La société esclavagiste
nales 58, no. 2 (March-April 2003): 354Revolutions: French Consul MichelRobert Alderson, This Bright Era of Happy
23.
Republicanism in Charleston, 1792-1794
Ange-Bernard Mangourit and International
University of South Carolina Press, 2008), 93-109.
et es-
(Columbia:
"Militaires royalistes émigrés, prisonniers français
24. Angel Sanz Tapia,
générale du Vénézuela pendant la
claves de Saint-Domingue dans la capitainerie des Antilles: Bulletin de la Société
Annales
guerre contre la révolution (1793-1795)." 8o. On Venezuela in the 1790S, see also
d'Histoire de la Martinique no. 23 (1980):
and Curaçao, 1795-1800,"
Revolution and Politics in Venezuela
Ramôn Aizpurua,
ed. Klooster and Oostindie, 101-8;
in Curaçao in the Age of Revolutions, 1795-1800, all Colors,' Indians, and Slaves in
Majority: Free 'of
Aline Helg, "A Fragmented
Revolution," in The Impact off the Haitian
Caribbean Colombia during the Haitian
Revolution in the Atlantic World, ed. Geggus, 157.
and the Impact of the
Oostindie, "Slave Resistance, Colour Lines,
25. Gert
1 in
in the Age of Revolutions,
French and Haitian Revolutions in Curaçao, Curaçao
ed. Klooster and Oostindie, 9.
Theodorus van Teyligen aan gouver26. "Memorie door den raad fiscaal Pieter
Curaçao
ielands Curacao," " in A. F. Paula, ed., De slavenopstand op
neur en raden des
This document was mentioned to me by
(National Archives of Curaçao, 1974), 206.
Charles Rego and translated by Marjoleine Kars.
of the Haitian
Reis and Flâvio dos Santos Gomes, "Repercussions
27 Joao José
The World
Haitian Revolution, ed. Geggus
Revolution in Brazil, 1791-1850," in
ofthe
and Fiering, 286.
Théveneau (October 19, 1796), fr. 8986, Biblio28. Léger-Félicité Sonthonax to
thèque Nationale de France (BNF).
wwwasonbse-nutionakpl
"Le débat à la Convention" (February 4, 1794),
29.
(accessed on June 30, 2013).
wiairsserdtanet French Plans of Expeditions in the South30. Philippe Girard, "Rêves d'E Empire:
Louisiana History 48, no. 4 (Fall
States and the Caribbean, 1789-1809.
ern United
2007): 389-412.
données par le Directoire Exécutif à ses
31. Laurent Truguet, "Instructions
ANOM.
(February 12, 1796), doc. 212, B277, FM,
agens"
),
29.
(accessed on June 30, 2013).
wiairsserdtanet French Plans of Expeditions in the South30. Philippe Girard, "Rêves d'E Empire:
Louisiana History 48, no. 4 (Fall
States and the Caribbean, 1789-1809.
ern United
2007): 389-412.
données par le Directoire Exécutif à ses
31. Laurent Truguet, "Instructions
ANOM.
(February 12, 1796), doc. 212, B277, FM,
agens" --- Page 169 ---
154 PHILIPPE GIRARD
Roume
22, 1799), CC9A/22, ANOM.
32. Eustache Bruix to Philippe
(February le consulat et lempire (Paris:
Pierre-Louis Roederer, Mémoires sur la révolution,
33Plon, 1942), 131.
1801), Kurt Fisher Collection, Howard
Bonaparte to Louverture (March 4,
34policies took a conservative turn later that year.
University. Bonaparte's
Citizens: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in
35- Laurent Dubois, A Colony of
of North Carolina Press,
(Chapel Hill: University
the French Caribbean, 1787-1804
of Early American History and Culture,
published for the Omohundro Institute
2004), 222-42.
Oostindie, eds., Curaçao in the Age of Revolutions, 13, 144.
36. Klooster and
Exécutif(
CC9A/19.ANOM.
Joseph Gabriel d'Hédouville to Directoire
(c.1798),
the Un37The Quasi-War: The Politics and Diplomacy of
38. Alexander DeConde,
York: Scribner's, 1966), 84.
declared War with France, 1797-1801 (New
6, 1798), RG 59, Microfilm M9/1,
Louverture to John Adams (November
39.
National Archives in College Park.
Toussaint Louverture's Secret Diplo40. Philippe Girard, "Black Talleyrand:
66, no. 1
and the United States," " William and Mary Quarterly
macy with England
(January 2009): 101.
Pluchon, "Un plan d'invasion de la Jamaique en
41. Gabriel Debien and Pierre
Louverture," 1 Revue de la Societé
de Toussaint
1799 et la politique anglo-américaine et de Géologie 36, no. 119 (July 1978):3 3-72.
Haitienne d'Histoire, de Géographie
International Politics: The Myth of
Hans Jordaan, "Patriots, Privateers and
Revolutions,
42.
Tierce Cadet," " in Curaçao in the Age of
the Conspiracy of Jean Baptiste
ed. Klooster and Oostindie, 141-69.
(September 30, 1799), 208 MI/1, AN;
43. Edward Stevens to Timothy Pickering 28, 1799), CO 137/103, The National
Earl of Balcarres to Duke of Portland (October
Archives of the United Kingdom (TNA).
Toussaint Louverture .
p. 69
Isaac Louverture, "Notes historiques sur
d'Haiti,
44.
BNF. See also Beaubrun Ardouin, Études sur Thistoire
(c. 1819), NAF 12409,
(Paris: Dézobry et Magdeleine, 1853-60),
suivies de la vie du général J-M Borgella
L'Ouverture and the San Domingo
4:360; C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins: Toussaint
New York: Vintage Books, 1989), 265.
Revolution (1963; repr.
(September 5, 1801), CO 137/106, TNA.
45- George Nugent to Portland Rebellion: The Virginia Slave Conspiracies of
46. Douglas R. Egerton, Gabriel's
Carolina Press, 1993), 15 (quote),
1800 and 1802 (Chapel Hill: University of North
Whispers of Rebellion:
background). Michael L. Nicholls,
and 182-85 (Frenchmen's
University of Virginia Press, 2012),
Narrating Gabriel's Conspiracy (Charlottesville:
identification of the Frenchmen as "conjecture."
189, describes Egerton's
Maitland and Louverture, "Convention secrète
47. For the treaty, see Thomas
see Wendell Schaeffer, "The
ADM 1/249, TNA. On Santo Domingo,
Ameri-
(June 13, 1799),
Santo Domingo to France, 1795-1801," Hispanic
Delayed Cession of Spanish
Review 29, no. 1 (February 1949): 46-68.
can Historical
Gabriel's Conspiracy (Charlottesville:
identification of the Frenchmen as "conjecture."
189, describes Egerton's
Maitland and Louverture, "Convention secrète
47. For the treaty, see Thomas
see Wendell Schaeffer, "The
ADM 1/249, TNA. On Santo Domingo,
Ameri-
(June 13, 1799),
Santo Domingo to France, 1795-1801," Hispanic
Delayed Cession of Spanish
Review 29, no. 1 (February 1949): 46-68.
can Historical --- Page 170 ---
PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 155
DID DESSALINES
Imprimerie de J. CourThomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (Port-au-Prince:
York:
48.
Smartt Bell, Toussaint Louverture: A Biography (New
tois, 1847), 2:86; Madison
"All would be equal in the effort': Santo DominPantheon, 2007), 191; Anne Eller,
Journal of Early
and Haiti, 1809-1822,"
go's Italian Revolution,' Independence,
American History 1 no. 2 (2011): 111.
Directoire Exécutif à ses agents" (FebTruguet, "Instructions données parlel
49.
FM, ANOM; Carlos Esteban Deive, Los refugiados
ruary 12, 1796), doc. 212, B277,
Domingo: Universidad Nacional Pedro
franceses en Santo Domingo, 1789-1801 (Santo
Henriquez Urena, 1984), 133.
Baubert, and Noël Leveillé to Etienne La-
"Decree of liberty" from Manlau,
Sâmana,
50.
fr. 12103, BNF. For the three revolts (Hinche,
veaux (November 13, 1795),
Slaves in the Context of the Peace of
Boca Nigua), see Pinto, "Santo Domingo's
Basel," 131-53.
20, 1795), fr. 12103, BNF.
51. Louverture to Laveaux (December
Études 4:171.
Louverture to Pierre Agé (June 1, 1800), in Ardouin,
de Sainte52.
Proce's-verbal de la prise de possession de la partie espagnole
53- Louverture,
Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.
Domingue (January 27, 1801), Box L-1801,
relaciones de Espana con La EsFernando Carrera Montero, Las complejas
(Santo
54Saint Domingue 1789-1803
el Caribe hispano frente a Santo Domingo Y
panola: Fundacion Garcia Arévalo, 2004), 472.
Archivo
Domingo:
"Proclamaciôn" (February 8, 1801), ESTADO, 60, N.3,
55- Louverture,
General de Indias.
Considérations diverses sur Haiti (Port-auDesrivières Chanlatte,
56. François
Prince, 1822), 14.
Knew Her to be Free': Emancipation and
57. Graham Nessler, "They Always
Slavery and Abolition 33.
Re-Enslavement in French Santo Domingo, 1804-1809.
no. 1 (2012): 89.
des annales de la révolution à Saint Do58. Pélage-Marie Duboys, Précis historique
mingue 2:190, NAF 14879 (MF 5384), BNF.
Jefferson Papers, Series 1,
Dessalines to Jefferson (June 23, 1803), Thomas
(Sep59of Congress; Dessalines to British Minister
General Correspondence, Library
Kindelân (September 14,
CO 137/110, TNA; Geffrard to Sebastian
tember 2, 1803),
la historia de Haiti, 152-54.
1803), in Franco, Documentos para
of British or American vessel (July 4,
60. François Capois-la-Mort to captain
1803), ADM 1/253, TNA.
William and Mary Quarterly 69, no. 3 (July 2012).
61. See the Dessalines forum in
ADM 1/254, TNA.
62. Dessalines to John T. Duckworth (February 12, 1804),
Dessalines, "Ar6, 1803), CO 137/110, TNA;
63- Dessalines to Nugent (November
rêté" (January 14, 1804), AB/XIX/3302/15. AN. 26 and 27, 1804), CO 137/111, TNA.
64. Dessalines to Edward Corbet (Febuary
Transcolonial Collaboration in the
65. Sara E. Johnson, The Fear of French Negroes: California Press, 2012), 52-57
Americas (Berkeley: University of
Revolutionary
Ar6, 1803), CO 137/110, TNA;
63- Dessalines to Nugent (November
rêté" (January 14, 1804), AB/XIX/3302/15. AN. 26 and 27, 1804), CO 137/111, TNA.
64. Dessalines to Edward Corbet (Febuary
Transcolonial Collaboration in the
65. Sara E. Johnson, The Fear of French Negroes: California Press, 2012), 52-57
Americas (Berkeley: University of
Revolutionary --- Page 171 ---
156 PHILIPPE GIRARD
(December 1805), The Port Folio 4, no. 3
66. Condy Raguet, "Memoirs of Hayti"
(September 1810), 242.
67. Madiou, Histoire, 3:270.
Haitian Antislavery and National
68. Julia Gaffield, "Liberté, Indépendance: Politics in the Nineteenth Century,
Independence," in A Global History of Anti-Slavery
2013), 28. According
and Maurice Bric (Palgrave Macmillan,
ed. William Mulligan
met Miranda in person but gave him no
to Ardouin, Études 6:242-43, Dessalines
Francisco de Miranda: A Transatlanmaterial assistance. According to Karen Racine,
Resources, 2003), 160,
tic Life in the Age of Revolution (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly
Miranda's troops were not even allowed onshore.
69. Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative, 176.
16 and February 10,
Louis-Thomas Villaret de Joyeuse to Decrès (January
1806), 70. folios 36 and 83, C/8a/112, FM, ANOM.
"The Slaves
' 26. See also David Geggus,
71. Gaffield, "Liberté, Indépendance."
of the French and Haitian Revoand Free Coloreds of Martinique during the Age
in the of European
Moments of Resistance, ' in The Lesser Antilles
Age
lutions: Three
and Stanley L. Engerman (Gainesville: University
Expansion, ed. Robert L. Paquette
Press of Florida, 1996), 296.
Cuba and Haiti in the Age of Revolution (New
72. Ada Ferrer, Freedom's Mirror:
York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 2011.
(February 28, 1807), in
Marques de Someruelos to |Sebastiân Kindelân?]
73.
la historia de Haiti, 161.
Franco, Documentos para
Antebellum America: Slumbering Volcano in
74- Alfred Hunt, Haiti's Influence on
Press, 1988), 110.
Rouge: Louisiana State University
the Caribbean (Baton
in Caribbean
of
Republicanism
Marixa Lasso, "Haiti as an Image Popular
75.
Haitian Revolution, ed. Geggus, 178.
Colombia," in The Impact ofthe
Orleans,
Adam Rothman,
to New
114-18;
76. Dessens, From Saint-Domingue
the Deep South (Cambridge,
American Expansion and the Origins of
Slave Country:
MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), 111-12.
(Paris: La Découverte, 1992),
Yves Bénot, La démence coloniale sous Napoléon
77165.
General Arrived to Conquer the Island: Im78. Matt Childs, "A Black French
Rebellion, - in The Impact ofthe
ofthe Haitian Revolution in Cuba's 1812 Aponte
ages
Ferrer, Speaking of Haiti," 237.
Haitian Revolution, ed. Geggus, 137-45:
William
"Denmark Vesey and His Co-Conspirators,"
79. Michael P. Johnson,
and Mary Quarterly 58, no. 4 (October 2001), 949.
80. Eller, "*All would be equal in the effort,' 127, 132.
slave seeking asylum in Saint-Domingue,
81. For an early example ofa a runaway
(March 22, 1796), fr. 12104, BNF.
"Noticia
dà don José Lopez de Gânuza"
see
que
Slaves to Haitian Freedom: The Case
82. Richard Sheridan, "From Jamaican
no.
Boat,
Nine,' ' Journal of Negro History 67, 4
of the Black Crew of the Pilot
Deep
(Winter 1982): 332-37
All would be equal in the effort,' 127, 132.
slave seeking asylum in Saint-Domingue,
81. For an early example ofa a runaway
(March 22, 1796), fr. 12104, BNF.
"Noticia
dà don José Lopez de Gânuza"
see
que
Slaves to Haitian Freedom: The Case
82. Richard Sheridan, "From Jamaican
no.
Boat,
Nine,' ' Journal of Negro History 67, 4
of the Black Crew of the Pilot
Deep
(Winter 1982): 332-37 --- Page 172 ---
DID DESSALINES PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 157
83. David Nicholls, "Pompée Valentin Vastey: Royalist and Revolutionary," in La
révolution française et Haiti, ed. Hector, 1:431; Ferrer, "Speaking of Haiti," 238.
84. Ada Ferrer, "Haiti, Free Soil, and Antislavery in the Revolutionary Atlantic,'
American Historical Review 117, no. 1 (February 2012): 50.
85. Louverture to Louis-André Pichon (July 3, 1801), CC9A/28, ANOM; Dessalines, "Arrêté" (January 14, 1804), AB/XIX/3302/15. AN; Loring D. Dewey, Correspondence Relative to the Emigration to Hayti ofthe Free People of Colour in the United
States (New York: Mahlon Day, 1824).
86. Paul Verna, Pétion y Bolivar: cuarenta anos (1790-1830) de relaciones haitianovenezolanas y su aporte a la emancipacion de Hispanoamérica (Caracas: Oficina Central de Informacion, 1969), 180.
87. John Lynch, Simon Bolivar: A Life (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
2006), 97, 101 (on his stays in Haiti); 151, 288 (on the abolition of slavery); 213 (on
his dislike of Haiti).
88. Sibylle Fischer, "Bolivar in Haiti: Republicanism in the Revolutionary Atlantic,"in Haiti and the Americas, ed. Carla Callargé et al. (Jackson: University Press of
Mississippi, 2013), 25-53.
89. Johnson, The Fear of French Negroes, 71. Original in Spanish and French.
90. Ardouin, Etudes 9:133-3491. Chanlatte, Considérations diverses sur Haiti, 8, 20.
92. Ferrer, "La société esclavagiste cubaine, s 345.
93- Christophe, "Proclamation" (November 11, 1814), Bro. 5.125, BA; Rapport] (c.
June 23, 1824), CC9A/54. ANOM.
94. On Pétion's proposal, see Alexandre Pétion to William Wilberforce and
James Stephen (December 12, 1815), MS692, National Library of] Jamaica (document
communicated by Julia Gaffield). On the French-Haitian negotiations, see CC9A/53
and CC9A/54. ANOM; Jean-François Brière, Haiti et la France, 1804-1848: le réve
brisé (Paris: Karthala, 2008), 47-155; François Blancpain, Un siècle de relations financières entre Haiti et la France, 1825-1922 (Paris: L'Harmattan, 2001), 46-58.
95. Seymour Drescher, "The Limits of Example, in The Impact of the Haitian
Revolution, ed. Geggus, 13-
/53
and CC9A/54. ANOM; Jean-François Brière, Haiti et la France, 1804-1848: le réve
brisé (Paris: Karthala, 2008), 47-155; François Blancpain, Un siècle de relations financières entre Haiti et la France, 1825-1922 (Paris: L'Harmattan, 2001), 46-58.
95. Seymour Drescher, "The Limits of Example, in The Impact of the Haitian
Revolution, ed. Geggus, 13- --- Page 173 --- --- Page 174 ---
PART III
The Legacy of the Haitian
Declaration of Independence --- Page 175 --- --- Page 176 ---
the Laws of Nations"
"Outrages on
Merchants and Diplomacy after
American
the Haitian Declaration ofIndependence
JULIA GAFFIELD
of the Armée Indigène of SaintOn June 23, 1803, the general-in-chief advised the US president, Thomas Jef
Domingue, Jean-Jacques Dessalines,
would find safety and profitin Saint-Domingue's
ferson, that American ships
in his war against the French,
ports." 1 As the tides seemed to be changing
To sustain this
began planning for the island's independence.
Dessalines
realized that the new nation would need trade partindependence Dessalines United States of America to be an important
ners, and he considered the
had been coming to Saint-Domingue
possibility since American merchants merchants from ports like Baltimore,
throughout the revolution. American
visited the Caribbean during the
Philadelphia, and New York had regularly
to trade with
nineteenth centuries and had been willing
eighteenth and early
and the French army. Dessalines was conboth Dessalines's Armée Indigène
island once the French had been
fident that they would continue to visit the
expelled.
Dessalines's overtures and began what hisJefferson never responded to
of ignoring Haiti in diplocalled "the American policy
torian Rayford Logan
the Haitian Declaration of Independence
matic affairs." n2 Nevertheless, after
American merchants tried
1, 1804, and despite Jefferson's silence,
on January
nation. Despite the initial diplomatic
to act as if Haiti was an independent
after the evacuation of the French
silence on the part of the US government Dessalines had hoped, did introops in late 1803, American merchants, as
and war materials
deed continue to visit Haitian ports to bring provisions
Amercotton, mahogany, and other commodities."
in exchange for coffee,
in building on decades
clearly saw irresistible opportunity
ican merchants
houses and some started
of vibrant commercial activity. They set up trading
Marlene Daut highfamilies. "Contrary to popular belief," literary scholar
if by
isolated in the first two decades of independence,
lights, "Haiti was not
in Haiti
lack of contact.' n4 These economic opportunities
isolation we mean
merchants since Haiti was no longer
valuable for American
were particularly
to visit Haitian ports to bring provisions
Amercotton, mahogany, and other commodities."
in exchange for coffee,
in building on decades
clearly saw irresistible opportunity
ican merchants
houses and some started
of vibrant commercial activity. They set up trading
Marlene Daut highfamilies. "Contrary to popular belief," literary scholar
if by
isolated in the first two decades of independence,
lights, "Haiti was not
in Haiti
lack of contact.' n4 These economic opportunities
isolation we mean
merchants since Haiti was no longer
valuable for American
were particularly --- Page 177 ---
162 JULIA GAFFIELD
trade policy and its trade was therefore unrestricted.?
bound by a mercantilist
Declaration of Independence, the United
In the two years after the Haitian
6 The political isolation
States became one of Haiti's primary trade partners.
of Haiti, therefore, did not entail economic isolation.
affect
silence on the part of the US government
But did the diplomatic
shape the onHow did diplomatic nonrecognition
these trade relationships?
And how did American trade impact Haiti's
going economic engagement?
that the United States' dipdiplomatic status? Scholars have long recognized
1804, was complex
to Haiti in the first years after January 1,
lomatic response
Logan used diplomatic correspondence
and indecisive. For his study, Rayford
attitudes of and conflicts between
records to re-create the
and congressional
regarding the issue of economic supAmerican and French representatives
after 1804- Historians Tim
and Haitian independence in the first years
of
port
Gordon S. Brown have also undertaken extensive studies
Matthewson and
States during the revolution and in the
Haiti's relationship with the United
relations after the
Histories of US-Haitian
first years after independence.?
however, focus on American policy
Haitian Declaration of Independence, result, Marlene Daut has recently
As a
and reactions to Haitisindependence., Haitian reactions to American nonreccalled for a better understanding of
of Haiti's relationship with
ognition." 8 This essay expands our understanding
between trade
analyzing the connections
the United States by systematically
of
and the impliafter the Haitian Declaration Independence
and diplomacy
for the American merchants trading
cations of this ambiguous relationship
how the Haitian government
with Haiti. These implications also highlight
as leverage
economic contact between the two countries
used the ongoing
the focus is on the fact that,
recognition. In particular,
to secure diplomatic
and judiciary systems, Haiti was not
according to the American government
of nations and therefore could
member in the community
a participating
the law of nations. What happened, then, when
not be considered within
to the customary practices of
Haitians (allegedly) acted illegally according records, merchant corresponinternational law? This essay uses diplomatic
claims cases against the
dence, US court cases, and American merchants' inherent in the relationship
to highlight the tensions
Haitian government
and Haiti, a place that former US Secretary of
between American merchants
in 1815, "must be considered as being
the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, argued
neither independent nor part of the mother country."
US-Haiti Trade
Elias Kane & Co., Archibald Kane
In partnership with his brother's company,
after the Haitian Dechouse in St. Marc, Haiti, in the years
set up a trading
essay uses diplomatic
claims cases against the
dence, US court cases, and American merchants' inherent in the relationship
to highlight the tensions
Haitian government
and Haiti, a place that former US Secretary of
between American merchants
in 1815, "must be considered as being
the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, argued
neither independent nor part of the mother country."
US-Haiti Trade
Elias Kane & Co., Archibald Kane
In partnership with his brother's company,
after the Haitian Dechouse in St. Marc, Haiti, in the years
set up a trading --- Page 178 ---
"OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 163
a Haitian woman and lived in Haiti
laration of Independence. He married
in 1817' 10 Kane was one of many
on and off until his death in Port-au-Prince
Declaration ofIndemerchants who visited Haiti after the Haitian
American
to Kane's time in Haiti are sparse,
pendence, and, while the records relating
of Kane's ship the
as evidence in the capture
a number of letters presented
benefits for American merchants
Happy Couple shed light on the economic
in Haiti after the declaration of 1804.
the New York West India ComWhen Archibald and Elias Kane formed
worthy of a multithey decided that Haiti was a promising investment
"for
pany,
proposed a contract to the Haitian government
year commitment. They
" Archibald Kane reported
supplying all the wants of Government for 5 years."
store in New York,
brother, James, with whom he owned a trading
to his other
in order to "convince the gov(ernment]
that they wanted to sign the contract
the commerce of
wished to embrace
that the New York West India Company
it.' " Moreover, Kane seemed to
the Island. And that their capital was equal to
experiences of the
connection between the revolutionary
feel an ideological
to the Government' s he continued,
United States and Haiti. "I represented
immense advantage
Minister had offered our company
"that the Spanish
from the
of this Island to the
in the South America Business, but
hand proximity to the Establishment of the
United States, and a desire to lend a helping
induced first to make them
Independence of this island, our complany) was brothers signed a trade treaty
the offer.' >11 According to Archibald, the Kane
and morally just,
because it was both profitable
with the Haitian government the Haitians were revolutionary separatists.
perhaps because, like Americans,
a contract on behalf ofthe
On January 24, 1805, Archibald Kane proposed minister of finance, General
New York West India Company to the Haitian
purchasin which "The Trading West India Compan'y propose
André Vernet,
all the
sugar, and cotton that they
ing from the Government of Haiti,
coffee, from date of contract, and to
will have for sale for five years to commence of articles, that they may resupply the Government with every description such
in the island of
the said term, and to be delivered at
city
quire during
>12 The actual contract, however, signed on
Haiti as the Government shall say.
would be responsible for payment of
February 4, 1805, stipulated that Kane
and gold every four months over
five hundred thousand dollars in sterling
would deofthe next five years. In return, the Haitian government
p13
the course
sols
12 cents] the pound.
liver "prime coffee" to Kane at a rate of"20
[under Kane and the Haitian
signed on the same day, committed
A second contract,
in which Kane would import "all the
government to an ongoing relationship articles for the clothing, equipment
merchandizes and all other necessary
for "the full returns of the merand providing the troops &c," in exchange p14
chandizes &c in sugar, cotton, and cocoa."
deofthe next five years. In return, the Haitian government
p13
the course
sols
12 cents] the pound.
liver "prime coffee" to Kane at a rate of"20
[under Kane and the Haitian
signed on the same day, committed
A second contract,
in which Kane would import "all the
government to an ongoing relationship articles for the clothing, equipment
merchandizes and all other necessary
for "the full returns of the merand providing the troops &c," in exchange p14
chandizes &c in sugar, cotton, and cocoa." --- Page 179 ---
164 JULIA GAFFIELD
how the merchants were well aware of the
The agreement also reveals
to overcome these obstadangers in trading with Haiti and how they planned
delivery of their
in order to Insure the regular
cles. "The Company proposes
to the Trading West India
articles and dollars, to have the ships belonging each under such colours
convoyed by two armed ships of 36 guns
the West
Company'
and proper.' , The merchants of
as shall be deemed most prudent
defend their voyages
were prepared to aggressively
India Trading Company
also
to evade legal constraints
from New York to Haiti and were
prepared
The practice was evithe colors under which they were sailing.
between
by changing
of Jamaica noted that "the trade
dently SO frequent that the governor
in well armed vessels mounting
America and St. Domingois now carried on
Privateers from Cuba.' >15
each and manned for the French
from 12 to 18 guns
have cultivated close business relationships
While in Haiti, Kane seems to
leaders. "The arguments
with the Haitian community and even Haitian minister with their privy counHis
[Dessalines] and
made use ofl by
Majesty
brother Elias in February 1805. "convince
cil," Kane wrote from Haiti to his
wisdom and correctness ofi view are
me that even among the blackest ofcreation, 1 he continued: "I expected to treat
to be found.' s "I never was more surprised,"
but I found men
with men who knew little of financing and government,
brilliant men
educated in France, and who would be thought
who had been
shaped his views, but
in the United States. >16 Perhaps economic opportunity
different view
to his brother suggest that he held a drastically
Kane's reports
d'affaires, Louis André Pichon, who worked
from that of the French chargé
trade with Haiti.
intently to try to convince the US government to prohibit with
> Pichon
States could not place herself on a level
Negroes,
"The United
Madison. "[Their position required that
told US Secretary of State James
a difference in the
the United States as well as all other powers recognize difference in
and
of the law of nations according to the
persons in the
application
that Haiti could assume a place
places." m17 Kane, in contrast, anticipated
may have been
of nations of the Atlantic World. His perspective
community
treatment that he received by the Haitian govinfluenced by the favorable
stands better at court than I do,"
ernment. "At present no one in this island
to me. >18
to Elias. "His Midnight Majesty, is really partial
Archibald reported
also appear to have had similarly positive
Other American merchants
for Dessalines.
in Haiti and they developed the same respect
associate,
experiences
William Ely, wrote from St. Marc to a business
Another merchant,
at about the same time that Archibald
J. Catling, in Litchfield, Connecticut, Haiti. He recounted the scene of a ball
his family business in
was setting up
and his wife. "I neither dined or danced with
thrown by Emperor Dessalines
here were all disappointed of
their Majesties, ' he reported. "[The Americans
reported
also appear to have had similarly positive
Other American merchants
for Dessalines.
in Haiti and they developed the same respect
associate,
experiences
William Ely, wrote from St. Marc to a business
Another merchant,
at about the same time that Archibald
J. Catling, in Litchfield, Connecticut, Haiti. He recounted the scene of a ball
his family business in
was setting up
and his wife. "I neither dined or danced with
thrown by Emperor Dessalines
here were all disappointed of
their Majesties, ' he reported. "[The Americans --- Page 180 ---
"OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 165
ill and continuing only one night in the place
that honor, his majesty being
was not a complete
view of him." " But the experience
I had but a transient
ofher [Madame Dessalines)," he
disappointment. "II had al better one [view]
a letter immediately
with admiration, "as I had the honor of delivering
wrote
me in a stile [sic] of easy gentility peculiar to
into her fair hand. She receivejd
in the habit of seeing and imitating
the French and those who have been long
African,
sociable, affable, agreeable
their manners. She is a large genteel,
whom she is
polite. >19
trade with the Americans to
quite
and drives a large
for the leaders of Haiti, he lamented the
Yet while Ely had high praise
for the island's former
decline of the island after the revolution and longed
letter,
" he wrote in the same
glory. "I am anxious to quit this gloomy place, in the West Indies but now
"said once to have been one of the handsomest burned the French in
of ruins, having lately been
by
almost wholly a pile
The remnants of the revolution were
their attempt to subdue the Island."
melancholy
and
walls," n he exclaimed, "exhibit a
still visible: "the fallen
falling
affairs. One house in particand impressive view of the instability ofhuman
livres exhibits
in my sight, said to have cost 500,000
ular almost constantly
even in ruins 'sic transit Gloria
mind legibly written on its walls, superb
to my
>20 While Ely was willing to trade
Mundi [thus passes the glory of the world).
that he still longed
Haitian independence, it seems
with Haiti and to support
of colonial Saint-Domingue.
for the former grandeur (from his perspective) trade relationships, appear to
These merchants, in addition to developing
and their letters suggest
in the cultural activities of the state
have participated
Their relationships indicate
level ofrespect for the Haitian leadership.
a high
activity of American merchants in Haiti
that in some cases the economic
Kane and Ely also engaged
simple commercial transactions.
went beyond
island and sent encouraging reports to their
in the political culture of the
contacts in the United States.
Prohibition on Trade
allowed to trade with Haiti during the first
American merchants were legally
but the ongoing
after the Haitian Declaration of Independence,
two years
from American and foreign government representrade received opposition
initially tolerated trade with Haiti,
tatives. Indeed, while the US government
of the tension that
in
reveal that officials were conscious
debates Congress
their
and that of France.
this merchant activity created between
government: not
to
of State Madison was
willing go
Rayford Logan argues that Secretary
"foster the independence of
with France simply to, in Logan's words,
to war
was willing to negotiate with
Haiti. >22 And for this reason, the government
after the Haitian Declaration of Independence,
two years
from American and foreign government representrade received opposition
initially tolerated trade with Haiti,
tatives. Indeed, while the US government
of the tension that
in
reveal that officials were conscious
debates Congress
their
and that of France.
this merchant activity created between
government: not
to
of State Madison was
willing go
Rayford Logan argues that Secretary
"foster the independence of
with France simply to, in Logan's words,
to war
was willing to negotiate with
Haiti. >22 And for this reason, the government --- Page 181 ---
166 JULIA GAFFIELD
Louis André Pichon, who set out to convince the
French Chargé d'Affaires
when
a relationship
to act with caution
considering
American government
with Haiti.
States and Haiti flourished during the
While trade between the United
some members
after the Haitian Declaration of Independence,
first years
because it might lead
thought that the trade was too dangerous
of Congress
southern states. Not everyone supported economic
to a slave uprising in the
occurred in mid-1805 that appears
exchange with former slaves. An incident
and
the debate
increased opposition to this trade
reopened
to have sparked
Register published an account ofa
in Congress. On June 26, 1805, the Albany
an elegant dinner
in the harbor of New York. "Yesterday
celebration on a ship
[Jacob] Lewis, Samuel G. Ogden,
[was] given on board the Indostan, by Capt.
of the most
Morton, Esq. to a select party of one hundred
and Washington
w23 This report did not describe the reason
respectable characters in this city."
in other states. On July
for the gathering but the party received attention
South Carolina,
the City Gazette and Daily Advertiser of Charleston,
4, 1805,
had received from Boston. "Now let us enquire
published news that they
" the writer for the City Gazette
what was the intention of this nautical gala,"
to the
with sorrow and surprise, that it was, according
asked. "[WJe answer,
resistance to the wise
and
a display of mischievous
evidence
circumstances,
to the forbidden trade with the
decrees of the Executive Authority, in regard
brigands of St. Domingo." n24
information and noted that Rufus
Indeed the Aurora expanded on this
the
and
candidate for vice-president, was on board
ship
King, a Federalist
of Hayti, founded on the only legitimate
that he toasted "the government choice! May it be as durable as its princibasis of all authority: the people's
toast was a deliberate provMatthewson argues that "King's
ples are purel"25
the president, and it expressed Federalist
ocation, aimed at embarrassing
the
of man while holding
contempt for slaveholders who preached equality French fury at the ongoslaves in bondage. n26 This public banquet renewed
trade between the United States and Haiti.
ing
to concede to the demands
In the end, the US government was willing desire for French support
because of its
made by French representatives
was more valuable to
of the Floridas." Land acquisition
in the acquisition
Haiti.
the massacres that
the United States than trade with
Additionally, March, and April of 1804
Dessalines initiated in Haiti during February,
action to procontributed to the move from diplomatic silence to legislative
white French citizens; however, many porhibit trade. Dessalines targeted
blacks against whites, regardless of
trayed the events as ruthless violence by
nationality"
in the US Senate and signed by President Jefferson
A bill originating
support
because of its
made by French representatives
was more valuable to
of the Floridas." Land acquisition
in the acquisition
Haiti.
the massacres that
the United States than trade with
Additionally, March, and April of 1804
Dessalines initiated in Haiti during February,
action to procontributed to the move from diplomatic silence to legislative
white French citizens; however, many porhibit trade. Dessalines targeted
blacks against whites, regardless of
trayed the events as ruthless violence by
nationality"
in the US Senate and signed by President Jefferson
A bill originating --- Page 182 ---
"OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 167
made trade with Haiti illegal. This bill prohibited all
on February 28, 1806,
in "St. Domingo" that were not
trade from the United States to those ports
Congress renewed
under the control of the recognized French government.
At the
until the tenth session."
the bill the following year for a term lasting
little
and Conbill, however, the policy received
support
end of the renewed
The
however, continued
did not renew it for another term.
prohibition,
Act
It
gress
and then the Non-Intercourse
(1809).
under the Embargo Act (1807)
whether Haiti fell under the restricwas not immediately apparent, however, since the Act prohibited trade with
the Non-Intercourse Act
tions applied by
unclear whether Haiti was to be
parts of the French Empire, and it was
an answer
any
The US government did not provide
included in that prohibition.
assumed that Haiti was not part
Some merchants
to this pressing question.
visited the new country to resume the
of the French Empire and therefore
however, and some of these merlegal trade. Not all ship captains agreed,
Act. The prize courts,
for violating the Non-Intercourse.
chants were captured
fate.
therefore, had to decide Haiti's diplomatic
Is "St. Domingo - Still French?
prohibited the importation of
Act of March 1, 1809,
The Non-intercourse
situated in France, or in any ofher colonies or
goods "from any port or place
that trade with Saintdependencies." w30 While the 1806 law stated specifically
the questhis new legislation left unanswered
Domingue/Haiti was illegal,
under this prohibition. Yet, because
tion as to whether Haiti was included
needed an answer. The case of
of the demand for this trade, the question
Indeed,
the opportunity for a resolution.
Clark V. the United States presented
Haiti's status, the court sysremained silent on
while the US government
Haiti fell under the prohibitions of the
tems were forced to decide whether whether the island of St. Domingo, in
Non-Intercourse. Act: "The question is,
this information was made,
October 1809, when the importation charged in Because of this discussion,
of France, or not?"31
was a colony or dependence
for Haiti's diploAct would have lasting implications
the Non-Intercourse fact that the ban on trade was only in place for one
matic status, despite the
year.
States involved the American ships the Sea
The case of Clark V. the United
heard in October 1809 in the DisNymph and the Emma; the initial case was
in 1811 in
and the decision was appealed
trict Court of Eastern Pennsylvania
that the trial should have
the Circuit Court of Pennsylvania on the grounds
the
ofthe United
and not under admiralty jurisdiction. "On part
been by jury
for the appeal report, "that in point of
States, it is contended,' the records
and still continues (to be],
fact, this island, at the time above mentioned, was,
the Sea
The case of Clark V. the United
heard in October 1809 in the DisNymph and the Emma; the initial case was
in 1811 in
and the decision was appealed
trict Court of Eastern Pennsylvania
that the trial should have
the Circuit Court of Pennsylvania on the grounds
the
ofthe United
and not under admiralty jurisdiction. "On part
been by jury
for the appeal report, "that in point of
States, it is contended,' the records
and still continues (to be],
fact, this island, at the time above mentioned, was, --- Page 183 ---
168 JULIA GAFFIELD
France; and that even if this were not the case, according to
a dependence of
nations, still, it is not for this, or any other Court,
the principles off the law of
until the government of the
to decide on the ground of her independence,
her claim." 1 Since
United States has SO declared, or France has relinquished
of
acknowledged the independence
the US government had not expressly had to assume that the island reHaiti, the courts, argued the defendants,
mained a colony of France.
the Haitian
had proved
the claimants argued that
government
In contrast,
and that it should therefore be treated as
that the island was independent
" the records report, "that
such. "On the part of the claimant, it was insisted,'
but
themselves independent,
the people of this island had not only declared
having, ever since the
have thus far shown themselves able to maintain it; armed force of France,
exercised without interruption from the
declaration,
under a constitution framed by
the rights and powers of selfigovernment,
it was their duty to treat
themselves." n Since the island was independent, neutral nations are bound,
would all other neutral nations: "that
Haiti as they
nations, to consider St. Domingo as a govby the law which ought to govern
of France; and the war, ifany there
ernment separate from, and independent
sides."
be between them, as being equally just on both considered legal theorist
about this case, the circuit judges
In thinking
of civil war in the context of international trade,
Emer de Vattel's analysis
Vattel's
was intended
but argued that it was not applicable since
guidance 32 "It is for govthe actions of governments, not court systems.
to inform
"whether
will consider St. Doernments to decide, " the judges argued,
decision they is made, or France
nation; and till such
mingo as an independent
consider the ancient state of things
shall relinquish her claim, Courts must
France over the colony as still
unaltered, and the sovereign power of
as remaining
the
set forth by the defendants.
subsisting." n In this he agreed with argument
acknowledged Haitian
then remained: had any government
The question
independence?
constitution under Toussaint Louverture as
The judges included the 1801
argued that, since this
of French authority over the island, and they
civil
proof
the island had been consumed by
overt declaration of French authority,
evacuated the city
when General Louis Ferrand's French troops
war until 1809
side ofthe island returned to Spanish conof Santo Domingo and the eastern
that the rebel armies
trol. During that period of civil war, they acknowledged
of Jean-Jacques
under the leadership
had declared national independence
the characteristics of an
Dessalines. In the judges' opinion, Haiti possessed
in February
nation. "When the non-intercourse law passed,
independent
island of St. Domingo was in a state of open public
1806," they argued, "the
independent, framed a Constituwar with France; having declared herself
until 1809
side ofthe island returned to Spanish conof Santo Domingo and the eastern
that the rebel armies
trol. During that period of civil war, they acknowledged
of Jean-Jacques
under the leadership
had declared national independence
the characteristics of an
Dessalines. In the judges' opinion, Haiti possessed
in February
nation. "When the non-intercourse law passed,
independent
island of St. Domingo was in a state of open public
1806," they argued, "the
independent, framed a Constituwar with France; having declared herself --- Page 184 ---
"OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 169
n
and shown herself able to maintain that independence."
tion of government,
concluded that, "as an independent
Because of these characteristics, they
right to carry on a commernation, the United States had an unquestionable
had done SO for
with that island," P and that the government
cial intercourse
oflndependence. The question at this
two years after the Haitian Declaration fell under the Non-Intercourse. Act.
moment, nevertheless, was whether Haiti
had the right to make this
Only the US government, the judges argued, influence. "The attempt of any
and without foreign
decision independently
and still worse, a demand upon
foreign nation to interdict such commerce,
such
of the United States, > they railed, "to enforce
prohithe government
to which no nation ought, and
bition by law, would have been an insult,
have submitted." 9) The
most certainly would not
to which our government
that such had been the case in the United
nevertheless,
judges recognized,
prohibited the trade because of French
States and that the government only
of continental
French support in their aspirations
pressure and to secure
believe that the government was reland acquisition. While they did not
to French demands
done sO, the fact that they had conceded
quired to have
merchants to trade with Haiti.
changed the ability for American
for the case, "under
"We view the law of 1806," reported the chief justice
of the SOVwhich produced it, as a clear acknowledgment
the circumstances
which no subsequent act of our governereignty of France over the island,
that the law proThe judge assumed
ment, has in any respect impaired."
because the US
trade with Haiti in 1806 had been implemented
hibiting
that the island was still a French colony. The 1806
government had decided
had been prohibited because ofthe
law did not explicitly state that the trade
French colony, but trade was only prohibited
island's character as a rebellious
under French control. "All commerand places that were not
to those ports
resident within the United
cial intercourse between any person or persons
resident within
States,' " the 1806 bill proclaimed, "and any person or persons and under the acof the island of St. Domingo, not in possession,
33 The
any part
of France, shall be, and is hereby prohibited.
knowledged government
that it was beFrance's lost control over certain places implied
reference to
merchants could not trade with Haiti.
cause of this conflict that American
the United States also saw this
The judges ruling on the case of Clark V.
which this inn they argued, "by the law on
connection. "When congress,
into the United States, of
formation is founded, interdicted the importation of France, we feel ourselves
goods, &cc., from the colonies and dependencies
that body as included."
compelled to say, that St. Domingo was considered by
diplomatic status
on trade influenced Haiti's perceived
The 1806 prohibition
had remained silent. "So that
in the United States because the government the independence of this
the government has not only not acknowledged
The judges ruling on the case of Clark V.
which this inn they argued, "by the law on
connection. "When congress,
into the United States, of
formation is founded, interdicted the importation of France, we feel ourselves
goods, &cc., from the colonies and dependencies
that body as included."
compelled to say, that St. Domingo was considered by
diplomatic status
on trade influenced Haiti's perceived
The 1806 prohibition
had remained silent. "So that
in the United States because the government the independence of this
the government has not only not acknowledged --- Page 185 ---
170 JULIA GAFFIELD
declared the contrary. n34 From
island," they concluded, "but has very plainly
that the island
the prohibition on trade with Haiti signified
this perspective,
independent from France.
could not be considered
United States focused on banning trade
in the
The economic legislation
The circuit
Haiti and therefore set a precedent for nonrecognition.
with
of the embargo on trade with
court case demonstrates how interpretations for Haiti's status as a country or colony.
the French Empire had implications
and the court systems influenced
The relationship between the government
country in the Caribnature of Haiti's place as an independent
the practical
diplomatic status through economic
bean. The US court system interpreted
resulted in a denial of Haiti's
and the prohibition on trade with Haiti
policy,
sovereignty.
articulated that the United States refused to diploThis decision clearly
nation. Scholars have long asmatically recognize Haiti as an independent
recognition from Haiti;
sumed that the US government withheld diplomatic
that the silence on
however, the case of Clark V. the United States highlights nonrecognition but
of the
did not automatically signal
the part
government
According
that implied nonrecognition.
that instead it was economic policy
Haiti a French colAmericans would continue to consider
to this ruling,
on trade was that the
The cumulative effect of the various prohibitions
and it
ony.
trade with Haiti illegal between 1806 and 1810,
US government made
diplomatic recstated that the United States was withholding
was explicitly
after the Haitian Declaration of
ognition. However, two whole years passed
outlawed trade with Haiti,
Independence before the United States officially
on
only lasted for four years. These various prohibitions
and this prohibition
trade with Haiti. Historian
trade, however, had a limited effect on American
followed, because
Brière argues that the 1806 bill "was hardly
p35
Jean-Francois
did not want to cede the opportunity to the English."
American merchants
Christophe argued that "the indiThe Haitian secretary of state under Henry
benefits that are far suUnited States] find in Haiti
viduals of this nation [the
the prohibitive laws of their governperior than all other options that despite
their shipments to us. m36
determined to continue
ment, they are stubbornly Non-Intercourse Act in 1810, American trade
At the expiration of the
however, continued to withhold
with Haiti was legal again; the government,
while
This withholding of diplomatic recognition
diplomatic recognition.
with Haiti meant that Haiti occupied an
Americans were engaged in trade
"While the official policy ofthe
ambiguous place in American foreign policy.
Haitian
the independence of either
government,"
U.S. was not to recognize
journalists and other private indiMarlene Daut highlights, "U.S. American
on their own, thus
recognized the country's sovereignty
viduals discursively
would not.' >37 Merchants could again
accomplishing what their government
however, continued to withhold
with Haiti was legal again; the government,
while
This withholding of diplomatic recognition
diplomatic recognition.
with Haiti meant that Haiti occupied an
Americans were engaged in trade
"While the official policy ofthe
ambiguous place in American foreign policy.
Haitian
the independence of either
government,"
U.S. was not to recognize
journalists and other private indiMarlene Daut highlights, "U.S. American
on their own, thus
recognized the country's sovereignty
viduals discursively
would not.' >37 Merchants could again
accomplishing what their government --- Page 186 ---
"OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 171
recognized Haiti's independence
trade with Haiti and their actions implicitly
diplomatic means to reFrance; however, they did not have the typical
from
their economic ventures. Diplosolve conflicts or disputes that arose during
trade between Amertherefore, constrained the legal
matic nonrecognition,
ican merchants and Haiti.
the Haitian Government
Claims against
the Haitian Declaration ofI fIndependence, a number
During the decades after
with the American government against
of American merchants filed claims seizure of cargo, cash, or ships. They
the Haitian government for the illegal
behalfi in order to help
demanded that the US government intervene on their
these claims sugtheir investments. The records produced by
them recover
relationships with Haiti while
inherent in economic
gest the complications
recognition. On the one
the US government was withholding diplomatic with Haitians within the esAmerican merchants expected to interact
hand,
of the law of nations. On the other, the US government
tablished practices
nation. To remedy this dilemma,
did not recognize Haiti as an independent
to extend full recogniAmerican merchants encouraged their government
them in their efforts to secure their lost property.
tion and to support
to President James Madison to comIn 1811, a group of merchants wrote
132,000 gourdes
plain that they had lost a great deal of property-over of the northern part of
Christophe, the soon-to-be king
worth-to Henry
and
since one of his
had confiscated this money property
Haiti. Christophe
detained"
of coffee had been, from his perspective, "fraudulently
shipments
measure, s argued Christophe's major general
in Baltimore. "The following
the values in his
and
to
(Christophe's)heart:
of state P. Romain, "is repugnant
he has left for the recovery of the
his politics, but that is the only recourse
however, did not appreciate
p38 The American merchants,
state's properties."
"This accumulation of sufbeing used as leverage to recoup lost property. "has been borne by Native
fering and injustice," > they reported to Madison, self convicted plunder it
oft the United States at the hand ofa a lawless
Citizens
and resolution because they confidently relied
has been borne with patience
informed to obtain indemnity as
upon their own Government when duly
US
had not
offer
- It appears as though the government
well as to
protection.
these merchants. "To a government enprovided the necessary support to
the wrongs of its subjects, " the
lightened in its policy and prompt to redress
"it cannot be necessary
merchants pleaded with their president,
American
the rights and interests of every class
to urge the importance of protecting infringement or outrage committed
of men in the community against every
This characterization
whether civilized or barbarous."
by any foreign power
informed to obtain indemnity as
upon their own Government when duly
US
had not
offer
- It appears as though the government
well as to
protection.
these merchants. "To a government enprovided the necessary support to
the wrongs of its subjects, " the
lightened in its policy and prompt to redress
"it cannot be necessary
merchants pleaded with their president,
American
the rights and interests of every class
to urge the importance of protecting infringement or outrage committed
of men in the community against every
This characterization
whether civilized or barbarous."
by any foreign power --- Page 187 ---
172 JULIA GAFFIELD
of Haiti as a "barbarous foreign
Haiti had in the Atlantic World power" highlights the conflicting roles that
in the early nineteenth
Haiti's incongruous status, these merchants
century.
them to engage in trade because the
argued, made it difficult for
were inhibited by the
typical methods for resolving conflicts
diplomatic limits on the
ships. "Although the law
Haitian-American relationmingo has
prohibiting all trade with the Island of Saint
expired and vessels are regularly
Dothe United States, for the
cleared under the authority of
port oft that island, 7 the
as the present existing rival
merchants concluded, "yet
by other nations
powers are not recognized by our
as legitimate, the ordinary course of
government or
ing redress for wrongs seems to be
>39 demanding and obtainnonrecognition
impeded. The American
was, in fact, interfering with trade. The
diplomatic
in trade with Haiti as ifit was an
merchants engaged
condemning illegal behavior
independent country, but the methods for
(from their
because the American
perspective) could not be pursued
president refused to plead their
head(s) of state. The merchants
case to the Haitian
cede and expand their
were asking that the US government conThis
diplomatic policy to match their
might have been exactly the point. The
economic policy.
ing to these American merchants,
Haitian government, accordcause the US
refused to take seriously their claims begovernment was withholding
chants writing in 1811 argued that if the
recognition of Haiti. The merbe able to protect the investments
United States conceded, they would
of Americans.
on José Gervasio Artigas's
Lauren Benton's research
a few years after the incident privateering strategy in the Banda Oriental
in Haiti suggests that
only
shared tactic in the
of
this might have been a
from
development new nations. 40
privateer raids," > Benton
"The disputes resulting
argues, "served . as an
international diplomacy. n41 The
effective entrée into
conflicts imbued the
diplomatic conflicts born out of maritime
emerging states with
though the Haitian government
sovereign power. It appears as
merchants to put
recognized this fact and used American
pressure on the US
to Haiti. The documents in the
government to extend full recognition
that the Haitian
American claims cases, however, suggest
government did not unleash the same
teering that Artigas did in order to secure
intensity of privanot have the documentation needed
foreign recognition. While I do
and coordinated
to conclude that this was an
strategy initiated by the Haitian
explicit
of American merchants
governments, the reactions
the Banda Oriental,
highlight that, as was the case in Benton's study of
"maritime affairs also carried
practical significance in the
enormous symbolic and
continued to be
construction of new polities. n42 The
an issue in Haitian-American
claims cases
when the US government tried to
diplomacy until the 185os and,
collect $130,000 from Henry Christophe
documentation needed
foreign recognition. While I do
and coordinated
to conclude that this was an
strategy initiated by the Haitian
explicit
of American merchants
governments, the reactions
the Banda Oriental,
highlight that, as was the case in Benton's study of
"maritime affairs also carried
practical significance in the
enormous symbolic and
continued to be
construction of new polities. n42 The
an issue in Haitian-American
claims cases
when the US government tried to
diplomacy until the 185os and,
collect $130,000 from Henry Christophe --- Page 188 ---
"OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 173
that the United States had not yet recogin 1817, he refused on the grounds
nized his government." 43
government backing but,
In 1820, another group of merchants requested
declined. In
formal
was the key, the US government
given that
recognition that Secretary of State John Quincy Adams
response, Rayford Logan reports 1820: 'A formal recognition of the king-
"informed Congress on March 27,
further measures have been
dom of Hayti not being deemed expedient, no
"4The merchants
on the part of the Executive in the case.'
found practicable
Lewis, the same Amerito give up. The next year, Jacob
were not willing
and toasted Haitian independence aboard
can merchant who had celebrated
that the US president write
the Indostan in 1805, wrote to Adams to request
order to help him sethe Haitian
on his behalf in
directly to
government thousand dollars" of property that he had
for"several hundred
cure payment
Dessalines had died before he was
delivered to Dessalines under contract.
that during the civil war it
able to fulfill the contract and Lewis recognized
was reunited,
to obtain payment." Now that the country
was "impracticable
would help him secure the payment for his
he hoped that his government
to submit these facts to
"I therefore solicit that you will be pleased
him
property.
United States, " Lewis wrote to Adams, "informing
the President of the
of William Davis Robinson and
that I have placed my claim under the charge
Government as will
that such a letter be addressed to the Haytian
I request
the
of my agent Mr. Robinson."
give him the proper weight to representation
with Christophe
earlier, Lewis had been denied an audience
About four years
Christophe's government. "At
because his letters did not formally recognize learnt that the Harnet AmerJacquemel [sic)," 1) a British admiral reported, "I
and Mr. Lewis,
of war had arrived at Cape Henry with Mr. Taylor
ican Sloop
directed to General Christophe instead
but as their letters ofcredence were them, and ordered them away, they
of King of Hayti he would not received
was dead
>45 Even though in 1821, Christophe
then sailed for Port au Prince'
Haiti, Lewis knew that labels
Boyer was president of a united
and Jean-Pierre
importance to the Haitian government.
and titles were of primary
Government" and not
A letter from the US government to the "Haytian
was
would have been exactly what the Haitian government
"St. Domingo"
of view, it would help him secure his investfishing for. From Lewis's point
of the U. States accedes to my
ment. "I feel persuaded that if the President
from the Haytian Governobtain
wishes, 1 he concluded, "I shall promptly
adjustment and payment of my claim.'
ment an equitable
complied with Lewis's request. SecIt appears as though Adams partially
write to the "Haytian Govretary of State Adams did not have the president Adams wrote to "To his ExMarch 1821,
ernment, ' but he himself did. On
13,
would help him secure his investfishing for. From Lewis's point
of the U. States accedes to my
ment. "I feel persuaded that if the President
from the Haytian Governobtain
wishes, 1 he concluded, "I shall promptly
adjustment and payment of my claim.'
ment an equitable
complied with Lewis's request. SecIt appears as though Adams partially
write to the "Haytian Govretary of State Adams did not have the president Adams wrote to "To his ExMarch 1821,
ernment, ' but he himself did. On
13, --- Page 189 ---
174 JULIA GAFFIELD
President of Hayti" to ask that Jacob Lewis's claim be
cellency General Boyer
address the issue of
fulfilled.* 47 Adams, however, was not willing to explicitly wrote to Adams in
When Boyer's secretary general, B. Inginac,
recognition.
ask that the United States recognize Haiti's independence,
1823 to explicitly
48 The next year, the American agent in Porthis letter received no response:"
to explain Adams's decision
au-Prince, Andrew Armstrong, wrote to Inginac
reported,
"The omission to answer that letter," Armstrong
not to respond.
either official or personal to Gen(eral] Inginac,
"arose from no disrespect
demand of the gov't of the U. States the
but as its purpose was avowedly to
of Haiti, and reasons of a conclusive
formal recognition oft the independence
more advisthe adoption of that measure, it was thought
nature forbidding
than to enter into a discussion that could
able to have the letter unanswered,
terms of
favorable result. >49 Armstrong pointed to unfavorable
not lead to a
States withholding recognition.
trade as the reason for the United
however, heightened
official recognition to Haiti,
Resistance to extending
during 1805 and 1806 as southern plantafter the initial period ofindecision
debates about Haiti's place in
the
hand in congressional
ers gained
upper
also attributes this shift to the decline of
the Atlantic World. Gordon Brown
Haiti's primary trade partner.
American trade with Haiti after Britain became
the unfavorable terms
the decline in Haitian-US trade was related to
Perhaps
oft trade cited by Armstrong.
with the Haitian government reAdams had been willing to correspond
to discuss
claims cases of American merchants' but was unwilling
garding the
changed, however, he
the issue of recognition. As his position in government when Adams was
the issue even more cautiously. In 1826,
had to approach
Robert Oliver, a merchant from Baltimore,
president of the United States,
of correspondence with the
that "Mr Adams doubted the propriety
reported
his ability to communicate
President of Hayti. 50 Adams's office impacted
with the
of Haiti, and he was unwilling to correspond
with the government
the head of state.s1
Haitian government when he was
in 1826 in order to recover
Robert Oliver had been writing to Adams
after the initial loss, he
sustained in Haiti in 1804. Over two decades
losses
Oliver and Lewis's agent in Haiti, William Davis
had not been successful.
would help their case. "They are
Robinson, argued that official recognition
3) Robinson reported to
anxious to cultivate the good will of our government," offer to acknowledge
"and I feel confident that if our cabinet was to
Oliver,
treaty with them, we
of Hayti, or to make a commercial
the independence
events obtain payment for every just
might make our own terms, and at all
under the governclaim of our citizens, no matter whether they originated
Ifthey failed
Christophe, Pétion, or the present chief."s2
ment of Dessalines,
or to apply force, Robinson
either to negotiate with the Haitian government
3) Robinson reported to
anxious to cultivate the good will of our government," offer to acknowledge
"and I feel confident that if our cabinet was to
Oliver,
treaty with them, we
of Hayti, or to make a commercial
the independence
events obtain payment for every just
might make our own terms, and at all
under the governclaim of our citizens, no matter whether they originated
Ifthey failed
Christophe, Pétion, or the present chief."s2
ment of Dessalines,
or to apply force, Robinson
either to negotiate with the Haitian government --- Page 190 ---
"OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 175
concluded that the Haitians would continue their
seizing American goods. He believed that
current policy of illegally
holding
the Haitian
payment as a way to secure diplomatic
government was withAnother claims case brought in 1830 by Clement recognition.
Davies of Baltimore also
Coal on behalf of Henry
nition. Coal
explicitly dealt with the issue of trade and
argued that the US government's
recogAmerican merchants when they felt
diplomatic policy paralyzed
is understood, >7 Coal
wronged by the Haitian government. "It
by a preliminary
reported, "that the claims have generally been
demand for the recognition of the
eluded
The Haitian government refused to discuss
Haitian Governments."
first establishing
the issue of the claim without
recognition of their government.
the property, therefore, would be for
The only way to secure
Haitian sovereignty.
the United States to fully recognize
Nonrecognition, Coal argued,
immunity for outrage and [shielded] the
provided Haiti with "an
responsibility that is exacted from
government of that Island from the
inconsistencies in the Haitian recognized nations. *53 Coal, however, saw
the American
government's policies in their
with
government; he complained that they had
dealings
agents" of the American
received "unofficial
and SO he considered
government without first
the seizure of American
demanding recognition,
and outrageous even within broader
goods and vessels to be unique
"When
Haitian policy toward the United
considering the large (amount)
States.
by citizens of the United States, n
ofclaims on the Haytian Government
similar
Coal concluded, "growing out of
outrages on the laws of nations it is
this and
Davies, that the executive will feel
confidently hoped by Mr.
the national
impelled, as well for the
dignity as by a just regard for the
vindication of
to grant a favorable attention to his
violated rights of our citizens
demand for
appeal and to make an
reparation on the Haytian Government. >54
energetick [sic]
As late as the 185os, the US
ment. Rayford Logan
government was still trying to secure
reports, "In April [1850), the
payAlbany, and Germantown arrived in
American warships, Vixen,
ing the claims
back
Port-au-Prince for the purpose of
dating
to the time of
collectnot use force and they were unable
Christophe. In the end, they did
to secure the funds.
Diplomatic nonrecognition prevented American
ing the help of their government
merchants from enlistin Haiti. Some of these
when they felt that they had been wronged
merchants spent decades
can government in order to obtain official
arguing with the Ameritook half
aid. The US
measures to try to secure the debts
government underican merchants, but they would
(allegedly) owed to the Amerwas demanding:
not concede what the Haitian government
diplomatic recognition. In 1816, a
Joseph P. Horner, articulated his frustration
Philadelphia merchant,
the United States and Haiti: "Is
with the relationship between
such a nation as ours to be thus trampled
. Some of these
when they felt that they had been wronged
merchants spent decades
can government in order to obtain official
arguing with the Ameritook half
aid. The US
measures to try to secure the debts
government underican merchants, but they would
(allegedly) owed to the Amerwas demanding:
not concede what the Haitian government
diplomatic recognition. In 1816, a
Joseph P. Horner, articulated his frustration
Philadelphia merchant,
the United States and Haiti: "Is
with the relationship between
such a nation as ours to be thus trampled --- Page 191 ---
176 JULIA GAFFIELD
the slaves of the West Indies?"56 While this was a
on by the very outcasts of
merchants felt that the answer,
rhetorical question, it appears that American
recognition, was necessarily yes.
without official diplomatic
Conclusion
merchants often found that their hands
The evidence reveals that American
privileges. The
denial of Haitis diplomatic
were tied by their government's
as well as the Haitian
that their Haitian counterparts
merchants expected
customary practices of the law
would act within the established
government
the fact that their own government was implicitly denying
ofnations, despite
of claims made against the
that Haiti was a nation. By examining a number inherent in Haiti's ambiguwe see that the problems
Haitian government,
the evidence suggests that the Haibecome obvious. Furthermore,
ous status
American merchants to try to secure official
tian government may have used
that the relationship between
diplomatic recognition. The overall result was
nineteenth century was
and the United States in the first half of the
Haiti
with serious consequences
layered, complex, and sometimes contradictory merchants.
Haitian
and for the American
for the
government United States after 1804 highlights the extent
Haiti's relationship with the
and economic activity
tensions between official political positions
to which
American merchants and the Haitian
undermined the ambitions of both
of
Haiti's Declaration Independence
The refusal to recognize
merchants
government.
commercial relations meant that American
while also condoning
country. As a result, the Haitian
were allowed to trade with an unrecognized
exclusion from
used these merchants to contest their diplomatic
of fHaiti
government
nations in the Atlantic World. The case
the community of recognized
Benton's research highlights, since
had worldwide implications, as Lauren
of privateering raised
"the question of what to do about semi-state sponsors
rebellious terridirectly ofl how to acknowledge confederations,
the problem
actors. Similar challenges
tories, and even individual ports as international n57 The volume of trade between
persisted for a long time in the global order.
meant that
United States and Haiti during the period of nonrecognition
the
an issue. "By 1821," Michel-Rolph
was continually
the diplomatic relationship
nearly 45 percent of Haiti's
Trouillot notes, "US merchants were supplying
58 Regional conflicts
England was in second place, with 30 percent."
official
imports;
the government from extending
recogin the United States prevented
American merchants.
nition but it was also to the detriment of the
Civil War, that the
not until 1862, in the midst of the American
It was
recognition to Haiti. They also
US government finally extended diplomatic
nonrecognition
the
an issue. "By 1821," Michel-Rolph
was continually
the diplomatic relationship
nearly 45 percent of Haiti's
Trouillot notes, "US merchants were supplying
58 Regional conflicts
England was in second place, with 30 percent."
official
imports;
the government from extending
recogin the United States prevented
American merchants.
nition but it was also to the detriment of the
Civil War, that the
not until 1862, in the midst of the American
It was
recognition to Haiti. They also
US government finally extended diplomatic --- Page 192 ---
"OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 177
of Liberia. Recognition came when President
recognized the independence
commissioners to Haiti and LibeAbraham Lincoln signed a bill appointing
amount of time for the
1862.39 It took an extraordinarily long
ria on June 5,
recognition to Haiti; almost four decades
United States to extend diplomatic
During this period of diplolonger than France, Haiti's former metropole. merchants continued to travel to
however, American
matic nonrecognition,
available. Trade with Haiti
Haiti to capitalize on the economic opportunities
but American
for the majority of the period of nonrecognition,
was legal
merchants' ability to secure government support for
diplomacy limited the
and government
the Haitian government. Haitian presidents
claims against
relationship to try to expand the relationrepresentatives used the economic
did not, however, achieve their
They
ship to include diplomatic recognition. continued to withhold diplomatic recogmain goal and the US government
nition until 1862.
Notes
Clause: The Founding Fathers and the Haitian
1. Gordon S. Brown, Toussaint's
2005), 233-44.
Revolution (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, Relations of the United States
Whittingham Logan, The Diplomatic
2. Rayford
of North Carolina Press, 1941), 229.
with Haiti, 1776-1891 (Chapel Hill: University
after the Declaration of Inde3. For more on Haitian agricultural production Forced Labor, Commodity ProGonzalez, The War on Sugar:
pendence, see Johnhenry
1791-1843 (PhD thesis, University
duction and the Origins oft the Haitian Peasantry,
of Chicago, 2012).
and Omega' of Haitian Literature: Baron de Vastey
4- Marlene Daut, "The "Alpha
Writing, 77 Comparative Literature 64, no.
and the U.S. Audience of Haitian Political
1 (2012): 51.
5- Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 195- soucieux de développer leur commerce,
6. "Les Américains, particulièrement
les plus impordevinrent, au cours des deux premières années d'indépendance,
en Haîti,
d'Haiti." David Nicholls, "Race, couleur et indépendance
tantes partenaires d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine 25 (1978): 181.
1804-1825." Revue
Policy: Haitian-American Relations During
7. Tim Matthewson, A Proslavery Foreign
Gordon Brown, Toussaint's Clause;
the Early Republic (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003);
(Durham, NC: Duke
Haiti and the United States, 1714-1938
Ludwell Lee Montague,
University Press, 1940).
>
8. Daut, "The 'Alpha and Omega, 52.
Albert Gallatin, The Writings of
Albert Gallatin to Alexander J Dallas, 1815.
9.
1879), quoted in Logan, Diplomatic
Albert Gallatin, ed. Henry Adams (Philadelphia,
Relations, 187.
ordon Brown, Toussaint's Clause;
the Early Republic (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003);
(Durham, NC: Duke
Haiti and the United States, 1714-1938
Ludwell Lee Montague,
University Press, 1940).
>
8. Daut, "The 'Alpha and Omega, 52.
Albert Gallatin, The Writings of
Albert Gallatin to Alexander J Dallas, 1815.
9.
1879), quoted in Logan, Diplomatic
Albert Gallatin, ed. Henry Adams (Philadelphia,
Relations, 187. --- Page 193 ---
178 JULIA GAFFIELD
Mr. Archibald Kane, Merchant, late of the
10. "At Port-au-Prince (St. Domingo.)
Died," " Albany Gazette, Novemof
and Archibald Kane, of this city
House James
ber 15, 1817, p. 2.
from St. Marc, Haiti, February 11, 1805, the
11. Archibald Kane to James [Kane),
Archives ofthe United Kingdom (TNA), HCA 42-426.
National
of Saint Marc," 17 January 24, 1805, TNA, HCA
12. Archibald Kane, "No. 11, City
42-426.
André Vernett [sic], "No. 12, Aux Gonaives," February 4,
13- Archibald Kane and
Kane noted that "165 Sols is the dollar
1805. TNA, HCA 42-426; in another letter,
is over 8 per cent more than
and 20 Sols is under 12 cents for a French pound
St. Marc's," February 9,
Archibald Kane to Elias Kane, "No. 15,
English free dutys."
1805, TNA, HCA 42-426.
Aux Gonaives, Liberty or Death,"
Archibald Kane and André Vernet, "No. .13,
14.
February 4, 1805. TNA, HCA 42-426.
2nd Earl Camden, December 15, 1804
George Nugent to John Jeffreys Pratt,
15.
of Jamaica (NLJ), MS 72, box 3. 5uN.
National Library
from St. Marc, Haiti, TNA,
16. Archibald Kane to Elias Kane, February 9, 1805
HCA 42-426.
Relations, 166.
André Pichon, June 6, 1804, quoted in Logan, Diplomatic
TNA,
17.
Elias Kane, February 13, 1805, from St. Marc, Haiti,
18. Archibald Kane to
HCA 42-426.
February 20, 1805, from
Extract of a letter from William Ely to Mr. J. Catling,
19.
St. Marc, Haiti, TNA, HCA 42-426.
February 20, 1805, from
Extract of a letter from William Ely to Mr. J. Catling,
20.
St. Marc, Haiti, TNA, HCA 42-426.
Relations, 152-87
detailed account oft these debates, see Logan, Diplomatic
21. For a
Gaffield, Haitian Connections in the AtDiplomatic Relations, 157; Julia
22. Logan,
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carlantic World: Recognition after Revolution
olina Press, 2015).
Volume XVII, 1405, p.3-
"New York, June 13, ' Albany Register, 25 June 1805.
Volume
23Gazette and Daily Advertiser, 4 July 1805,
24. "Boston, June 17." City
XXIV, 5564.p.2.
Foreign Policy, 127; and Deborah Jenson,
25. Cited in Matthewson, A Proslavery
in the Haitian Revolution,
the Slave Narrative: Politics, Sex and Manuscripts
Beyond
University Press, 2011), 178.
(Liverpool: Liverpool
26. Matthewson, Proslavery Forcign Policy, 127.
27. Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 169.
For more on the massacres, see
28. Matthewson, Proslavery Foreign Policy, 125.
"Caribbean Genocide: RaPopkin's chapter in this volume; Philippe Girard,
and Julia
Jeremy
Patterns of Prejudice 39, no. 2 (2005): 138-61;
cial War in Haiti, 1802-4."
of the Early Nineteenth-Century AtGaffield, "Haiti and Jamaica in the Remaking
583-614.
William and Mary Quarterly 60, no. 3 (July 2012):
lantic World,"
more on the massacres, see
28. Matthewson, Proslavery Foreign Policy, 125.
"Caribbean Genocide: RaPopkin's chapter in this volume; Philippe Girard,
and Julia
Jeremy
Patterns of Prejudice 39, no. 2 (2005): 138-61;
cial War in Haiti, 1802-4."
of the Early Nineteenth-Century AtGaffield, "Haiti and Jamaica in the Remaking
583-614.
William and Mary Quarterly 60, no. 3 (July 2012):
lantic World," --- Page 194 ---
"OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 179
Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 181.
or State
29.
Edwin D. Dickinson, "The Unrecognized Government
30. Quoted in
Law Review Association 22, no. 1 (1923): 35in English and American Law," Michigan
Determined in the Circuit Court ofthe
Bushrod Washington, Reports of Cases
and New
31.
Third Circuit, Comprising the Districts of Pennsylvania
United States, for the
Philip E. Nicklin, Law BookCommencing at April Term, 1803 (Philadelphia:
Jersey,
seller, 1827), 101.
another case, Rose V. Himely, from 1804, but
32. Here the judge referenced
HeinOnline, 9 U.S. (5
that it did not apply as precedent. Rose V. Himely,
argued
Cranch) 313 (1809).
Congress, the Public Statutes at Large of
33. Richard Peters, ed., By Authority of
CH
8. 1806 (Boston:
America, Vol II, Ninth Congress, Sess 1, 6, 7.
the United States of
Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1848), 350.
Washington, Reports ofCases, 106.
34les marchands américains ne voulaient pas
35- "Ne fut guère suivie d'effet, car
Haiti eti la France, 1804-1848:1 la réve
Jean-Francois Brière,
céderl la place aux anglais.
brisé (Paris: Kathala, 2008), 54un bénéfice si supérieur a
individus de cette nation trouvent a Hayti
36. "[LJes
que malgré les lois procelui que leur rapportent toutes leurs autres spéculations
leur
ils s'obstinent a continuer avec opiniâtreté
hibitives de leur Gouvernement,
Peltier, April 5, 1807. TNA, WO
envois chez nous." " Rouanez, jeune to Jean-Gabriel
1/79.
and Omega, 1s 63.
37 Daut, "Alpha
suivante, qui répugne à la vérité à son coeur
38. "S.A.S. s'est décidée àl la mesure
lui reste pour le recouvrement
mais qui est la seule ressource qu'ill
et à sa politique,
Général del l'Armée, " October 15,
des propriétés de l'Etat." ' Henry Christophe, "Ordre
General Claims,
Archives and Records Administration (NARA),
1810, the National
Identifier
Number PI 177 239.
ARC
174286/MLR
W. Quincy, Thomas Capin, Wm Nach
Ezra Davis, Oliver Farwell, John
39.
Lamb, Stark & McKinstry, Sam Cooper, Henry Burroughs,
Geo. Burrough, Perry W.
Cartin, Andrew C.I D
Ezra Davis
Jeremiah Thomson, Jen.ÉP] by his atty., James
General Claims, ARC
Madison, Boston, January 31, 181, NARA,
to President James
Identifier 174286/MLR Number PI 177 239.
this to my attention. It
like to thank Lauren Benton for bringing
40. I would
her that I became aware oft the possibility of this
with
was through correspondence
in Haiti. I would also like to thank her
strategy in the early independence period version of her article, "Strange Sovereignty:
for sharing an early English-language
soberania extrana: la ProvinThe Provincia Oriental in the Atlantic World" ("Una
en el Atlantico
el mundo atlântico"), México 20/10, La Modernidad
cia Oriental en
"mdeerawsayet
Iberoamericano, 1750-1850,
41. Benton, "Strange Sovereignty."
42. Ibid., page 3 in the English translation.
was through correspondence
in Haiti. I would also like to thank her
strategy in the early independence period version of her article, "Strange Sovereignty:
for sharing an early English-language
soberania extrana: la ProvinThe Provincia Oriental in the Atlantic World" ("Una
en el Atlantico
el mundo atlântico"), México 20/10, La Modernidad
cia Oriental en
"mdeerawsayet
Iberoamericano, 1750-1850,
41. Benton, "Strange Sovereignty."
42. Ibid., page 3 in the English translation. --- Page 195 ---
180 JULIA GAFFIELD
Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 189.
4344. Ibid., 189-90.
Sir Home Popham, HM Sloop
45. C. G. R. Phillott, Captain to Rear-Admiral Marlene Daut discusses a simPrimrose Port Royal 10 May 1818, TNA, ADM 1/269;
from the captain delivered
involving two French warships and a letter
ilar incident
refused to receive the letter
by an American merchant. Christophe
Christo Christophe
Christophe" instead of "King
on the basis that it was addressed to "General
tophe." " Daut, "Alpha and Omega," P 63, n.10.
DC, March 1, 1821: During
46. Jacob Lewis to John Quincy Adams, Washington, of Hayti I entered into
the Period that Dessalines was at the head ofthe government of
to the
him
he became possessed my property
various contracts with
whereby
of this death,
thousand dollars, but in consequence
amount of several hundred
to obtain payment." - NARA,
and the civil wars raging in Hayti, it was impracticable
Identifier
Number PI 177 239.
General Claims, ARC
174286/MLR March 13, 1821, NARA, General
John Quincy Adams to Jean-Pierre Boyer,
47.
/ MLR Number PI 177 239; Rayford Logan quotes
Claims, ARC Identifier 1174286
27th Congress, 3rd Session, No.
this letter as it appears in the House Documents, notes that Adams gave another
in Diplomatic Relations, 215. Logan also
30m p. 30,
similar letter in 1824.
agent, Boothroyd, a
Port-au-Prince, July 6, 1823, NARA, Dis48. B. Inginac to John Quincy Adams,
Roll T-5, Volume 5from United States Consuls in Cap Haitien, 1797-1906,
NARA,
patches
Port-au-Prince, February 13, 1824,
Andrew Armstrong to B. Inginac,
Roll
Vol49.
United States Consuls in Cap Haitien, 1797-1906,
T-5,
Dispatches from
ume 5March 5, 1826, Baltimore, NARA, General
50. Robert Oliver to C. Hughes,
Identifier 174286/MLR Number PI 177 239.
Claims, ARC
Adams offered in 1843 a
then, that when John Quincy
51. "It is not surprising,
Affairs for a consular appointment
resolution in the House Committee of Foreign
Relations, 235his vote was the only one in favor of it." Logan, Diplomatic
to Haiti,
and John Oliver, Port au Prince, 31 July 1821, NARA,
52. W. D. Robinson to Robert
Number PI 177 239.
General Claims, ARC Identifier 174286/MLR
of State, July 16, 1830, NARA,
Clement Coal to Mr. Van Buren, Secretary
53.
Identifier 174286/MLR Number PI 177 239.
General Claims, ARC
54. Ibid.
55- Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 249. of New Orleans, Washington City, DC,
56. Joseph P. Horner to John K. West,
NARA, General Claims,
[1816,year taken from previous letter),
Philadelphia, May 30
Identifier
Number PI 177 239.
ARC
174286/MLR
28 in the English translation.
57- Benton, "Strange Sovereignty," page
Nation: The Origins and Legacy of
Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Haiti, State against
58.
York: Monthly Review Press, 1990), 53Duvalierism (New
59- Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 303.
, Washington City, DC,
56. Joseph P. Horner to John K. West,
NARA, General Claims,
[1816,year taken from previous letter),
Philadelphia, May 30
Identifier
Number PI 177 239.
ARC
174286/MLR
28 in the English translation.
57- Benton, "Strange Sovereignty," page
Nation: The Origins and Legacy of
Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Haiti, State against
58.
York: Monthly Review Press, 1990), 53Duvalierism (New
59- Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 303. --- Page 196 ---
People of Haiti during the
The Sovereign
and Nineteenth Centuries
Eighteenth
JEAN CASIMIR
who established themselves in Saint-Domingue were
The French colonists
nation. From their point of view,
people of the same birthright, of the same
lawfully. In order to
into the colony were acquired
the slaves they brought
humiliation, and
these unfortunates had to overcome deprivation,
survive,
the end of the eighteenth century, political conineffable torture.' But by
and its rivals offered
within France and between this colonial power
flicts
out of this relationship and secure the
the captives the opportunity to break
run aground.
of the territory in which they had accidentally
independence
vision of the world, these foreigners-by
Inspired by a locally developed
a minority off former
is a foreigner-alongside
definition an enslaved person
ofa supposedly national state.?
slave owners, contributed to the construction
Eurocentric sector of the
of Haitlian-French-the fiercely
This latter group
machinery, providing
the administrative
local popalaton-masopolised
project for the future of their
for the "outsiders" to formalize any
no space
society."'
the plantation system, the oligarchs
In order to preserve and reactivate
class from expressing its will
took all necessary steps to prevent the working
where the milibut
could not succeed in a context
to survive as it saw fit; they
destitute as troops. The goal of
of the state had to make use ofthe
tary power
the
Treaty of Ryswick onwards, how popular
this essay is to follow, from 1697
has
and what its relationship to national independence
sovereignty emerged
the colonial plantation system. (I
been. I will undertake this task by revisiting
in the seaports alongside
do not reference the group of freed persons living the end of the essay, is of the
several enslaved. Thomas Madiou, quoted at
the
of the poputhat they did not differ significantly from
majority
opinion
to their habits and their aspirations." ")
lation "in respect to their manners,
built on two absences, which
Saint-Domingue's plantation system was
after 1804. First, it did not
the ideological thrust of the state
in turn shaped
hence, family and women
cater to the local regeneration of the population;
seaports alongside
do not reference the group of freed persons living the end of the essay, is of the
several enslaved. Thomas Madiou, quoted at
the
of the poputhat they did not differ significantly from
majority
opinion
to their habits and their aspirations." ")
lation "in respect to their manners,
built on two absences, which
Saint-Domingue's plantation system was
after 1804. First, it did not
the ideological thrust of the state
in turn shaped
hence, family and women
cater to the local regeneration of the population; --- Page 197 ---
182 JEAN CASIMIR
the spiritual and material
excluded from its worldview. Consequently,
were
life oft the captives and of their descendants
bases sustaining the community
the natural reproduction of the
dismissed outright. Second, after 1804
were
concern of the indepenpopulation and its welfare were a negligible
working
dent state.
sidestepped the will of
From the 1801 constitution onward, political power of their daily lives. Haiti's
the people in matters relating to the organization
centered on the
structure was built to support an economic project
political
that
the plantation sysofland tenure and land use
characterized
and
principles
made available to the worker remained marginal,
tem. The plot ofland
around a family model that the state
his/her domestic life was structured
also
by the official
discriminated against and, after 1860, that was
targeted labor force
the period of slavery, the scarcity of a
religious apparatus. During
After the revolution, the plethora of
made it imperative to import workers. investment to support spiritually or
potential workers made unnecessary any
materially the laboring families.
colony, into a setconversion of Saint-Domingue, an exploitation
But the
former captives challenged the perceptlement colony suited to welcome
authorities. These entities did their
tions held by the state and the political
hold on the territory
the
from taking a self-reliant
utmost to prevent people
for different models
The people and the state were striving
they conquered.
of society.
Revolution and General Emancipation
The French
was inhabited by the subjects of
Under the Ancien Régime, Saint-Domingue The first settlers were white (so, free)
by their slaves.
the king accompanied
liberated). The others, the slaves, were
and freed people of color (therefore
designated: blacks, Afriblack, and from 1793 to 1804 they were variously of the revolutionary transcultivators (cultivateurs). In the framework
cans,
society could not come up with a "revoformations of the period, plantation
the first decade ofindependence,
lutionary" name for them, and even during
it could not decide ifthey were "active" or "passive" citizens. French, and the upper
classes of Saint-Domingue were
The privileged
African descent identified themselves as
strata among the free people of
with the French nation. They
"American settlers," emphasizing their identity
So they did not break
did not consider themselves a conquered community. threaten them with defrom their fatherland by choice. France had to
away
before they cut the umbilical cord.
portation or extermination
in the colony were not abIn contrast, the persons deprived of any rights which, or in opposition to
and did not come from a single nation in
original
citizens. French, and the upper
classes of Saint-Domingue were
The privileged
African descent identified themselves as
strata among the free people of
with the French nation. They
"American settlers," emphasizing their identity
So they did not break
did not consider themselves a conquered community. threaten them with defrom their fatherland by choice. France had to
away
before they cut the umbilical cord.
portation or extermination
in the colony were not abIn contrast, the persons deprived of any rights which, or in opposition to
and did not come from a single nation in
original --- Page 198 ---
PEOPLE OF HAITI 183
THE SOVEREIGN
oneself. They were recruited and socialized
which, it would be easy to define
national whole.
without having been vanquished as a structured
of the
individually,
of colonization followed the markers
Their inclusion in the process
racialization of human relations. They
Code noir, according to the modern
opposed
of a network of empires, where confrontations
became prisoners
them a set of stratified races.
not only states but also through
owed their survival to
Agricultural workers on the plantation compound
cultivating their awareness of the unbridgeable
their indomitable wills, by
and their own abbetween the privileges of the king's subjects
adventure,
opposition
Survival in this context began as an individual
sence of rights.
erosion of primary ethnic identities to allow
which was replaced by a gradual
the development of forms of solidarity.
from the colonial state was
Absolute deference to instructions emanating
of the Seven Years'
from all subordinates. But with the impact
demanded
French Revolution, the state was never able
War (756-63) and of the 1789
Among the privileged
its pretentions to total supremacy.
to operationalize
flourished around objectives bordering
strata, interest and pressure groups
the enslaved, the era gave
dissidence and even insurrection, while among
on
ofwhat used to be called "bands of maroons.' From
rise to the multiplication
both ofthese formations were of the
the point of view of the colonial empire,
measures.
nature and were uprooted with distinct repressive
same
mind the essence of the social conflicts that prompted
While keeping in
in the following section of my analysis
the Haitian Revolution, I describe
in the metropole and how
how the privileged strata reacted to the changes Later, I turn to the question
they erected the political structure that followed.
on the basis of the
responded to these changes
of how the oppressed people
with the operations set in motion by
knowledge they accumulated in dealing
the dominant institutions and classes.
general emancipation
The conflict the state engendered by proclaiming ofits established judicial
could not be resolved within the framework
in 1793
landowners who had, in good faith, acquired
system. The state confronted
slaves with the state's blessings. But it
plantations that they equipped with
its
and unable to
then found itself unable to retain sovereignty over territory
the
without emancipating such slaves. By promoting
protect private property
the state amputated landed property
former slaves' accession to citizenship,
and provoked a political
means of exploitation
owners of their indispensable
tragedy.
direct contradiction with the plantation
General emancipation was in
progressed in that diand its governance. The United Kingdom
economy
with massive injections of disempowered
rection a few decades later only Asia. At the end of the eighteenth cenindentured servants from Southeast
ations that they equipped with
its
and unable to
then found itself unable to retain sovereignty over territory
the
without emancipating such slaves. By promoting
protect private property
the state amputated landed property
former slaves' accession to citizenship,
and provoked a political
means of exploitation
owners of their indispensable
tragedy.
direct contradiction with the plantation
General emancipation was in
progressed in that diand its governance. The United Kingdom
economy
with massive injections of disempowered
rection a few decades later only Asia. At the end of the eighteenth cenindentured servants from Southeast --- Page 199 ---
184 JEAN CASIMIR
could not entertain such ideas. Its structural political
tury, embattled France
from its rivals and put in danger its SOVchanges called for violent reactions
distanced themits colonies. In this context, royalist planters
ereignty over
administration, while this regime was at
selves from the republican colonial
force.
a loss to find a new formula to absorb the labor
be detached from the
The need for workers stripped of their rights cannot
simulof" Toussaint Louverture proposed
slave trade. So the 1801 constitution and die free and French" (art. 3), and
taneously that "all men were born, live
to the recovery and
of rural workers is indispensable
that "the introduction
Indeed the constitution refrained
growth of the agricultural sector" (art. 17).
by these "nonslaves, as
the scope of freedom to be enjoyed
from defining
Louverture's example. A nameless
rural codes schooled by
did subsequent
règlements de culture, and consequently in
actor appeared in all subsequent
between the end of slavery and the
Haitis polity, threading on the nuance
end of enslavement.
France could not assert its sovereignty
In short, after 1789 Republican
the interests of the planters, and it
over the territory without encroaching on
to rescue a plantation
rely on "Africans" or "cultivators"
could not reasonably
enslavement. Self-reliance
that was unable to survive the end oftheir
system
for the laboring classes' survival.*
became the only rational option
the slave trade, was not
But the concept of race, indispensable to justify
generated it. Theresolely France's invention. The entire Western community should be viewed as
selfreliance on the part offormer enslaved workers
fore,
capital in its entirety, and the defeat inflicted
a confrontation with European
should be reduced to
army in November 1803
upon the French expeditionary
confrontation with the architects of the
no more than a skirmish in a titanic
racialization of the human species.
states granted him
victories of Napoléon over the royalist
The dazzling
Gordian knot: he decided to replace the colonial
the weapon to confront this
in Europe following
workforce with new slaves. Once peace was achieved better solution to revamp
fall, the Restoration would not find a
Napoléon's
the colonial plantation economy. Bourbon, the colony and its plantation sysRepublican, Napoleonic, or
distinct from those of its metropolitan
tem needed a set of labor relations
from its customary
Haiti would not depart
sponsor. Colonial or independent,
remained ruled by the heirs of the
treatment of the labor force as long as it
an abolition of
These heirs, before or after 1804, never imagined
and
planters.
of the citizenry,
slavery that would result in universal empowerment classes. They relentlessly
enforced total freedom for the working
they never
foundation: the nullification of
autonomy or secession on the same
pursued
the political rights of these classes.*
those of its metropolitan
tem needed a set of labor relations
from its customary
Haiti would not depart
sponsor. Colonial or independent,
remained ruled by the heirs of the
treatment of the labor force as long as it
an abolition of
These heirs, before or after 1804, never imagined
and
planters.
of the citizenry,
slavery that would result in universal empowerment classes. They relentlessly
enforced total freedom for the working
they never
foundation: the nullification of
autonomy or secession on the same
pursued
the political rights of these classes.* --- Page 200 ---
THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE OF HAITI 185
state, after 1789 neither the colonial
Given the structure of the modern
could accommodate popthe Haitian oligarchs
authorities nor subsequently
Baron de Vastey (Pompée
ular self-reliance, much less popular sovereignty.
ofthe Haitian RevoluValentin Vastey), the most forward-thinking ideologue the
ofi findione half ofthe distance, insisting on equality
tion, advanced only
oft the different civilizations.
viduals in law while also accepting the inequality
abide the strictures
the former enslaved did not have to
by
Conversely,
"universal" history. They necessarily acted on
of an unwritten European
of themselves and of society. As far as
the basis of their particular notion
facing the domiconcerned, and irrespective of the quandaries
they were
and their popular sovereignty were not negotiable
nant classes, their equality
matters.
the people's sovereignty was
For French planters and Haitian oligarchs,
its very existence, was in
a threat to the state. And the independent state, by
How could it claim
international community.
turn a threat to the emerging
of individuals scattered in
national sovereignty and how could the plurality
coalesce into a nation?
Saint-Domingue at the end of the eighteenth century
The Plantation System, a Dead-End Street
colonial countryside and its cities was strucThe relationship between the
of the territory to its metropole.
tured in accordance with the subjugation
colonies of the Caribbean,
as in the other exploitation
In Saint-Domingue,
by European seaport traders indifferent
rural areas were shaped essentially
to local well-being.?
settlement units, slavery-based agricultural
Saint-Domingue's original
Caribbean settlecomplexes, differed slightly from other French-controlled as well as the
with regards to their accelerated pace of exploitation
ments
mountainous territory in which they operated.
relatively larger size of the
peopled by inmates
resembled more closely military prisons,
Its compounds
with one another prior to their initial encounand wardens with no contact
and rapidly the
The first task for the incarcerated was to learn properly
ter.
them as thoroughly as possible. The
operating rules engineered to exploit
that was characteristic of
institution, anchored in the plundering and looting
to
moral norm
accumulation of capital, was alien any
the period of primitive
and principle.
inconceivable from the standpoint of
Prisoners had to submit to demands
through
educations. Their otherness, acknowledged
their still-vivid original
slanders, was expressed in
all kinds of pejorative qualifiers and unthinkable submission and servility. The
the very fact that they needed to be trained into all costs in order to render
authorities had to annihilate their individuality at
engineered to exploit
that was characteristic of
institution, anchored in the plundering and looting
to
moral norm
accumulation of capital, was alien any
the period of primitive
and principle.
inconceivable from the standpoint of
Prisoners had to submit to demands
through
educations. Their otherness, acknowledged
their still-vivid original
slanders, was expressed in
all kinds of pejorative qualifiers and unthinkable submission and servility. The
the very fact that they needed to be trained into all costs in order to render
authorities had to annihilate their individuality at --- Page 201 ---
186 JEAN CASIMIR
task of taming the phantasms they
them useful, confronting the impossible
projected onto the captives.
the enslaved workforce without reThe system had to extract profits from
"unfit
the slaves," " the French Code noir announced,
ciprocating. "We declare
their master.' >8 It then delivered
that does not belong to
to own anything
people SO as to integrate its
instructions to be followed without educating
structures willingly.
of the planter undermined the
The perverse effect of the omnipotence in order to survive in the immeidentity and self-esteem ofthe captives, who,
ofthe brutalhad to assist in the reproduction and perpetuation
diate future,
life
required them to
The slightest increase in their expectancy
Their
izing power.
and to the worldview of the plantation society.
adjust to enslavement
servile behavior might ensure an entire
surrender to brute force and their
silent desire to escape,
cooptation while entertaining a
lifetime pretending
whenever possible, the unbearable yoke.
metropolitan culture that
State power derived from a relatively integrated and to treat them as commodgranted to the colonists the right to own slaves
the role of movable
the
end, the persons taken to fulfill
ities. On
opposite
cultures and did not share a common
goods came from a variety of ethnic
and slaves and between slaves
set of references. Tensions between masters the end of the process oflearnthemselves were supposed to resolve only at
would realize the
ofthe plantation, when the subordinates
ing the operations
of the landowners and submit to it.
unquestioned omnipotence
received their emancipation as a reward
A small number of enslaved
was accurately labeled
Freedom granted in this manner
for their servility."
to the geography of colonialism.'
manumission, highlighting its suitability
useful to the
aware of the knowledge
The oppressed became simultaneously and means of protecting their perdominant system and expert in the ways
sons from its misdeeds.
of their masters, and their
The future of the slaves conveyed the designs instants defined by their
days succeeded each other as a string ofimmediate
its meaning
oft these discontinued moments acquired
owners. The sequence
of the jailers, outside of any project that
within the history and the horizon
enslaved.
of any futhe will and choices of the
Stripped
could be shaped by
the perfect slaves could be thought
ture they might have drawn themselves,
of as masterpieces of their owners.
the
economy were
Racialized labor relations operating within
plantation
the
of the captives. Hence, once appreinstitutionalized before
acquisition
before they were introduced to
hended, the victims' fate was sealed, even
slaves-were assimior potentially
their physical prison. Captives-legally communities of enslaved people under the
lated into actual and functional
enslaved.
of any futhe will and choices of the
Stripped
could be shaped by
the perfect slaves could be thought
ture they might have drawn themselves,
of as masterpieces of their owners.
the
economy were
Racialized labor relations operating within
plantation
the
of the captives. Hence, once appreinstitutionalized before
acquisition
before they were introduced to
hended, the victims' fate was sealed, even
slaves-were assimior potentially
their physical prison. Captives-legally communities of enslaved people under the
lated into actual and functional --- Page 202 ---
THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE OF HAITI 187
of production could not fail to be
assumption that the necessary process
captives in rebellion,
successful. Newly captured and newly arrived captives, their freedom, were
for
or deserters, as well as maroons fighting
runaways into the slave category as defined by the masters.
all lumped
the ever-increasing need for
economy,
But in an expanding plantation of captives to be groomed into slaves.
labor required an expanding supply
force and its conversion into a usThe multiplication of the potential labor
any behavior and
it more and more imperative to eliminate
able one made
oft the slave workforce, that is, their
any actor that delayed the standardization.
and free will. A vicious cirtransformation into robots devoid of self-purpose
specialized,
sometimes
created the ideal slaves as automatons,
cle ofviolence
in the most remote corners oft their souls.
but above all subservient
only be emancipated.
A slave-as distinct from the enslaved-could
from the
resulted in release, and it should be distinguished
Emancipation
character with which Europe attempted to reachievement of freedom. The
freed from his or her chains,
place the "sons of Ham" was a cursed zombie
and their memo11 The captives, specific in their origins
but still a zombie.
behind their slave masks. As bossales, they were
ries, were supposed to vanish
servants and should be destroyed.
the negation ofthe stylish, Occidentalized
endeavors that differed from
In this context, formulas for agricultural
to the total enrolment of
system were anathema. Challenges
the plantation
brutal responses. Genocide and
labor forces would provoke
free or enslaved
would-be maroons were used to create optimum
threats of genocide towards
captives. The exterminaconditions for the incorporation of newly imported
while the purge of
insurgents was never completed,
tion of Saint-Domingue
out with sufficient success to break
Guadeloupian rebels in 1802 was carried
the resistance ofthe recalcitrant.
dangers more imHowever, from 1789 onward France had to overcome
from its colonial prisoners. Its very property
minent than those emanating
Unable to defend its posrights over the territory were being challenged.
with
with the sole use of its armies, it negotiated an arrangement
sessions
liberation within the plantation
the embattled captives, offering them partial
compound in exchange for their support.
differences and the
With this move, France acknowledged the captives'
to the conjuensuing therefrom. In 1793, its inability to measure up
of the
power
ofthe British and the Spanish-and not a transformation
gated forces
the abolition of slavery. The panic ofa sinking
economic system-demanded
for salvation put in danger the
empire clinging to the slightest opportunity
bona fide investments ofthe planter class.
of self-reliant futures.
Slaves and planters were therefore both deprived
either as
and plantation society could disappear
The plantation compound
support.
differences and the
With this move, France acknowledged the captives'
to the conjuensuing therefrom. In 1793, its inability to measure up
of the
power
ofthe British and the Spanish-and not a transformation
gated forces
the abolition of slavery. The panic ofa sinking
economic system-demanded
for salvation put in danger the
empire clinging to the slightest opportunity
bona fide investments ofthe planter class.
of self-reliant futures.
Slaves and planters were therefore both deprived
either as
and plantation society could disappear
The plantation compound --- Page 203 ---
188 JEAN CASIMIR
by the enslaved, as in the case of Sainta result of a revolution propelled
in the colonial empire. In the
Domingue, or as a consequence of changes
forces propelling the
became victims of the productive
British case, planters
and free trade. At this
metropolitan country towards industrial development hens
golden eggs in the
development, the
laying
stage of the global system's
grants and preferential treatCaribbean were reduced to surviving through of the free trade fetish and
ments, going SO far as to beg for the destruction
against the vagaries of global competition.'
for privileged protection
the Caribbean planters took refuge in
At the dawn of liberal capitalism,
of their outdated modes
form of self rule that allowed for the preservation
a
intensification ofthe exploitation of formerly enslaved
of production and the
is well documented in Barbados and
and indentured laborers. This evolution
13 In Saint-Domingue,
also has been observed in Martinique and Guadeloupe. the richest planters and
it took the shape of the type of autonomy sought by
they were free to
Louverture, while in Haiti, the oligarchs thought
Toussaint
impose Louverture's caporalisme agraire.
was a cul-de sac. By ending the
With or without slavery, plantation society the world economy to grow out of
slave trade, the United Kingdom forced
trade, to abolish slavery, and
mercantilist capitalism, to destroy the triangular
the inequities generliberal capitalism, while still safeguarding
to endorse
accumulation of capital.
ated during the era of primitive
The Reverse of the Plantation Compound
slavery exceeded the imaginations
The transition from freedom to mercantile
or to recover their
abducted by slave traders. In order to preserve
of villagers
embarked on a process of reeducation which
sanity, the kidnapped villagers
and to shield themselves
their personalities
led them to gradually recuperate
system. They avoided collapsfrom abuse and harassment by the plantation
by Europe by discerning
mentally and physically in the corset imposed
those
ing
oftheir jailers those that were not negotiable from
among the demands
with which it was possible to accommodate. collection of newly transported
their chances of survival, this
To improve
the logic of their new milieu and
individuals had to discover and deconstruct for reversing it. Once the critito slowly elaborate a coherent set of references
they had to realize
cal role of torture in their socialization was acknowledged, and control the elements
that it was in their compelling interest to capture survival. The training
of the dominant culture that were essential to their this need to be tutored.
sponsored by the master was welcomed in relation to
of references with
chose from his cultural framework a set
The planter
that
behaved as useful slaves. For
which to inculcate his slaves to ensure
they
new milieu and
individuals had to discover and deconstruct for reversing it. Once the critito slowly elaborate a coherent set of references
they had to realize
cal role of torture in their socialization was acknowledged, and control the elements
that it was in their compelling interest to capture survival. The training
of the dominant culture that were essential to their this need to be tutored.
sponsored by the master was welcomed in relation to
of references with
chose from his cultural framework a set
The planter
that
behaved as useful slaves. For
which to inculcate his slaves to ensure
they --- Page 204 ---
THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE OF HAITI 189
knowledge and experiences
the slaves' part, on the basis oftheir background within the dominant culture the
shared with their peers, they selected from
conceived it.
traits and norms essential for their survival as they since the arbitrariness
The hostages began this journey in deep solitude, could understand or
of their abduction and exploitation had no logic they of
and justifiTheir fate derived from a series myths
share spontaneously.
be
as utterly stupid. They built a
cations of racism that could only perceived assessed from the point ofview
new reservoir of criteria out of daily practices
of captives on the comof their peculiar cultural heritages. The introduction of acculturation sepdid not happen all at once, and various degrees
pound
the consensus-building
arated successive arrivals of prisoners, complicating
process.
ground where prisoners cultivated and
Everyday life became a breeding
of
the planrelating to their ways conceptualizing
harmonized proposals
with each other within it. Conviviality
tation compound and of interfacing
diverse ethnic groups became a
in the work gangs and conflicts between
and rules of solidarwhere the captives discovered the principles
laboratory
and their pursuit of freedom. These
ity in their opposition to the system
both exchanges with dominant
interpersonal relations, aimed at managing what was later called family
institutions and with peer groups, gave rise to
distinct from
education received from elders and necessarily
education, an
authorities.
instructions handed down by public
of the captives eluded the
education, the person
Through peer-group hold. There evolved a form of self-reliance, a conplanters' and the state's
constant renewal, whose goal was to salvage
densed version of a heritage in
Thomas Madiou referred
their lives, to protect and to conserve their persons.
with appropriperson when he wondered,
to this elusive and impregnable slave, did s/he entirely cease to be free?"1s
ateness, "the African even though
with the rules governing
These strangers had to combine their familiarity set of knowledge that
society with the development of a parallel
of
plantation
themselves in the face of the abusive extraction
enabled them to protect
they restructured their inditheir labor potential. With minimal resources,
and a rationale for the
viduality even as they failed to discover a meaning the backbone of the
Their body of knowledge became
dominant system.
their absorption by
world they built, in order to delay or possibly prevent
the plantation society.
gradually replaced the
Their own system of lnouledgsjemposeret host society. 16 Their comprehencaptives' initial ignorance of the rules ofthe
solidarity with their
sion oft the new environment grew alongside deepening managed to master a
companions in misfortune. By SO assimilating, they and to reframe the abplace for themselves within the plantation compound
the
viduality even as they failed to discover a meaning the backbone of the
Their body of knowledge became
dominant system.
their absorption by
world they built, in order to delay or possibly prevent
the plantation society.
gradually replaced the
Their own system of lnouledgsjemposeret host society. 16 Their comprehencaptives' initial ignorance of the rules ofthe
solidarity with their
sion oft the new environment grew alongside deepening managed to master a
companions in misfortune. By SO assimilating, they and to reframe the abplace for themselves within the plantation compound --- Page 205 ---
190 JEAN CASIMIR
their welcome, endowing them with the primary
solute mess that served as
order.
for instance- of a counterplantation
tools-language
1 the Africans made clear
themselves with "superstitions,
By surrounding
aware, and the foundations of their
that the otherness, of which they were
without wavering their
human dignity were not negotiable. They expressed
truth and to bury
the
of the colonial state as God's
refusal to accept proposals
conveyed by the dominant instituthemselves in the unexplainable dogmas
through processes defined
tions. They lived by values they gave themselves,
in their traditions and endorsed by their peers.
this period is not the
their social exchanges during
Key to appreciating
fetish (and its virtues)-but the simple fact
content of the wanga-of the
least
solutions. Separate
that wanga were brandished as valid or at
plausible and principles of the
were being managed within the standards
autonomies
the prelude to a collective and sovereign will
plantation compound and were
imposing itself even in tiny and surreptitious spaces. to destabilize enslavethemselves in order
As a result, in reconditioning
inherited from their ethnic group
ment, the captives enriched the knowledge
They designed survival
by assessing the order of the plantation compound. and in negotiating their imstrategies adapted to their new circumstances, fellow sufferers of the concenplementation they discovered and recognized
time,
codified
in which they were confined. At the same
they
tration camp
of colonized people from the jailers who ran
the markers separating their set
evolved, sharing similar living
the institution. In this way, networks of people
to which they were
conditions and behaviors consistent with the experiences
the
lines separating the ethnic groups comprising
subjected. The dividing
oppressed classes were steadily blurred.
the captives reorganized
By integrating themselves into plantation society, that both included and outdistheir universe, invented an unprecedented one
and acknowledged
environment from whence they came,
tanced the African
which the master wanted to enclose them.
the mean-spirited landscape in
they sidestepped the
without ever truly leaving the compound,
By SO doing,
effects.
plantation society, dodging its negative
from which they
The milieus built by the captives and the standpoints
ideas, meanto their masters. These worlds comprised
evolved wereinvisible
relations, memories, even beings, totally unings, beliefs, patterns of social
arsenal, captives strove to reknown to these masters. With this unsuspected
and
activating the absences produced
invent their present by systematically
They expanded their
reproduced deliberately by the plantation compound. and within this new diliving by exploiting all its avenues,
actual day-to-day
the dominant system.7
mension they learned how to move beyond
they
The milieus built by the captives and the standpoints
ideas, meanto their masters. These worlds comprised
evolved wereinvisible
relations, memories, even beings, totally unings, beliefs, patterns of social
arsenal, captives strove to reknown to these masters. With this unsuspected
and
activating the absences produced
invent their present by systematically
They expanded their
reproduced deliberately by the plantation compound. and within this new diliving by exploiting all its avenues,
actual day-to-day
the dominant system.7
mension they learned how to move beyond --- Page 206 ---
PEOPLE OF HAITI 191
THE SOVEREIGN
issued by their arrogance and obsesGiven the diagnostic of savagery
the emergence of
with control and exploitation, the masters ignored
sion
and knowledge. The swarm of experithis multifaceted world of experience forces and the logic oft the answers
ments which led the newly arrived to join
education-evaded
they gave to the claims of the plantation system-their The system did not acthe field of vision of public and private authorities.
to its methods of
its class enemy and remained without answers
knowledge
fighting.
reservoir of ideas nurtured by its French motherUnlike the oligarchy's
defiant behavior relied on some
culture, the synchronization of the captives'
shared its
through which the oppressed community
sort of selfmanagement
of the social environment. While the oliexperiences and its gradual mastery
oft the abilities oft their captivesgarchs could function without an appraisal
of the domifor deficient information with an imposition
by compensating
defend themselves by managing a
nant culture-their prisoners could only
In their dejected situaset of ideas universally shared by their community.
verification of their
innovative thoughts could not evade daily empirical
tion,
appropriateness.
plantation sociof the standards and regulations governing
The mastery
mercantilism, was only
and of the broader project of Western imperial
the
ety,
in the New World. Below the surface,
experione part of life for captives
of a counterplantation society: a
ence of the oppressed led to the invention of the contributions made by
new narrative fabricated with an appreciation
without exception, through daily life.
all actors,
the amalgamation of these unexpected
When the opportunity arose,
into a revolutionary moveforms of social life and solidarity would develop
the established
practices of larger scope challenging
ment, encompassing
that the sedimentation of these pracorder. The historical process suggests
of 1804 into a broader process
tices actually transformed the military victory
colony
Saint-Domingue from an exploitation
of social change, converting
This qualitatively new milieu
colony for former captives.
into a settlement
from knowledge accessible to
could not have been foreseen or extrapolated
and unthinkand colonial officials. 18 For the planter, the unexpected
a new
planters
day-to-day living and engendered
able took hold of reality. It renovated
flourish.
social structure in which its architects could
the
ethnic
Haiti after 1804, original
In the new world that encompassed
with concrete experiences
cultures, transformed both by their confrontations
merged into
society and by ten years of wars of independence,
of plantation
workers,
culture common to the insurgent agricultural
a single oppressed
of norms and principles necessary to carry
which offered them the embryo
officials. 18 For the planter, the unexpected
a new
planters
day-to-day living and engendered
able took hold of reality. It renovated
flourish.
social structure in which its architects could
the
ethnic
Haiti after 1804, original
In the new world that encompassed
with concrete experiences
cultures, transformed both by their confrontations
merged into
society and by ten years of wars of independence,
of plantation
workers,
culture common to the insurgent agricultural
a single oppressed
of norms and principles necessary to carry
which offered them the embryo --- Page 207 ---
192 JEAN CASIMIR
of
Haiti. From that day forward, the women
out their lives in independent
undisturbed, and the population did
the country could raise their children
The living conditions were modnot have to be recruited on the slave market.
it caused became only
but the slave trade and the repugnance
est indeed,
buried in the deepest dungeon of collective memory.
unpleasant memories,
with their companions in misfortune
These captives joined in solidarity
had tried to reduce to silence
and revived the universe that the colonial state
in the AmeriGradually, the hostages built their own space
and annihilate.
them, in the slave gangs of the plantation,
cas. In the very boat transporting
in the lakou (collection
in the community of captives on same compound, of maroon villages, their
of individual farms and extended family groups) of
19 There evolved
desire to live fully turned sovereign a community oneself, peers.' and in the same
creating new reasons to appreciate
new identities,
of defense against the abductors. People
movement arose new instruments
became people of simiof like condition, of the same social class, eventually
lar birth, that is, of the same nation.
from the Haiof the Haitian nation cannot be distinguished
The making
each other reciprocally. The oppressed class
tian Revolution. They produced
at the end of the same process.
and the emerging nation came into being
state. It resulted from the
The nation evolved in opposition to the colonial
totality, comprisconversion of a set of isolated individuals into an organic and survival of the
crucial to the existence
ing networks of cohesive groups
elaboration of the experiences of the
individuals within them. A culture, the
from groups of
and the invention of new institutions ranging
oppressed,
communities were all structured
and families to the lakou and village
The
peers
misdeeds of the colonial state and ofi its successors.
in response to the
in all areas of social life; it was
nation was an expression of its sovereignty
the sovereign people.
Saint-Domingue was monolithic, made
For the colonial administration,
with the racializaof networks of slave plantations operating in compliance of the social fabric that this
tion of human relations. But in the interstices
of the metropolunder the guidance
administration strove to stitch together
developed institutions
the persons living in captivity patiently
itan seaports,
order and allowed for the expression of their
that challenged the external
of the coloniality in which they were submerged.
awareness
owned their bodies, their time and their
While the slaves' master legally
still had to conquer, to invade, to
space, in order to make them useful she/he colonial ideas and values. She
them and to inculcate in their minds
And
occupy
inroads in these areas during periods of peace.
or he could only make
onward. The owners of this set of
Saint-Domingue had no peace from 1789 in the advent of a new nation.
isolated individuals, then, assisted helplessly
the external
of the coloniality in which they were submerged.
awareness
owned their bodies, their time and their
While the slaves' master legally
still had to conquer, to invade, to
space, in order to make them useful she/he colonial ideas and values. She
them and to inculcate in their minds
And
occupy
inroads in these areas during periods of peace.
or he could only make
onward. The owners of this set of
Saint-Domingue had no peace from 1789 in the advent of a new nation.
isolated individuals, then, assisted helplessly --- Page 208 ---
THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE OF HAITI 193
left to them in order to reactivate the plantation system
The only alternative
cohesive grouping.
was to exterminate the emerging
knowledge
springs from empomementoriented
National sovereignty
The sovereignty of a state does
and not from learning colonial regulations.
by its citizens in their
not fall on it like manna from heaven. It is experienced translates into political
internal sovereignty, and hence it
daily lives as an
and to defend its external
institutions equipped to establish, to negotiate,
sovereignty.
Of Freedom and Sovereignty
the planters of Saint-Domingue when
The ideas of secession evolved among
by French
of their slaves became imminent. The encroachment
the loss
the
to own slaves cannot be compared to
revolutionary legislators on
right
the clergy and the nobility. The
seizure of wealth owned by
their parallel
in the colonies. This strategic position
slaves represented labor as it operated
and the clergy lacked. The
granted them political leverage that the nobility without foreseeing a new
state could not involve them in its political conflicts
of their philosbetween capital and labor. By applying the progress
of
relation
lawmakers highlighted both the sovereignty
ophy to their slave colonies,
labor that structured the
state and the total dependence on slave
the imperial
intrusion in the colonial
ventures it sponsored overseas. Their inopportune crisis created by the assault
structure added to the severity of the
economic
on the Bastille.
abolition of slavery before forbidding the
Colonial France declared the
The causes and consequences
participation ofits nationals in the slave trade.
the British aboliwith those surrounding
ofthis measure are not comparable
end to the slave trade and then
tion. As would seem logical, the British put an
of economic structural
abolished slavery. A general emancipation unmindful "cultivators" was unlikely to
changes and of slave traders' rights to import
the victims of the trade to modify their behavior.
convince
blacks and mulâtres of Saint-Domingue, their parAs for the emancipated
the establishment of the republic was
ticipation in the struggle conducive to
in
that superseded
for the recognition of rights granted 1793
rooted in a quest
at the height oft the development ofslaverythe Code noir, which was enacted
vehemently the devolution of
These protesters demanded
based capitalism.
Revolution was precisely poised to
privileges rooted in a regime the 1789
destroy.
that at a time when France raised the banner
Itis therefore not surprising
to secure its primacy over any other
of popular sovereignty and was fighting intermediate groups, who shared
source of political power, in the colonies
ticipation in the struggle conducive to
in
that superseded
for the recognition of rights granted 1793
rooted in a quest
at the height oft the development ofslaverythe Code noir, which was enacted
vehemently the devolution of
These protesters demanded
based capitalism.
Revolution was precisely poised to
privileges rooted in a regime the 1789
destroy.
that at a time when France raised the banner
Itis therefore not surprising
to secure its primacy over any other
of popular sovereignty and was fighting intermediate groups, who shared
source of political power, in the colonies --- Page 209 ---
194 JEAN CASIMIR
brandished the SOVworldview as the grands planteurs,
the same mercantilist
their political objective.
ereignty of the state-and not that of the people-as common to underand
it had been
Since the time of pirates
privateers,
its dominion
the hold of a state over a territory,
stand sovereignty as being
for
From 1789 onwards, with
the local
being taken granted.
over
population
structure, this traditional
of
sovereignty in the political
the eruption popular
institutionalized power. But it is preaspect became secondary in designing
brandished as their conwhat the colonial authorities and the oligarchy
cisely
tribution to republicanism.
oligarchy and
bourgeoisie, the Saint-Domingue
Unlike the metropolitan
themselves to the nobility by endorsing
colonial authorities did not oppose
the grievances of the
the claims of the popular classes. In their journey,
some legitMisérables and sans-culottes oft the colony-recovered
masses-les
They did not offer a portion
imacy only belatedly and all too opportunistically
but to defend republicanism
of their assets to achieve popular sovereignty,
back in the face of the
France. Moreover, rather than holding
and imperial
and oft the lobby of royalist planters, they enantirepublican rise of Bonaparte
Their "national" idenlisted in the expeditionary army to pursue their policy.
and the Republic.
them the need to choose between the Consulate
tity spared
before Sonthonax's 1793 proclamation endorsed
The persons emancipated
after the civil commissioners were
the demand for abolition of slavery only
the surrender of the
obliged to resort to this measure in order to prevent Ardouin attest to their
enemies. Thomas Madiou and Beaubrun
colony to its
after the 1793 procto full equality with the persons emancipated
down
opposition
a wild bull that ended up knocking
lamation.? 20 "The people had been
to civilize it and to make it
his master," Madiou argued. "[The point was
sociable.' n21
revolutions did not belong to the same family
The French and the Haitian
the
to the second
and to conceive of the first one as
inspiration
of events,
to the history of mankind,
one does not do justice to the latter's contribution in worldwide political
namely to the enthronement of popular sovereignty
of republican deThe state in Haiti has not yet reached this stage
structure.
recovered from the fall inflicted upon it by the
velopment, since it has not yet
"felt
the
from the elite, " Madiou continued,
deeply
wild bull: "Few men, even
freedom and independence,
principles of 1789, which however had produced
affected their way of
the traditions ofthe Ancien Régime had hardly
because
living. n22 Similarly, Ardouin argued:
and Pétion] resolved to continue to
In the meantime, they [Dessalines
who, by the contention of their
fight the chiefs of the maroon insurgents
the fall inflicted upon it by the
velopment, since it has not yet
"felt
the
from the elite, " Madiou continued,
deeply
wild bull: "Few men, even
freedom and independence,
principles of 1789, which however had produced
affected their way of
the traditions ofthe Ancien Régime had hardly
because
living. n22 Similarly, Ardouin argued:
and Pétion] resolved to continue to
In the meantime, they [Dessalines
who, by the contention of their
fight the chiefs of the maroon insurgents --- Page 210 ---
THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE OF HAITI 195
serious embarrassment for the realization
priority in the fight, would be a
it will be seen that it had been
Indeed,
oft these projects (ofindependence).'
rid of some of them, because
to submit them by force or get
necessary
an African tribe, and would only
each of them somehow represented
to this barbaric manner."
think ofc organizing the insurgency according
colony was not
It follows that the basic policy of the besieged republican of the
the well-being of the people or
general
oriented toward promoting
of the state as defined at
population, but toward rescuing the sovereignty
of 1804 acknowlof modern mercantilism. The victorious oligarchs
the peak
of France and they endorsed its civilizing misedged the right of conquest
made "[ojn behalf of the Black
sion. The first declaration of independence,
1803), was the first
of Saint-Domingue" (November 29,
and Colored people
oligarchs of Haiti.
political statement of the Eurocentric
Code noir itself and the causes of
The grudge of the captives targeted the
and the emanand their enslavement. For the white planters
their captivity
to human rights could lead to a kind
cipated, republican progress relating
to house arrest and conduof limited freedom for former slaves comparable
of the right
of
salaried work. The prerogatives
cive to some form perpetual
could override those of private
of the sovereignty of the state,
of conquest,
the king (read, the state), original owner ofthe
ownership, a favor granted by
which he authorized the use of slaves.
territory on
of Saint-Domingue was captive.
In contrast, almost the entire population
whole. General freedom,
Captivity and enslavement formed an inseparable
safeguarding the
grace, equaled general liberation,
seen as a metropolitan
that is, his/her right to use and abuse
political primacy of the conquistador,
voluntary act of emanciincluding slaves. This gratuitous,
his/her property,
desired, as the inhabitants of the French
pation could be repealed when it SO
Antilles were not allowed to forget.
closely, should be conexamined more
The 1793 general emancipation,
in spite ofi its pompous preamceived as a sum ofindividual emancipations, free and equal in their rights. " If
ble: "Human beings are born and remain
house arrest. There could not
it were not SO, it would not be compatible with
in the colony, irrespective
or an assembly of citizens
be a "sovereign people"
encroach on state rights, that is, on la
of the letter of a law, that could not
raison d'état.
the
of conquest they acquired on NovemWithin the restraints of right
abolition of slavery and retain the
oligarchs could endorse the
ber 19, 1803,
to "national" economy. In the minds
captivity of the labor force as essential
servants could conof indentured
of the oligarchs, the lifelong engagement
would not be compatible with
in the colony, irrespective
or an assembly of citizens
be a "sovereign people"
encroach on state rights, that is, on la
of the letter of a law, that could not
raison d'état.
the
of conquest they acquired on NovemWithin the restraints of right
abolition of slavery and retain the
oligarchs could endorse the
ber 19, 1803,
to "national" economy. In the minds
captivity of the labor force as essential
servants could conof indentured
of the oligarchs, the lifelong engagement --- Page 211 ---
196 JEAN CASIMIR
ofToussaint Louverture, and the "newly
tinue the agrarian authoritarianism themselves thanks to a "contract" they had to
freed" persons could imprison
sign but could not negotiate." 24
amounted to total control of the
Political power in the slave plantation
managed to transform
population by the conqueror. If such power
working
became a substitute
existence, emancipation
captivity into an unavoidable
the state in the liberation process.
for freedom, obscuring the role played by
of its character as a natural
Freedom as a favor of the sovereign was deprived
right.
defined themselves, though, according to
Captives and former captives
from which they were removed and
another framework based on the world
goal of the
The selfimposed
insisted on re-creating.
that they stubbornly
normal
oflife for the subordinate
conqueror was to turn captivity into a
way identified this subterfuge
and to embed his or her freedom in this jail. Vastey
of the country's independent life.
at the very beginning
had ofl his omnipotence, as soon
But irrespective of the idea the sovereign
la raison d'état to justify his
he had to brandish his right of conquest or
as
that beyond the borders of his omnipotence, anbehavior, he acknowledged
defied him and that his primary task
other power (i.e., another sovereignty),
itself through the pothis alternative force from expressing
was to prevent
litical ladder.
their enslavement as normal, they
As long as the captives did not accept
their concern. They
for themselves what was of
upheld the right to decide
and make use of their individual sovercould thus rely on their own wills
in the slave gangs
consolidated their autonomy
eignty. By sO doing, they
like themselves, and advanced
within specific groups of accomplices, captive
maintaining their intowards the sovereignty of a whole community. By
they issued a
as free and autonomous human beings,
dependent memory
of the whole population. This is suggested
widespread demand on behalf
beliefs and the construction of a
by Madiou, who juxtaposed the "vaudoux"
national outlook at the very beginning ofthe struggle:
freedom from 1791 to 1794, the vaudoux had greatly
During the wars of
slave, exciting their fanaticism
contributed to the success ofthe insurgent black and enjoying all the
to the highest degree.. The masses being
and with them
on all sides,
civil and political rights, were gaining ground
their roots.
that were in fact Guinean, were strengthening
their manners
of the
more or less, were in
Half-breeds, who formed a tenth
population
manners,
identical to the Blacks in respect to their
large number almost
to their habits and their aspirations."
1 to 1794, the vaudoux had greatly
During the wars of
slave, exciting their fanaticism
contributed to the success ofthe insurgent black and enjoying all the
to the highest degree.. The masses being
and with them
on all sides,
civil and political rights, were gaining ground
their roots.
that were in fact Guinean, were strengthening
their manners
of the
more or less, were in
Half-breeds, who formed a tenth
population
manners,
identical to the Blacks in respect to their
large number almost
to their habits and their aspirations." --- Page 212 ---
PEOPLE OF HAITI 197
THE SOVEREIGN
Conclusion
from the Poulard nation, ' Rebecca Scott
In their seminal article on "Rosalie
husband, Michel Vincent, a white
and Jean Hébrard tell us how Rosalie's
de Cuba before the
from the town of Abricots, having to flee to Santiago
man
declared her his slave in order to facilarrival of the Armée Indigène in 1803,
from the conflict. 275 These histhe
ofhis family and to protect it
itate crossing
not
a captive of a Saint-Domingue
torians show us that Rosalie was
simply
clearly that she owed her
the French state. They establish
colonist or even of
world and that her personal freedom, regardless
chains to the entire Western
favor of"the White public. 28
ofthe cost she had to pay for it, remained a
in the real world.
seeded new categories
s
The colonial plantation compound
slaves, "whites" and "blacks." It
It invented freed persons and modern-day world working without these
accomplished the feat oft transforming a plural
and whiteness and opcategories into a binomial one that merged freedom it converted the freedthem to slavery and blackness. In the process,
black.
posed
and the mulâtre into a first-class
man into a second-class person
the black slaves, into the colonial society
The integration of the strangers,
of creolization. But it is useful to
is usually studied as an inevitable process dévoilé, the repugnance and the
note, in reading Vastey's Le système colonial
became accustomed to
with which the aliens being kept in captivity
disgust
29 And itis comforting to remember that, accompaduring their enslavement.?
also the codification of what Boavennying their descent into hell, there was
de Sousa Santos identifies as a new kind olflosenlidleempmeme,
tura
can see how painful and how bitter it
When we put these together, we
future in
helplessly in
have been to realize that there was no
living
must
Through this burial into eninfinite disgrace and in adjusting to disrespect.
oneself from
will to extricate
forced destitution emerged a non-negotiable nou viv lib, swa nou mouri), as
which explains "live free or die" (swa
calamity,
Pierre-as well as the inescapable dilemma
translated pointedly by Jacques
means available. 30
ofhaving to create this life beyond the inadequate
of the
destitution of the incoming individuals was a product
The naked
this intensive commerce
slave trade and its sponsors. In Saint-Domingue, a mass of aliens whose
delivered a few years before general insurrection Hence, in 1804 a culturally
of creolization could not be completed.
process
autonomous and responsible for its destiny.
fragmented population became
these individuals enContrary to the Eurocentric segment ofthe population,
dowed themselves with a voice of their own.
its global vision,
world extending and consolidating
Facing a Western
in their singularity, hopelessly vulnerHaiti and the divided Haitians stood,
surrounding them, their only
able. Their only shelter in the hostile world
In Saint-Domingue, a mass of aliens whose
delivered a few years before general insurrection Hence, in 1804 a culturally
of creolization could not be completed.
process
autonomous and responsible for its destiny.
fragmented population became
these individuals enContrary to the Eurocentric segment ofthe population,
dowed themselves with a voice of their own.
its global vision,
world extending and consolidating
Facing a Western
in their singularity, hopelessly vulnerHaiti and the divided Haitians stood,
surrounding them, their only
able. Their only shelter in the hostile world --- Page 213 ---
198 JEAN CASIMIR
the future, remained the
and of forecasting
place of rational accountability
dominant, and, from
community they had built outside a dependent,
peer
ofview, totally uncontrollable system.
their point
the sovereignty of the French people
While the 1789 Revolution imposed
Haitian
of
the wars of
indepenin opposition to the divine right kingship,
but rather the invention
dence were not the exploits of a preexisting people, Its existence and its SOVof this people as an expression of their sovereignty. And the Haitian, as an individual,
ereignty generated each other reciprocally. Outside of it, she or he is a prisoner
defined her- or himself in this totality.
the black in the sense that
of the definition of colonial worker, the Nègre, or the stranger, the excepaffixed to this term, that is, the servant,
modernity
tion, at best.
ofl Haiti would have been a waterThe proclamation oft the independence
nation. In that case, the
shed ifit were a statement made by a preexisting the moment of the crebreak with the colonial empire would have become
of the nation-state
state: independence and sovereignty
ation of a national
But since the course of the events proved
would have been one and the same.
to the detriment ofthe
to be careful not to exult 1804
different, it is necessary
sovereign people and civil society.
colonial
compound
Looking for this sovereignty, I revisited the
plantation circumstances at
difficulties within the historical
and showed its operational
areas of autonomy remained
the end of the eighteenth century. Important
the
country
the
and they only expanded as metropolitan
available to captives,
The instrumentation of these
tried to solve its uncontrollable emergencies. of the captives in the colony
the presence
areas of autonomy strengthened
ethnic group anxious to express
and accelerated their mutation into a single
its will to live freely.
the result of the union between
To conceive of the Haitian Revolution as
invented by the modto subordinate it to the categories
blacks and mulâtresis
and to enslave the "sons
world to justify its rights to conquer
ern Western
of 1804 as the first successful slave
of Ham." > It is hardly better to conceive
did not define themselves
"slaves" proved that they
revolution. Revolutionary in this manner is to search for this revolution
as such. To initiate reflection
lease on life to the beliefs of
outside its own premises and to inject a new
to recover
insisted in dealing in slaves and who tried desperately
those who
them through armed conflicts.
and driven out of the colony only
The truth is that France was defeated there. And to establish their suEurocentric Haitians stayed
in appearance.
have continued to strive to cancel the most imporpremacy, they strove and
Revolution to the history ofhumanity, namely
tant contribution ofthe French
structure.
the advent oft the sovereign people in the political
revolution
as such. To initiate reflection
lease on life to the beliefs of
outside its own premises and to inject a new
to recover
insisted in dealing in slaves and who tried desperately
those who
them through armed conflicts.
and driven out of the colony only
The truth is that France was defeated there. And to establish their suEurocentric Haitians stayed
in appearance.
have continued to strive to cancel the most imporpremacy, they strove and
Revolution to the history ofhumanity, namely
tant contribution ofthe French
structure.
the advent oft the sovereign people in the political --- Page 214 ---
PEOPLE OF HAITI 199
THE SOVEREIGN
of these events (from Abbé Grégoire
Several intellectuals contemporary
were able to depart from the
in France to Vastey in the Haitian universe)
and African "savideas relating to the gap between European civilization results obtained by structhe difference between the
agery" and to recognize
and virtues of the individuals who comtured communities and the rights
the advent of an independent
them. The revolution of 1804, defined as
texts,
pose
those rights in its laws, even in its constitutional
state, chose to violate
but most blatantly in its agricultural regulations.
of Haiti without
Ihave tried to establish that to speak ofthe independence
is to delude oneself.
paying attention to popular sovereignty
Notes
colonial dévoilé (Cap Henry: Chez Roux,
Valentin Vastey, Le système
1. Pompée
de la liberté (Paris: Éditions de l'École, 1972).
1814); Jean Fouchard, Les marrons
(Paris: Presses Universitaires
Claude Meillassoux, Anthropologie de Tesclavage
2.
de France, Quadrige, 1986).
de M. Moreau, dit Saint-Méry,
Julien Raimond, Réponse aux considérations
3.
surles colonies (Paris: Imprimerie du Patriote Français,
député à Vassemblée nationale,
1791), 2.
Haiti: The Saint-Domingue Revolution from
Carolyn E. Fick, The Making of
4The University of" Tennessee Press, 1990).
Below (Knoxville:
les
de la révolution et des guerres civiles
Pompée Valentin Vastey, Essai sur causes
concer5-
sur
ouvrages et journaux français
d'Hayiti, faisant suite aux réflexions quelques
(Sans-Souci: Imprimerie Royale, 1819), 307.
nant Hayiti
nationale en Guadeloupe et en Martinique,
6. Alain-Philippe Blérald, La question
Phistoire
(Paris: L'Harmattan, 1988).
essai sur
politique
Economy with Some Other Applications to
7- John Stuart Mill, Principles of Political
2:243.
sth ed. (London: Parker, Son and Bourn, 1862),
Social Philosophy,
8. Code noir, art. 28.
(XVIle-XVIIle siècles)
Gabriel Debien, Les esclaves aux Antilles françaises
9.
Société d'Histoire de la Guadeloupe, 1974), 369.
(Fort-de France:
sur une lettre de MAZÈRES, ex-colon
Valentin Vastey, Réflexions
10. Pompée
de Sismondi, sur les noirs et les blancs, la civilifrançais, adressée à M.J.C.L. Sismonde
Chez P. Roux, Imprimeur du
sation de lafrique, le royaume d'Hayti; etc. (Cap Henry:
Roi, 1816).
11. Vastey, Réflexions sur une lettre.
Henri Deschamps/
Casimir, La Caraibe, une et divisible (Port-au-Prince:
12. Jean
latine et la Caraibe [CEPALC), 1991), 213.
Commission économique pour TAmérique
The Struggle against Slavery, 1627Hilary Beckles, Black Rebellion in Barbados:
13.
Publications, 1984); Blérard, La question nationale.
1838 (Barbados: Antilles
; etc. (Cap Henry:
Roi, 1816).
11. Vastey, Réflexions sur une lettre.
Henri Deschamps/
Casimir, La Caraibe, une et divisible (Port-au-Prince:
12. Jean
latine et la Caraibe [CEPALC), 1991), 213.
Commission économique pour TAmérique
The Struggle against Slavery, 1627Hilary Beckles, Black Rebellion in Barbados:
13.
Publications, 1984); Blérard, La question nationale.
1838 (Barbados: Antilles --- Page 215 ---
200 JEAN CASIMIR
14. Français Blancpain, La condition des paysans haitiens, du Code noir aux Codes
ruraux (Paris: Editions Karthala, 2003), 38.
15- Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie Jh. Courtois,
1847), 1:V.
16. Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Una epistemologia del sur (México: Siglo XXI y
CLACSO, 2009).
17- Sousa Santos, Una epistemologia.
18. Jean Casimir, Haiti et ses élites, l'interminable dialogue de sourds (Port-au-Prince:
Éditions de l'Université d'État d'Haîti, 2009), 30.
19. Mimerose O. Beaubrun, Nan domi, le récit d'une initiation vodou (La Roque
d'Anthéron: Vents d'ailleurs, 2010).
20. Beaubrun Ardouin, Etudes sur Phistoire d'Haiti (Paris: Dézobry et Magdeleine, 1853), 5:275.
21. Madiou, Histoire, 7:111.
22. Ibid., 5:103.
23. Ardouin, Etudes, 5:261.
24. Casimir, La Caraibe, 47
25. Vastey, Réflexions sur une lettre, 74.
26. Madiou, Histoire, 5:107.
27. Rebecca Scott and Jean Hébrard, "Servitude, liberté et citoyenneté dans le
monde atlantique des XVIII et XIXe siècles: Rosalie de nation Poulard," Revue de la
Société Haitienne d'Histoire et de Géographie No. 234 (July-September 2008): 1-52.
28. Vastey, Réflexions sur une lettre, 74.
29. Vastey, Le système colonial dévoilé.
30. Jacques Pierre, "L'acte d'indépendance d'Haiti en créole haitien,' Journal of
Haitian Studies 17, no. 2 (2011): 169.
IXe siècles: Rosalie de nation Poulard," Revue de la
Société Haitienne d'Histoire et de Géographie No. 234 (July-September 2008): 1-52.
28. Vastey, Réflexions sur une lettre, 74.
29. Vastey, Le système colonial dévoilé.
30. Jacques Pierre, "L'acte d'indépendance d'Haiti en créole haitien,' Journal of
Haitian Studies 17, no. 2 (2011): 169. --- Page 216 ---
Haitian Independence
Thinking
in Haitian Vodou
LAURENT DUBOIS
mean for the nation's population in 1804
What did Haitian independence
up of a majority
and in the next decades? How did this population-made
its meanof African-born individuals-interpret
of ex-slaves and a majority
networks, and economic
ing, and its possibilities, as they built communities,
structures on the ashes ofthe plantation system? answer. And there is a
These are, of course, quite difficult questions to
that highabout the proclamation of Haitian independence
basic ambiguity
in French, in a form ostensibly dilights why. The proclamation was issued read, in fact, as a long letter from
rected at the Haitian population. It can be
evidence that it
Dessalines to his people. And yet there is strong
inside the
Jean-Jacques
for outside ears and eyes than for those
was largely intended more
much hoping that outsiders
Dessalines, it could be said, was very
country.
with the Haitian population.
would listen in to his conversation
the pamphlet-sized
What we know about its disecmination-including that, thanks to Julia Gaffield,
declaration
format of the government-printed the existence of a number of handwritwe now have access to, as well as tailored for mailing or easy transportten copies that seem to have been
make sure the document was
that there was a clear intention to
was
suggests
outside of Haiti. This, as Deborah Jenson argues,
read and circulated
of the early Haitian leadership."
indeed one of the primary preoccupations written in French and to our knowledge
The document was, furthermore,
until
officially into Creole at the time, or indeed anytime
never translated
with the
on the part of
twentieth
2 That contrasts
practices
the late
century.?
of Bonaparte's 1802 mission,
French commissioners in 1793, as well as those
Creole. The discovinto
both of which took care to translate proclamations
Gaffield, however,
publication of the proclamation by
ery of a large-format
leaders did make an effort-as
does suggest that the early independence
the declaration available in
Léger-Félicité Sonthonax did in 1793-to make
3 But Commisto distribute it in the countryside."
public spaces or perhaps
twentieth
2 That contrasts
practices
the late
century.?
of Bonaparte's 1802 mission,
French commissioners in 1793, as well as those
Creole. The discovinto
both of which took care to translate proclamations
Gaffield, however,
publication of the proclamation by
ery of a large-format
leaders did make an effort-as
does suggest that the early independence
the declaration available in
Léger-Félicité Sonthonax did in 1793-to make
3 But Commisto distribute it in the countryside."
public spaces or perhaps --- Page 217 ---
202 LAURENT DUBOIS
of various proclamations were published in
sioner Sonthonax's publications
that literate members of
Creole and in poster-sized formats, presumably SO
to transmit the incould read them aloud to others in order
communities
them. There was, in other words, a well-known precedent
formation within
to make sure that official informawithin Saint-Domingue for taking steps
that took into consideration the
tion was shared with the population in a way
Haitian leaders do
contexts at work. Yet Dessalines and the early
linguistic
availed themselves ofthese approaches.
not seem to have
is worth
and debating. The
The question of why they did not
exploring is often the case, the best
perhaps also, as
most cynical interpretation-and Casimir when we were teaching about
one- was suggested to me by Jean
Leclerc, and others needed the althis period in 2010. Sonthonax, General
Dessalines and his
legiance of the black population if they were to survive.
and the
did not need them in the same way after independence,
leadership
is just part of a larger set of exclusionary poexclusionary linguistic gesture
There are somewhat uncomfortlitical gestures they took during this period.
Pierre pointed out
Haitian politics: as Jacques
able parallels in contemporary
after his election, he had spoken Creole
in an open letter to Michel Martelly
once he was elected, immewhen he was campaigning and then,
constantly
diately switched to English and French.
absence of
however, another way to read this
Creole-language
There is,
elite that created this document was fully
versions of the text. The political
Within Haiti itself,
between French and Creole languages.
bicultural, moving
likely took place the way such documents
the transmission of the declaration
Americas and Europe at the end of
were often disseminated throughout the
nineteenth: through manucentury and the beginning oft the
the eighteenth
of one such contemporary copy at Duke
script copies. The recent acquisition
of what such internal transmisUniversity gives us an important example been written down by someone
looked like: it seems to have
sion probably
of French but also recourse to Creole-inflected phowith a good knowledge
transcribed based on a
of some words and names, probably
netic spellings
directly. In other words, while
reading of the document rather than copied
sought recourse in the
French officials like Étienne Polverel and Sonthonax
documents, the leaders of postindependence
publication of Creole-language
in and depended upon forms of
Haiti might have simply had confidence
their country's multilingual
embedded within
circulation and transmission
and textually layered space. 5
within Haiti is a complex one, discussed
The question of the role of text
volume. focus in this essay,
ways in the other essays of this
My
in interesting
related question: how might we
however, is on a slightly different though did in fact mean to Haitians during
begin to reconstruct what independence
Polverel and Sonthonax
documents, the leaders of postindependence
publication of Creole-language
in and depended upon forms of
Haiti might have simply had confidence
their country's multilingual
embedded within
circulation and transmission
and textually layered space. 5
within Haiti is a complex one, discussed
The question of the role of text
volume. focus in this essay,
ways in the other essays of this
My
in interesting
related question: how might we
however, is on a slightly different though did in fact mean to Haitians during
begin to reconstruct what independence --- Page 218 ---
THINKING HAITIAN
INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 203
the early nineteenth
the
century? Just as the broad exclusion
part ofs slaves during the colonial and
from writing on
challenges for those seeking to
revolutionary periods creates broad
slaved, the structures of early reconstruct the political ideologies of the ensilences in the historical record. nineteenth-century Haiti also create
In prior work, I have tried to
yawning
techniques for dealing with this type of
develop some
historical contexts-in the Caribbean
problem-one common to many
In some ways,
during Age of Revolution.s
early Haitian history
For the colonial and
presents even greater challenges.
of what
revolutionary period, the now
Ranajit Guha
well-established
described as "reading
strategy
sources offers many
against the grain" of imperial
period is not
opportunities for historical work. 7 The
a lack of
problem in this
and even somewhat banal documentation-far from it-but a rather
one of texts largely
simpler
the war. Even that is too much of a
emanating from one side of
riod there was plenty of internal conflict simplification, for during the colonial peenough to
within the colonial
produce court cases, reports, and various first-hand administration,
multiply our perspectives on slave society. And the
accounts that
created a new context that also
Haitian Revolution itself
gent voices, even ifthey
produced a new archive, one in which insurother side, nevertheless remained much rarer than those produced from the
in the massive archives multiplied. There is still much research to be done
generated by these
With Haitian
revolutionary transformations.
independence came a kind of consolidation of a
ofinsurgent voice into the official language oft the
certain type
son has explored SO richly, Dessalines
new state. As Deborah Jenerful,
and other early leaders
epochal, at times messianic
created a powthe broader world. The
language that articulated Haiti's mission to
Declaration of
which also included the works of
Independence was part of this corpus,
decades. That
Baron de Vastey and others in
corpus of course in many ways did seek
subsequent
nel the broader aspirations ofthe
to represent and chanthe context of the consolidation Haitian population. But it also took placein
ofp power structures
ofa broadly militarized and authoritarian set
the
engaged in an intense internal conflict with
country over the meaning of freedom and the
many within
and economic forms it should take. This
particular social, political,
structured by an opposition between conflict was, in the broadest terms,
dependence. One of these,
two models for how to consolidate inpursued
state
consistently though not
leadership, saw the maintenance of the
exclusively by
best-and perhaps only-solution. The
plantation as essentially the
Casimir has called the
other, constructed around what Jean
"counterplantation"
tion of an autonomous cultural
system, focused on the construcscale
and economic space on the basis of
farming (for a mix of internal
smalllished through the lakou
consumption and export) often estabsystem, which organized individual
ownership of
,
dependence. One of these,
two models for how to consolidate inpursued
state
consistently though not
leadership, saw the maintenance of the
exclusively by
best-and perhaps only-solution. The
plantation as essentially the
Casimir has called the
other, constructed around what Jean
"counterplantation"
tion of an autonomous cultural
system, focused on the construcscale
and economic space on the basis of
farming (for a mix of internal
smalllished through the lakou
consumption and export) often estabsystem, which organized individual
ownership of --- Page 219 ---
204 LAURENT DUBOIS
that were then integrated into a rich
land within larger family compounds
network of internal markets.' 10
model, while itself at
The archive of the Haitian state and its plantation and is garnering inand scattered, is relatively accessible
times fragmented
and extensive legal
creasing attention by historians. Itincludes proclamations ofvisitors and
by the writings
codes (such as the Code Henry) supplemented
system, however, is
correspondents. The archive of the "counterplantation
a bit like
hidden. We might think of it, metaphorically, as being
much more
Trouillot famously argued might be
the corpse of Sans-Souci Michel-Rolph Palace." It is present, of course,
buried under the ruins of the Sans-Souci
to shape life in
social and cultural institutions that continue
in long-term
It makes its way into the other archives-whether
the Haitian countryside.
from travelers' accounts or in the traces
through bits and pieces we can glean
with forms ofland
it left in Haitian legal codes in their complex engagement
that of
and labor. But it is also present in another corpus:
use, land tenure,
that makes up the largest body of Creolethe massive archive ofVodou songs
that I turn in the rest of this
material in Haiti. It is to that corpus
language
essay.
Vodou number in the tens of thousands and comThe songs of Haitian
transformation and invention.
texts with frequent
bine long-transmitted
but also have, over the centuries, become
They are sung in ritual contexts
traditions-notably the "trabapart of a number of other Haitian musical sometimes at Vodou ceremodour" music played mostly in rural areas and
probably the
Among other things, they can be considered
nies themselves.
literature in existence. Recent collections
largest corpus of Creole-language
attention to the importance
and studies of song have brought increasing Vodou, scholars Colin (Joan)
of this group of texts. 12 And in their work on
have all offered examBrown, and Karen Richman
Dayan, Karen McCarthy
historical experience and allow for the
ples ofhow such songs both condense conflicts.' 13
articulation of current social and political
with
these songs are, of course, to be approached
As texts about history
only, or even chiefly, as historical
caution. They should not be approached
usefully thought of as a kind
relics or artifacts and in fact are probably more
and spiritual referthough constituted through elliptical
of history-writing,
however, also requires thinking differently
ences. Reading them in this way,
In doing SO we can
about what we consider as theorization or historicity.
of Kenneth
the classic work of Richard Price, and more recently
build on
for the use ofc oral history and musiBilby, who have made clear the potential
cal texts as sources for Caribbean history." Vansina-have long grappled
Africanist scholars-most famously Jan
as well as musical
the
of how to use sources of oral history,
with
question
and spiritual referthough constituted through elliptical
of history-writing,
however, also requires thinking differently
ences. Reading them in this way,
In doing SO we can
about what we consider as theorization or historicity.
of Kenneth
the classic work of Richard Price, and more recently
build on
for the use ofc oral history and musiBilby, who have made clear the potential
cal texts as sources for Caribbean history." Vansina-have long grappled
Africanist scholars-most famously Jan
as well as musical
the
of how to use sources of oral history,
with
question --- Page 220 ---
INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 205
THINKING HAITIAN
ofhistory. In an essay about "court songs" in Portorepertoires, in the writing
with the question of whether
Novo and Abomey, Gilbert Rouget grapples But he falls back on a rather limthese texts can be considered "historical."
entail. Some songs, he
ited definition of what historical discourse might
kind," as if these
the historical kind, but of the religious
notes, "are not of
He explains that
and
are antithetical.
two modes of reflection
representation
style" that is "deliberarecount stories ofthe past in a "particular
many songs
s again suggesting that this somehow removes
tively allusive, even hermetic,"
reflection. Yet one might well describe
them from the realm of historical
"allusive"
literary, sung, or spoken-as
many works of history-academic,
often referring to historical data,
using images and proverbs,
texts, "mainly
content.' n In the end, Rouget perhaps
and sometimes having an anecdotal
reflection I think is necessary.
unwittingly invites us to precisely the kind of
indeed provide the hisand historical recitations
"Songs, chants, psalmodies,
of information, s he notes. "One
torian of Dahomey with many useful pieces
of
they create more
that in the actual state things
is tempted to say, however,
of
" however, is one in
than they solve.' " If the "actual state things,
the
problems
to find ways to write Haiti's history from perwhich we are still struggling
provide precisely the kinds
spective of its majority, then these songs perhaps
that may hold the key to new theorizing.'
of productive problems
in institutions, in particular the houmSongs are, of course, embedded
and initiate members
and lakou that carry out ceremonies
fou, or temple,
of song. Vodou is highly decentralized,
and therefore transmit the corpus
and shifting landscape.
work with a competitive
and religious practitioners
have laid claim to being the oldest in
A number of lakou around Gonaïves
of tradition. In a recent interview
Haiti and present themselves as guardians
and Claire Payton, for
Duke University students Eric Barstow
carried out by
the current head of Lakou Badjo, described
instance, Dorsainville Estimé,
era. The lakou was founded, he
the origins of the temple in the revolutionary
named Azo Badi. He was,
in 1792 by a personaj, or "personality,"
explained,
" Founded during the "colonial
Estimé explained, of the "first generation."
the colonists. 16
epoch," n the lakou worked as a way to "go against"
the
of Haitian
the lakou
a critical role in coming
In Estimé's S telling,
played
and deported,
After Toussaint Louverture was imprisoned
Estimé
independence.
came to meet with Azo Badi. Dessalines,
Jean-Jacques Dessalines
Badi.
came to an agreement, and from
explained, was a Nago, as was
They until he was able to win indepenthere, the lakou "accompanied Dessalines
dence" for Haiti.
the various figures involved in HaiDessalines has the distinction, among
of the pantheon of lwa
of having himself become part
tian independence,
in Vodou. The Vodou pantranslated as either "saints" or "gods")
(variously
came to meet with Azo Badi. Dessalines,
Jean-Jacques Dessalines
Badi.
came to an agreement, and from
explained, was a Nago, as was
They until he was able to win indepenthere, the lakou "accompanied Dessalines
dence" for Haiti.
the various figures involved in HaiDessalines has the distinction, among
of the pantheon of lwa
of having himself become part
tian independence,
in Vodou. The Vodou pantranslated as either "saints" or "gods")
(variously --- Page 221 ---
206 LAURENT DUBOIS
thousands, of different lwa who are largely
theon includes hundreds, even
with the name Ogou are lwa related
grouped into various families. Those
different forms. Some are heand the military, and they take many
to war,
and threatening. As such, as Karen Mcroic and dignified, others dangerous
forms represent the dual nature
Carthy Brown has argued, Ogou's various
can all too easily suppress
soldiers: forces of liberation, they
of the country's
freedom they are meant to defend. So it is
the possibilities of the Haitian
home in this family, where his
perhaps fitting that Dessalines has found a
embodied in
facets-hero and liberator, emperor and autocrat-are
many
of Vodou ritual. Indeed, he has literally
the music, dance, and possession
Desalin."
become a lwa himself, in the form of Ogou
lwa, Loko Atisou.
Dessalines is also linked in several songs to another
and Ezili,
less visible than figures like Ogou
As a lwa, Loko is in some ways
Hebblethwaite outlines it, he
but is at the core of the religion. As Benjamin
itself and serves
and with the priesthood
is associated with leaves, healing,
rite. Often attired in the
of different rites, including the Nago
in a number
to have played an important role in the
clothes of a general, he is considered
Haitian Revolution.' 18
and
in 1950, calls: "LanOne song collected by Milo Marcelin
published
o! Kle ounfo a nan men nou." 7 ("Oh Emperor Dessalines!
perè Desalin
hands.") And in another explored by Jacques
The temple keys are in your
Loko Atisou is linked both to
Roumain in his study on the assotor drum,
he is named here "Jean
Makandal and with Dessalines, though interestingly
with
below is perhaps an amalgam
Pierre Dessalines," which as I explore
the Haitian Revolution, that
another name brought upi in several songs about
celebrates the ongoIbo. This song, like a number of others,
of Jean-Pierre
itself through ceremony- "Ye
continuity and re-creation of the religion
meming
Vodoun." " ("Ye Vodou initiates :
ou kanni
Voudounsi . lanfamni,
It describes how Makandal
bers of the family, you give birth to Vodoun.") result was
and
but "didn't want to listen," and as a
captured
was warned,
the turn to a mention of Dessalines
killed. Though the reference is elliptical,
But the song also makes
also be a reference to his own assassination.
Loko
may
still walks: "Nou rive, Jan Pyè Desalin, / nou rive, onon
clear Dessalines
Pierre Dessalines, / we have arrived, in the
Atisou.' " ("We have arrived, Jean
name of Loko Atisou
and Loko, Dessalines is also
In addition to the associations with Ogou
military exlinked to other lwa. One song to Agwe recounts the general's
rete la,/1 Litirel kanon, se pou Agwel"
ploits: "Agwe Tawayo, Desalin o!/ - Desalin
here, /1 He fires the cannon,
("Agwe Tawayo, oh Dessalines!/ / Dessalines stays referenced in a song I discuss
it is for Agwel") The lwa Agwe Tawayo, also
being incorporated dicase of African place-names
below, is an interesting
also
In addition to the associations with Ogou
military exlinked to other lwa. One song to Agwe recounts the general's
rete la,/1 Litirel kanon, se pou Agwel"
ploits: "Agwe Tawayo, Desalin o!/ - Desalin
here, /1 He fires the cannon,
("Agwe Tawayo, oh Dessalines!/ / Dessalines stays referenced in a song I discuss
it is for Agwel") The lwa Agwe Tawayo, also
being incorporated dicase of African place-names
below, is an interesting --- Page 222 ---
INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 207
THINKING HAITIAN
since the name can be roughly translated "Agwe
rectly into the ritual context,
in the era of the slave
in Oyo," referring to an important African kingdom
trade. 20
to independence is one
One of the better-known Vodou songs relating discussed by Colin Dayan. "Desthat was written down in 1901 and has been
he is bringing," a Haitian
salines is coming to the north / Come see what
is bringing musinvites. "He is bringing a ouanga nouveau /1 he
Vodou song
He is bringing cannons to chase away the
kets, he is bringing bullets
is somewhat elliptical, opening up
whites." " Like many Vodou songs, this one
In Haitian Vodou,
of both emotional and interpretive possibilities.
an
a range
though not unproblematically: as "fetish"-is
translated,
a ouanga-often
The song might be suggesting that
object that condenses spiritual power.
in the muskets, bullets,
power resides in his weapons:
Dessalines's spiritual
from the whites. Yet there is something more
and cannon that will free Haiti
in this song is particularly striking.
here too: the presence of a "new" ouanga invented a new kind of spiritual
The song hints that Dessalines might have
leadership has created a pothat the combination of guns and moral
power:
foundation for the creation of a new order.?1
tent new weapon, the
is far from unanimous in its evocaInterestingly, the Vodou song corpus
alongside celeoffering counter-narratives and critiques
tion of Dessalines,
Odette Mennesson-Rigaud heard and
brations. In the 1950S, anthropologist
which is in papers now housed
transcribed a different version of this song,
In
Haîtienne des Pères du Saint-Esprit in Port-au-Prince.
in the Bibliothèque
different position: not as a liberator of the
it, Dessalines emerges in a very
within it: the Ibo nation. "Descountry but as a threat to one particular group
it recalls. The line is
salines came from France, / carrying a ouanga nouveau, refers to the period during
striking-Desalinest from France?-but probably
time, on
Revolution when the founder fought, for a significant
the Haitian
What is the purpose of the
the side of the French against other insurgents. the
on, though, it
"To kill Jean-Pierre Ibo." As song goes
ouanga in this song?
of one man but an entire people:
presents Dessalines as the enemy not just
mother's nation / to kill my
he has come "to kill the Ibo nation / to kill my
father's nation.' n22
is that it offers up figures,
One of the values of the Vodou song corpus who are not present in
as actors during the Haitian Revolution,
presented
of] Jean-Pierre Ibo appears in several songs.
other types of sources. The figure
individual. But it may also serve as
Perhaps this is a reference to a particular
swath of the population at
or amalgam, of a broader
a kind of condensation,
Ibo, or perhaps even more broadly
the time ofthe war of independence-thel
as the enemy of
Jean-Pierre Ibo is not always presented
the African-born.
evokes the struggle for indeDessalines. Indeed, in one song that powerfully
as actors during the Haitian Revolution,
presented
of] Jean-Pierre Ibo appears in several songs.
other types of sources. The figure
individual. But it may also serve as
Perhaps this is a reference to a particular
swath of the population at
or amalgam, of a broader
a kind of condensation,
Ibo, or perhaps even more broadly
the time ofthe war of independence-thel
as the enemy of
Jean-Pierre Ibo is not always presented
the African-born.
evokes the struggle for indeDessalines. Indeed, in one song that powerfully --- Page 223 ---
208 LAURENT DUBOIS
allies. Here is the version of this song
pendence, they are presented as tight
presented by Max Beauvoir:
Dousouman, Gangan O dousouman
Jan Pyè Ibo, Lamperè Desalin O.
Péyi sa a pa pou blan
Péyi sa pou nèg li ye, tande.2
This can be translated
Gently, oungan, 0 gently
Jean-Pierre Ibo, Emperor Dessalines O
This land is not for the whites
This land is for the whites, you hear?"
version of the song was sung to me by Erol Josué, a
A slightly different
have been collaboratively studying and
musician and oungan with whom I
He described it to me
about Vodou song for the past fifteen years.
of
writing
and offered a slightly altered set
as a Kongo song from the Artibonite,
/ An alé!" ("This land is not for
lines: "Péyi-a pa pou blan / Se péyi nèg ginen
In his telling, the final
the whites /It's the land of the Africans /1 Let's go!")
of
by a literal charge on the part
charge of the song-which is accompanied
articulation of a demand for
when it is sung-is quite cleari in its
the dancers
for the whites /It is the land of the blacks
independence: "This land is not
be sung today
As Josué told me, the same song might
from Africa / Let's go!"
threat to the community and
of "invaders" seen as a
directed at new groups
kind of historical amalgam, placing the
the nation. The song is obviously a
More imDessalines in the midst of the war of independence.
"Emperor"
to evoke a kind of alliance between "Jean-Pierre
portant, however, it seems
Dessalines sought to kill-and HaiIbo"- the very one who in another song
the land.
founder in
of a clear project oft taking over
tis
pursuit
in the 1950S offers, in conAnother song collected by Mennesson-Rigaud and of the roles of both
densed form, a narrative of Haiti's independence, it. Here is the song as tranToussaint Louverture and Dessalines within
with my English translation.
scribed by Mennesson-Rigaud,
Dessalines Toro d'Haëti
Toussaint té mouri mal : 000
Li minm' pas pé mouri mal.
Dessalines Toro d'Haîti
clear project oft taking over
tis
pursuit
in the 1950S offers, in conAnother song collected by Mennesson-Rigaud and of the roles of both
densed form, a narrative of Haiti's independence, it. Here is the song as tranToussaint Louverture and Dessalines within
with my English translation.
scribed by Mennesson-Rigaud,
Dessalines Toro d'Haëti
Toussaint té mouri mal : 000
Li minm' pas pé mouri mal.
Dessalines Toro d'Haîti --- Page 224 ---
THINKING HAITIAN INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 209
Yacanbanda
Moin sans manman
Sans papa
Yo finn' touyé tout' race là
Yo pas touyé moin
Toussaint té mouri mal 000
Li minm pas pé mouri mal.
Dessalines sé Toro d'Haiti
Jour-là éh.
Parol'la té palé déjà
Dessalines Gangan
Parol'la té palé déjà
Toussaint died badly 000
He wasn't afraid to die badly.
Dessalines is the Bull of Haiti
Yacanbanda
I've got no mother
No father
They tried to kill my whole race
They didn't kill me
Toussaint died badly . 000
He wasn't afraid to die badly.
Dessalines is the Bull of Haiti
That day
This has been said before
Dessalines is an oungan
This has been said before
This might be the best, or at least most powerful, briefhistory of the final
phase of the Haitian Revolution available. It begins by evoking the death of
Louverture, dying "badly" but unafraid. And then, in the next line, condenses
the historical role played by Dessalines in taking over the struggle,
7)
becoming
the "Bull of Haiti. Yet the mention is also shadowed by a dark future: for if
they are powerful, bulls are also the great sacrificial offerings made to Ogou
in Haitian Vodou. Calling Dessalines a "bull" is also perhaps a way of reminding those who sing and hear this song that ultimately he was sacrificed,
quite literally chopped down and into pieces, not long after independence.
After vocalizing a bit of langaj-terms whose meaning is often hidden
and elliptical, presented as bits of African tongues-with the word "Yacanbanda, the song then turns into a more individual account. Being mother-
the mention is also shadowed by a dark future: for if
they are powerful, bulls are also the great sacrificial offerings made to Ogou
in Haitian Vodou. Calling Dessalines a "bull" is also perhaps a way of reminding those who sing and hear this song that ultimately he was sacrificed,
quite literally chopped down and into pieces, not long after independence.
After vocalizing a bit of langaj-terms whose meaning is often hidden
and elliptical, presented as bits of African tongues-with the word "Yacanbanda, the song then turns into a more individual account. Being mother- --- Page 225 ---
210 LAURENT DUBOIS
description of the condition of the
less and fatherless was, of course, a good
Haiti. Though in
African-born slaves who were everywhere in independent
here
also be linked to the war, which is summed up
this case the loss might
final phases of the Haitian War
in what is probably a reference to the brutal
The singer, though, is
"They tried to kill my whole race.
of Independence:
outlived both Louverture and Dessalines, who
a survivor, the one who has
been said before, n is a reminder that
their sacrifices. "This has
can recount
that has been and will continue to be
the song is an old one, the story is one the
is sung by an oungan who
when song
repeated. And, potently-especially
venerable
statement
himselfin some way in a
lineage-the
therefore places
in some sense the original oungan,
that Dessalines was an oungan, perhaps
"bull" of the country.
what it means for him to the
helps to deepen
evoke what was perhaps the most overSuch songs, of course, powerfully
that of violent loss. The
riding experience of the period of independence:
registered in Vodou,
disease, and disruption clearly
cataclysm ofwar, hunger,
which to respond, process, and heal.
which also became a space through
in fact, described an inciobserver Michel-Etienne Descourtilz,
The French
fruit, meat, fish, milk, and other
dent in 1803 in which worshippers carrying in the Artibonite Plain. A call
food gathered around an ancient mapou tree
who was fightout from the priests in the area: their "great god,
had gone
had been wounded in the war. He
ing for their prosperity and their liberty"
and women harfood and medicine to help him heal. And SO men
needed
could to the mapou tree, "happy to be
vested, cooked, and brought what they
and a half later,
something for their divinity." In 1949, a century
able to do
Vodou
calling on a Iwa
recorded a song in a
ceremony
Mennesson-Rigaud
in the war.' n26
named Danhi, who had been "wounded
with broader
of specific loss coexist in the Vodou corpus
These traces
by exile from Africa. A number
reflections on the larger loss represented
for independence within a
of songs resituate the history of Haiti's struggle that begin not in Haiti but
larger historical and cultural epic. These are songs
of a much
speak to the struggles of the slaves as part
Africa and elliptically
broader creation of a new culture.
references to Africa, both in the form
Vodou songs include many kinds of
and in the evocation of speGuinen to which the dead return
of an ancestral
Central Africa. One funerary song, for incific place names within West and
There are many
calls: "M'ap ale Upembal" ("Im going to Upemba!")
catestance,
both as a place and a broader
references more broadly to the "Congo"
for instance, a slave
of Africanness. In one particularly powerful song, the
"Look
gory
the Atlantic to the roua-yo-the kings-of Congo:
pleads across
These songs also at times take up the comat what they are doing to mel"
creoles (born in the colony) and
plex cultural and social interplay between
for incific place names within West and
There are many
calls: "M'ap ale Upembal" ("Im going to Upemba!")
catestance,
both as a place and a broader
references more broadly to the "Congo"
for instance, a slave
of Africanness. In one particularly powerful song, the
"Look
gory
the Atlantic to the roua-yo-the kings-of Congo:
pleads across
These songs also at times take up the comat what they are doing to mel"
creoles (born in the colony) and
plex cultural and social interplay between --- Page 226 ---
THINKING HAITIAN INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 211
African-born. But, interestingly, in contrast to academic interpretations that
sometimes reify this interplay into a set ofr relatively fixed and dichotomous
social positions, these songs also offer them as more mutable and shifting
categories. "I'm a Creole-Congo, one song offers simply, and potently.27
The following two songs, however, offer specific narratives that evoke the
middle passage as a starting point to a larger story. The first of these was
sung to me Erol Josué in February of 2011,28
Depi m soti nan Ginen
Depi m soti nan Ginen, moun y ape sonde mwen
Se mwen-menm (w osin O) rasin O
Depi m soti nan Ginen, moun y ape sonde mwen
) se mwen-menm, O gwo woch o!
M soti an ba dlo, mwen vole "dans les airs" dan lèzè (an lè)
Kou yo kwè yo pran mwen, m tounen lafimen O
Jou yo konnen sa m sèvi, latè va tranble
Jou yo konnen non vanyan mwen, loray va gwonde
se mwen-menm, O rasin o!
Depi m soti nan ginen, moun y ape sonde mwen
se mwen-menm, O rasin o!
M soti an ba dlo, mwen vole "dans les airs" dan lèzè (an lè)
Kou yo kwè yo pran mwen, m tounen lafimen O
Jou yo konnen non vanyan m, latè va tranble, ey
Jou yo konnen sa m sèvi, loray va gwonde
Se mwen-menm, O rasin o!
M di se mwen-menm, O gwo woch O.
Since I left Africa, people have been testing me
I am the root
Since I left Africa, people have been testing me
I am a great rock
I came from under the water, I fly up into the sky
When they thought they captured me, I turned to smoke
When they find out who I serve, the earth will tremble
When they learn my real name, the storm will thunder
I am the root
Since I left Africa, people have been testing me
I am the root
Since I left Africa, people have been testing me
I am a great rock
I came from under the water, I fly up into the sky
testing me
I am the root
Since I left Africa, people have been testing me
I am a great rock
I came from under the water, I fly up into the sky
When they thought they captured me, I turned to smoke
When they find out who I serve, the earth will tremble
When they learn my real name, the storm will thunder
I am the root
Since I left Africa, people have been testing me
I am the root
Since I left Africa, people have been testing me
I am a great rock
I came from under the water, I fly up into the sky --- Page 227 ---
212 LAURENT DUBOIS
they captured me, I turned to smoke
When they thought
the earth will tremble
When they find out who I serve,
thunder
When they learn my real name, the storm will
I am the root
I am a great rock
with a longue durée
The song is powerful in part for its complex engagement
as to make
evokes a distant time in such a way
history: "Since I left Africa"
identifies this moment as the beit recent, even personal, in scope. It also
been confronted in part
of a set of trials and tests, all of which have
ginning
rock. > The fact that this "I"
because the "I" is at once a "root" and a "great
In Haitian
"under the water" taps into another web of symbols.
comes from
and are called on and out during ceremoVodou, the lwa live under water
the Atlantic Ocean as a
nies. But that layers onto another set of symbols:
site of ancestral
for those lost on the Middle Passage, as a
giant graveyard
in the depths of the water
death and memory. In this song, though, an origin
uncaptured.
doesn't preclude a soaring present,
in
reference- though one easily recognized
The song makes an elliptical
rebel Makandal, who
context-to a historical figure, that ofthe
the Haitian
the use of poison. Accordmasters in the 1750S through
sowed terror among
in
and set to be
accounts, when he was captured 1798
ing to contemporary
of Cap Français in front of a crowd,
burned at the stake in the main plaza
archive tells that the plaza
he burst open the ropes tying him. The written burned to death. Yet it is anthen cleared, and Makandal was retied and
was
remembered: that Makandal, using an ability to
other outcome that is more
haunt
from
insect, flew
to lurk and
Saint-Domingue
transform into an
away
the truth of the matter, since
then on. The latter story, in a sense, captures
and social impact in
presence had a profound political
Makandal's spectral
the colony, both among slaves and masters."
different form that also
Makandal's story takes a slightly
In the song,
of all those who, when masters sought
makes it into the story of everyone,
Finally, the song
them, "turned to smoke" in one way or another.
to capture
learn the "real name" and the
turns towards a powerful future: when "they"
earth will
is, the lwa of Vodou-the
truth of who the singer serves-that while also issuing a future prophesy,
tremble. The song condenses history
backwards into the past
sending those who sing the song
simultaneously
future of
and transformation.
and propelling them into a
triumph
that evokes the Midsimilar happens in another Vodou song
Something
set of ongoing struggles. In this song,
dle Passage as a foundation for a long
becomes a metaphor
of the passage itself, described in detail,
the experience
for the creation of a new culture.
the lwa of Vodou-the
truth of who the singer serves-that while also issuing a future prophesy,
tremble. The song condenses history
backwards into the past
sending those who sing the song
simultaneously
future of
and transformation.
and propelling them into a
triumph
that evokes the Midsimilar happens in another Vodou song
Something
set of ongoing struggles. In this song,
dle Passage as a foundation for a long
becomes a metaphor
of the passage itself, described in detail,
the experience
for the creation of a new culture. --- Page 228 ---
THINKING HAITIAN INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 213
Sou Lan Me
Sou lan me a n'ap navige
Agwet a woyo
Gen yon tan ya we nou
Sou lan me a n'ap navige
Yo pran de pyé-nou
Yo enchéné dè ponyet-nou
Yo lagè'n anba kal
Negriyé sou dlo
Lanmè move
Batimen krévé
Li prèt pou'l koulé
Negriyé sou dlo
Na fon lanmè
Li fè vwal dlo
Li prèt pou'l koulé
Anba kal batiman
Nou tout se youn'n O
Anba kal negriyé
Sin kité'l koulé
Peson p'ap sové
Agwet a woyo
Nou tout abo
W' 'pa wè nou angagé
Nou angagé papa, nou angagé
Nou angagé Lasirèn, nou angagé
(On the ocean we are sailing
Agwe in Oyo
There will come a time when they'll see us
On the ocean we are sailing
They took our feet
They chained our two wrists
They dropped us in the bottom
Slave ship under the water
The ocean is bad --- Page 229 ---
214 LAURENT DUBOIS
The ship is broken
It's ready to sink
Slave ship under the water
At the bottom of the ocean
It's covered in water
It's ready to sink
In the bottom ofthe ship
We are all one
In the bottom of the slave ship
Ifit sinks
No one will be saved
Agwe in Oyo
We're all on board
Don't you see we're trapped
We're trapped, papa, trapped
We're trapped Lasirèn, trapped]
Sung in the present tense by an oungan or an assembly in a ceremony, the
song places the group back on the slave ship itself. That historical experience
becomes the place from which entreaties are issued to the Iwa Agwe and
Lasirèn. These two control the ocean, ocean crossings, and more broadly
travel-in more recent decades they are often invoked by those embarking on
the dangerous trip across the ocean to Miami or other parts ofthe Caribbean.
In this song, though, Agwe is also given a specific home in Africa- -Oyo. And
the song is offered to him, as a plea of sorts, but also as a promise. For in the
first verse, from the bottom of the slave ship, comes a kind of threat about
the future: "There will come a time when they'll see us, " which I read as a
suggestion that at one point the tables will be turned, and the enslaved will
be rising up against their masters. In the context in which the song is sung
in today's Haiti, of course, such a rebellion is established as past rather than
future hope. In that sense the singers connect back to ancestors on the slave
ship, acknowledging that they were looking ahead to a day of liberation.
"In the bottom of the ship/We are all one, " the song announces, summing up in one potent phrase the process ofi interaction and creolization that
would ultimately produce Haiti's culture-a process that is archived itself in
the very structures of Vodou, which organizes the lwa according to "nations"
of origin, including Congo and Nago nations. But the most powerful and
complex symbolism in the song involves the fact that the ship is sinking. It
. In that sense the singers connect back to ancestors on the slave
ship, acknowledging that they were looking ahead to a day of liberation.
"In the bottom of the ship/We are all one, " the song announces, summing up in one potent phrase the process ofi interaction and creolization that
would ultimately produce Haiti's culture-a process that is archived itself in
the very structures of Vodou, which organizes the lwa according to "nations"
of origin, including Congo and Nago nations. But the most powerful and
complex symbolism in the song involves the fact that the ship is sinking. It --- Page 230 ---
INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 215
THINKING HAITIAN
this doomed ship, one in which the singers are
is with the image ofbeing on
is
polysemic. It may also
In fact, though, the term angagé quite
"trapped."
97 as in the engagés, or indenbe a way of saying "enslaved" or "indentured," But it also can be a way of saying "we
tured laborers of early colonial times.
who command the sea into
committed" and asking for help from those
is
are
If there is one final twist to the song, however, it
which they are sinking.
are decidedly alive, in the
are singing it those in the slave ship
that as they
in new types of subjection,
perpetually trapped and sinking perhaps
Haipresent,
"Nou led, Nou la," goes one common
but also still unstoppably present.
here." " In singing such a song,
tian saying: "We may be ugly, but we're (still)
not just of survival but
history oftrials is also an assertion
a return to a long
of power.
" this song also evokes specific historical
As in "Depi m soti nan Ginen,"
The image of
of
broader cultural processes.
experiences as a way capturing
of contemporary thinkers like
the slave ship-central to the theorizations
became unity
a way of capturing how fragmentation
Paul Gilroy--becomes:
The mixing of past, future, and presthrough a certain form of oppression.
and continuities in
certain kinds of connections
ent in the song emphasizes
of the slave voyage itself. As such, the
the face of the fundamental rupture
a break with Africa that
complexities and dynamics of this experience-of
which involves, in
of a process of cultural invention
was never complete,
through precisely
the invention of a new Africa in the Americas-comet
form of the
part,
and multivalent symbolism that the
thanks to the ambiguities
song allows.
the vision and experience of Haitian inWhat can such songs tell us about
vision,
pushing
about reorienting our
perhaps
dependence? They are partly
While the political story of indepenus to ask different types of questions.
in Haitian history, an encomshaped this period
dence obviously profoundly
itself would need to take into consideration
passing political history of Haiti
which these songs trace and
the broader social and cultural experiences
offers us insight into
evoke in ritual contexts. The rich corpus ofVodou song
period
historical events of the revolution and early independence
how the
at the time and since. But it also, as imporwere experienced and interpreted
perspective on
the
to take a different interpretive
tantly, offers us opportunity
ofthe long-term cultural and
the political centrality
this history, emphasizing
Haitian society.
that created
social transformations
Notes
Politics, Sex and Manuscripts in the
Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative:
1. Deborah
Liverpool University Press, 2011).
Haitian Revolution (Liverpool:
The rich corpus ofVodou song
period
historical events of the revolution and early independence
how the
at the time and since. But it also, as imporwere experienced and interpreted
perspective on
the
to take a different interpretive
tantly, offers us opportunity
ofthe long-term cultural and
the political centrality
this history, emphasizing
Haitian society.
that created
social transformations
Notes
Politics, Sex and Manuscripts in the
Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative:
1. Deborah
Liverpool University Press, 2011).
Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: --- Page 231 ---
216 LAURENT DUBOIS
d'Haiti en créole haîtien, Journal of
Pierre, "L'acte de lindépendance
2. Jacques
168-80.
Haitian Studies 17, no. 2 (Fall 2011):
of the United Kingdom, MFQ
"Liberté ou la mort," The National Archives
3.
1/184thel letter in the original Creole, with English translation,
4- Publishedi in May 2011,
is available here:
P57TT
amtormangenialayndisk
oft the role of text in postindependence
5- This broader alternative interpretation Hébrard. The document "Haiti DecHaiti was spurred by a conversation with Jean
Rubenstein Library,
Manuscript" is in Duke University's
laration of Independence
Jenson, who did a careful tranRLT Vault 320A items 1-2. My thanks to Deborah
with me.
of the document, for sharing her analysis
scription and analysis
in Laurent Dubois, "An Enslaved
6. I discuss these methodological quandaries ofthe French Enlightenment,"
Re-Thinking the Intellectual History
Enlightenment:
Laurent Dubois, A Colony ofCitizens:
Social History 31, no. 1 (February 2006): 1-14; Caribbean, 1787-1804 (Chapel Hill:
Revolution and Slave Emancipation in the French
Omohundro Institute of Early
of North Carolina Press, published for the
University
is an attempt to reconstruct political perAmerican History and Culture, 2004)
These efforts parallel those of other
spectives and action in the case of Guadeloupe.
Fick, The Making of Haiti: The
scholars working on the period, including Carolyn E.
of Tennessee Press,
Revolution from Below (Knoxville: University
UniSaint Domingue
Studies (Bloomington: Indiana
1990); David P. Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Time: The French Revolution and
Press, 2002); and the essays in A Turbulent
Indiana
versity
ed. David Gaspar and David Geggus (Bloomington:
the Greater Caribbean,
in this work from Julius S. Scott, "The
University Press, 1997). I took inspiration Communication in the Era oft the HaiCommon Wind: Currents of Afro-American
The approach taken by Rebecca
diss., Duke University, 1986).
tian Revolution" (PhD
collaboration with Jean Hébrard, is an
Scott in her work, including her most recent
of Freedom: Louisiana and
obvious model here as well. See Rebecca J. Scott, Degrees
University Press,
MA: Belknap Press of Harvard
Cuba After Slavery (Cambridge,
An Atlantic Odysseyin the
Rebecca J Scott and Jean Hébrard, Freedom Papers:
2005);
MA: Harvard University Press, 2012).
Age of Emancipation (Cambridge,
Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India (DurGuha, Elementary Aspects of
7- Ranajit
ham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999).
by Malick W. Ghachem, The Old
8. Such sources are expertly used, for instance,
University Press, 2012);
and the Haitian Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge
Regime
The Enslaved Healers of Eighteenthand by Karol K. Weaver, Medical Revolutionaries: Illinois Press, 2006).
Century Saint Domingue (Urbana: University of
9- Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative.
of this conflict in Laurent Dubois,
10. I seek to examine and lay out the terms
Books, 2012). The best
Haiti: The Aftershocks of History (New York: Metropolitan
Haiti:
Casimir, La culture opprimée (Delmas,
treatments of this question are Jean
bridge: Cambridge
Regime
The Enslaved Healers of Eighteenthand by Karol K. Weaver, Medical Revolutionaries: Illinois Press, 2006).
Century Saint Domingue (Urbana: University of
9- Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative.
of this conflict in Laurent Dubois,
10. I seek to examine and lay out the terms
Books, 2012). The best
Haiti: The Aftershocks of History (New York: Metropolitan
Haiti:
Casimir, La culture opprimée (Delmas,
treatments of this question are Jean --- Page 232 ---
INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 217
THINKING HAITIAN
Atlas critique d'Haiti (Montréal:
Imprimerie Lakay, 2001); and Georges Anglade,
d'études et de recherches critiques d'espace, UQAM, 1982).
History
Groupe
Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of
11. Michel-Rolph Trouillot,
(Boston: Beacon Press, 1995).
des chansons du vodou haiLe grand receuil sacré, ou répertoire
12. Max G. Beauvoir,
d'Haîti, 2008); Benjamin Hebblethwaite,
tien (Port-au-Prince: Presses Nationales
Temple University Press,
Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English (Philadelphia:
(supported by the
involved in a large collaborative project
2012). I am currently
called the "Vodou Archive" whose goal is to
National Endowment for Humanities)
and textual format. The beginnings
document many ofthese songs in audio, video,
ofthe project can be viewed here: wwwuilloc.com/vodou
University of CaliHaiti, History, and the Gods (Berkeley:
13. Joan [Colin] Dayan,
Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brookfornia Press, 1995); Karen McCarthy Brown,
Karen E. Richman, Migration
University of California Press, 1991);
lyn (Berkeley:
University Press of Florida, 2005).
and Vodou (Gainesville:
The Historical Vision of an Afro-American People
14. Richard Price, First-Time:
Richard Price, Travels with Tooy:
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983);
University of Chiand the African American Imagination (Chicago:
History, Memory,
True-Born Maroons (Gainesville: University
Press, 2008); Kenneth M. Bilby,
cago
Press of Florida, 2008).
Porto-Novo and Abomey," 7 in Essays on Music
Gilbert Rouget, "Court Songs of
Univer15ed. Klaus P. Wachsmann (Evanston, IL: Northwestern
and History in Africa,
sity Press, 1971), 32, 43-44.
context of the "Vodou Archive" project I am
16. The interview was done in the
of Florida (www.dloc
Hebblethwaite of the University
working on with Benjamin
included the visit to Lakou Badjo in No-
.com/vodou). He led a research trip that
out interviews, includwith Claire Payton and Eric Barstow carrying
vember 2012,
of the video is available at http://sites
ing the one with Estimé. Their presentation
itself is available at http://vimeo
The video by
Apabndentmbi-ier
com/5127314Pat-44
History, esp. 30-31; and Brown,
On Ogou and Dessalines see Dayan, Haiti,
17.
Mama Lola, chap. 418. Hebblethwaite, Vodou Songs, 259.
19. Ibid., 65.79-80.
20. Ibid., 91.
21. Dayan, Haiti, History, 39-40.
Haîtienne des Pères du
Odette
papers, Bibliothèque
visit
22.
Mennesson-Rigaud For more on this remarkable collection
Saint-Esprit (BHPSE), Port-au-Prince.
mamrns
Beauvoir, Le grand receuil sacré, 167-68.
and cur23choreographer, houngan (Vodou priest),
24. Josué is Haitian musician, d'Ethnologie in Haiti. For an earlier collaborarent director of the Bureau National
21. Dayan, Haiti, History, 39-40.
Haîtienne des Pères du
Odette
papers, Bibliothèque
visit
22.
Mennesson-Rigaud For more on this remarkable collection
Saint-Esprit (BHPSE), Port-au-Prince.
mamrns
Beauvoir, Le grand receuil sacré, 167-68.
and cur23choreographer, houngan (Vodou priest),
24. Josué is Haitian musician, d'Ethnologie in Haiti. For an earlier collaborarent director of the Bureau National --- Page 233 ---
218 LAURENT DUBOIS
tion see Laurent Dubois and Erol Josué, "Le vodou, miroir de l'histoire: dialogue, "
Tabou: Revue du Musée d'Ethnologie de Genève 5 (2007): 325-40.
25. The song is in the Odette Mennesson-Rigaud papers, BHPSE, page 28.
26. Michel-Etienne Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses observations
(Paris: Dufart, 1809), 3:209-10; Odette Menesson-Rigaud papers, BHPSE, Box 1,
Folder 1, "Chants de Soukri."
27. I draw these examples both from fieldwork ceremonies in Haiti and France
and from the songs gathered by the French ethnographer Odette MennessonRigaud and held in the BHPSE. Some of this collection is available online: http://
Jndpsrimonanunhaiiongfoendbonvjindeckim
28. I recorded Erol Josué singing the song and worked on the translation and
transcription with him during a residency at Duke University on February 3, 2011.
The video of the song is available here: hup/hins.comhngop8g Josué and I offer
an interpretation of Vodou song in a conversation published in Dubois and Josué,
"Le vodou."
29. On Makandal see Laurent Dubois, Avengers ofthe New World: The Story ofthe
Haitian Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press,
2004), chap. 1.
30. This transcription, done in collaboration with Erol Josué, is from a version
recorded by Wawa and Rasin Kanga on The Haitian Roots: Volume 1 (2005), part of
a series of CDs released by Geronimo Records that offered ceremonial songs to the
Haitian diaspora.
Dubois and Josué,
"Le vodou."
29. On Makandal see Laurent Dubois, Avengers ofthe New World: The Story ofthe
Haitian Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press,
2004), chap. 1.
30. This transcription, done in collaboration with Erol Josué, is from a version
recorded by Wawa and Rasin Kanga on The Haitian Roots: Volume 1 (2005), part of
a series of CDs released by Geronimo Records that offered ceremonial songs to the
Haitian diaspora. --- Page 234 ---
Commemorations
Revolutionary
Dessalines and Haitian
Jean-Jacques
Independence Day, 1804-1904
ERIN ZAVITZ
Dessalines, glowing with
On the morning of January 1, 1804, Jean-Jacques
the Declamarched out to Gonaïves's main square grasping
immortal glory,
heroes of the revolutionary struggle,
ration of Independence. His generals,
his secretary
him along with Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre,
accompanied
Soldiers and people from the town and surrounding
and writer of the act.
sacred liberty tree and richly decorated altar
countryside crowded around the
from their valiant general.
of the homeland waiting for the pronouncement the crowd in Kreyol of the
Dessalines climbed the altar's stairs and spoke to
the national
with what would become
atrocities of the French, concluding
of our country until our
oath: "Let us swear to fight for the Independence made room for Boisrondbreath." As Dessalines stepped back and
dying
the
and crowd enthusiastically
Tonnerre to read the declaration,
generals
of the document,
the oath. Switching to French, the language
from
repeated
read the declaration and a message to the people
Boisrond-Tonnerre
the final words, a reminder to the people to
Dessalines. As he pronounced
Dessalines cried, "Long live indedefend their newly granted independence, descended the altar of the homeland
pendence." " Dessalines and his generals
continued celebrating their
and paraded to the national palace where they
confirmed his position
achievements. At some later point they
momentous
for life.?
as governor-general
Haitian historian Thomas Mawritten decades after the event by
Though
is one of the few available for the 1804 ceremony.
diou, this brief description
that mention the fête have yet to be
Unfortunately, contemporary accounts
by Haitian historians to refound. Thus we must rely on later descriptions celebration. For this essay, I have
construct the details of Haiti's founding
he is the most pro-Dessalines
specifically used Madiou's narrative because
of
historians. His text is part of the process commemorating
of Haiti's early
Moreover, the description highlights the
Dessalines that I examine below.
founding.
central themes of the official memory ofthe nation's
1804 ceremony.
diou, this brief description
that mention the fête have yet to be
Unfortunately, contemporary accounts
by Haitian historians to refound. Thus we must rely on later descriptions celebration. For this essay, I have
construct the details of Haiti's founding
he is the most pro-Dessalines
specifically used Madiou's narrative because
of
historians. His text is part of the process commemorating
of Haiti's early
Moreover, the description highlights the
Dessalines that I examine below.
founding.
central themes of the official memory ofthe nation's --- Page 235 ---
220 ERIN ZAVITZ
of
though not all directed towards the goal
Fifteen years of revolution,
a war-torn landscape, hetindependence, had come to an end. Now, facing
the country
population, and hostile international environment,
and
erogeneous
the arduous
of forming a state
had to move forward and start
processes Dessalines's
iniand
performance
nation. The Declaration of Independence
for life, he established
tiated both. First, by naming himself governor-general leadership ofthe generals
authoritarian state that relied upon the military
an
Second, the ceremonies combined print
who had fought for independence. memories of the past in order to shape
to evoke
and physical performance
Thus, as the officiant ofthe first
the construction ofa new nation and people.
for my
Day, Dessalines provides an entry point
civic festival, Independence
in Haiti.
investigation of the politics of commemoration the celebration of the holiInternal and external pressures influenced
of independencewhich served as a tool to define an official memory
Haiday,
Dessalines, the fête's creator and only
specifically that of Jean-Jacques
One of
into the Vodou pantheon.
tian political leader to be incorporated
hero in both life
figures, Dessalines was a controversial
many revolutionary
in this volume illustrate. Murdered by his own
and death as the earlier essays
and historians removed the memory
officers in October 1806, heads of state
Nevertheless, beginning in
of the founder from official commemorations. the
centennial, Descentury and culminating in
the mid-nineteenth
His journey from creator of
salines returned as the father of independence. illustrates the color, class, and
official memory to official oblivion and back
remained an elusive
of nineteenth-century Haiti. As unity
regional politics
loomed on the horizon, the Haitian state
goal and threats to independence
in an attempt to reinvigorate
and elite turned to the memory of Dessalines
the Haitian nation on its one-hundredth birthday.
the small but vibrant
I rely primarily on
To trace these memory struggles,
Haitian histories and travelers' acHaitian press, as well as contemporary
nineteenth century must
Haitis literacy rate in the early
counts. Though
elite benefited from
have been extremely low, the urban French-speaking
Le Télégraphe
that included a variety of newspapers." For example,
a press
regularly from 1813 to 1843 and 1824
and the Feuille du Commerce appeared
reading public.
which indicates there was a permanent
to 1860, respectively,
had a limited circulation and lifespan,
Even though the majority of journals
most ofthose who were in a
points out, "[they] were read by
David Nicholls
and they were therefore not
position to affect the policy ofthe government, n5
covered compolitical influence. These publications
without significant
Latin America, and the United States;
mercial interests; news from Europe,
celebrations.
Independence Day
and events in Haiti, including
the fête took place
extended the life of the holiday; although
Publication
public.
which indicates there was a permanent
to 1860, respectively,
had a limited circulation and lifespan,
Even though the majority of journals
most ofthose who were in a
points out, "[they] were read by
David Nicholls
and they were therefore not
position to affect the policy ofthe government, n5
covered compolitical influence. These publications
without significant
Latin America, and the United States;
mercial interests; news from Europe,
celebrations.
Independence Day
and events in Haiti, including
the fête took place
extended the life of the holiday; although
Publication --- Page 236 ---
REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 221
commandants sent in reports
between December 31 and January 1, regional the island that appeared in
of local festivities from arrondissements across the accounts served as a form
the newspaper until as late as March. Reading celebrations of the AmeriAs scholars have shown for
of commemoration.
contributed to the rise of nationalism and
can Revolution, reading accounts
feel connected through shared
bridged geographic gaps by making people
descriptions
acts." The ceremonies and their subsequent
commemorative
Moreover, the reading
redefined the island's geography as Haitian.
in print
allowed elite Haitians to "imagine"
of these accounts, in public or private,
of other towns."
themselves acting in union with the citizens commemoration provided an
In Haitis case, the physical performance of
being created in print.
important supplement to the national community of the Haitian nation;
reading, could envision being part
The elite, through
and audience members could parilliterate army troops
more importantly,
public performance." Independence Day
ticipate in this imagining through
historian Carlo Célius
the power of these two media, and as art
and civic
suggests
model "consisting of official speeches, religious
explains, sets up a
events, and popular merrymaking."
and Creating National Symbols
Declaring Independence
in late November 1803, following their surrenThe pull-out of French troops
slaves and freeborn people of color, sigder to the insurgent army of former
leader Jean-Jacques
naled a de facto independence. Although the insurgent November 1803,
Dessalines issued a preliminary act of independence on another 29, month.' 10
declaration would not be pronounced for
an official public
as the date for celebrating the country's
Dessalines selected January 1, 1804,
not just of a new year but
Symbolically charged as the beginning
founding.
calendar would be measured in years from indepenof a new era, Haiti's
colonial
More important for a new
dence, thus erasing the French
past." had been a holiday on the
country of former slaves, January 1 traditionally
and redefined it as a
Dessalines thus maintained this designation
plantation.
moment to celebrate complete liberty.
sought to unite a newly
Facing a diverse population, the performance revolution and inspire them in the
formed people around the triumph ofthe 12 In contrast to the printed docunew project of nation- and state-formation."
the
barriers of
celebration could crosS linguistic
ment in French, the physical
of color and American- and
population of free people
Haiti's heterogeneous
served to educate this public
African-born former slaves. The performance national identity. The setting for
and to begin the process of constructing a tree and an altar of the homethis momentous occasion included a liberty
a newly
Facing a diverse population, the performance revolution and inspire them in the
formed people around the triumph ofthe 12 In contrast to the printed docunew project of nation- and state-formation."
the
barriers of
celebration could crosS linguistic
ment in French, the physical
of color and American- and
population of free people
Haiti's heterogeneous
served to educate this public
African-born former slaves. The performance national identity. The setting for
and to begin the process of constructing a tree and an altar of the homethis momentous occasion included a liberty --- Page 237 ---
222 ERIN ZAVITZ
of the
direct links to the revolutionary era and the symbolism
land, both
in 1804, the tree and altar-centerpieces of
French Revolution. Beginning
national symbols. Describing the althe event-became redefined as new,
of wood but
historian Carlo Célius explains, "At first only podiums
tars, art
they were sites of power and of collective
later more permanent structures,
gathered regularly to remember great
memory, sacred ground where people
w13
deeds and renew the civic oath ofthe founders.
of the declaration
In addition to the physical landscape, the language the oath to forever
the later commemorations, specifically
echoes throughout
independence and attacking the French,
renounce France. Beyond declaring and tyranny but lacks any discussion
the text speaks of freedom from slavery
a foundation
Instead, it emphasizes a rhetoric of duty and provides
of rights.
Mimi Sheller points out a similar phenomenon with
for authoritarianism.
Haiti. She argues, "Citizenship was defined by
citizenship in independent
(what the citizen owed the
the elements of duty, obedience and obligation element of what the state owed
state), which far outweighed the rights-based established a series of revolutionary
to its citizens. 14 The 1804 declaration
language that called on
symbols attached to a vengeful and authoritarian for its independence.
Haitians to be obedient to the state and forever fight
first national
The celebration ofJanuary 1, 1804, created-def facto-Haiti's in Marchand in
Dessalines officiated festivities the following year
holiday.
where he established the country's capital. Celebrations
the Artibonite Plain,
The evening was alive with drums, fifes,
began the night of December 31.
however, the
"African dances of all kinds. >15 The following morning,
and
rhetoric of the previous year took center stage.
military and the anti-French around the altar of the homeland, which now
Five thousand troops gathered throne. In the fall of 1804, Dessalines had
contained Dessalines's imperial While couplets in the official paper, Gadeclared himself emperor of Haiti.
Dessalines's
d'Haiti, celebrated his nomination,
zette Politique et Commerciale
enthusiasm, foreshadowing the growing
generals did not all share the same
of the throne on the altar
Haiti's new elite.' 16 The inclusion
divisions among
this shift in government and added an impeof the homeland illustrated
After Dessalines greeted the
rial object to Haiti's revolutionary iconography. the audience of the French
Boisrond-Tonnerre rose and reminded
17 While
troops,
noble deeds ofthe Armée Indigène (indigenous army)."
cruelties and
of form and language served to link
in a new city, Marchand, the repetition
with the first celebration." 18
participants
and a hero of the revolution, Henry
One of Dessalines's leading generals
the celebration five days later
Christophe, went a step further and repeated
Gazette Politique
Haîtien. As Haiti's first newspaper,
in his home city, Cap
reading of the act of
reports, the day included its own military procession,
troops,
noble deeds ofthe Armée Indigène (indigenous army)."
cruelties and
of form and language served to link
in a new city, Marchand, the repetition
with the first celebration." 18
participants
and a hero of the revolution, Henry
One of Dessalines's leading generals
the celebration five days later
Christophe, went a step further and repeated
Gazette Politique
Haîtien. As Haiti's first newspaper,
in his home city, Cap
reading of the act of
reports, the day included its own military procession, --- Page 238 ---
REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 223
of the oath to die rather than fall under French
independence, and swearing
in
Haïtien allowed more
domination again. The repetition of festivities Cap
commemin the de facto holiday. Christophe's
new Haitians to participate
celebration in Marchand and the
Haitians with the 1805
oration connected
Equally important, foreigners also
first Independence Day in Gonaïves. Haiti's existence in front of an inviewed the celebration, thus legitimating
ternational audience.' 19
that summer when
continued to increase
Independence Day's significance
Under the heading of"GenDessalines ratified the first Haitian constitution. national festivals for celn article 27 reads: "There shall be
eral Dispositions,"
of the emperor and his august spouse,
the birthday
ebrating independence,
20 The 1805 constitution codified
that of agriculture and of the constitution."
constitutions to the presthe holiday, and it would remain in all subsequent national holiday continof January 1 as a
ent day. The official pronouncement the
and in regional centers across
ued the project of merrymaking in capital
the country.
his last celebration in Marchand. AcIn 1806 Dessalines would oversee Haïtien at the time, "much pomp
cording to an American residing in Cap
that part of
in the capital. One can imagine
and splendor was displayed"
to the altar ofthe homeland and
this pomp included the military procession
customary elements of the
series of speeches, both of which had become
a
on these activities, he did
celebration. While the visitor gave no comment
dinner: "[A] piece of
mention the shocking cake supposedly served during
was] to exin imitation of the skeleton of a white man [which
confectionary
chiefs, their hatred ofthe French, by excite and cherish in the minds of the
not fail to call to their
to their sight such expressive symbols as could
hibiting
deeds. m22 Haranguing the French
recollection, the remembrance oftheir past
the words of
eating them was a tasty way to supplement
was not enough;
Boisrond-Tonnerre.
skeletons, parallel celebrations
As Dessalines's guests dined on sugary
and model established
took place in Cap Haîtien. Following the constitution celebrations for Indepenby Christophe in 1805, General Capoix organized celebration, an edict was read in
dence Day,23 First, several days before the
de Mars. In later
commanding people to gather at the Champ
the streets
would appear in the state-sponsored
years, announcements of the holiday
also read out loud in the
these publications were
paper, but one can imagine
festivities included the expected milstreets," On January 1, the Cap Haïtien
As Indepenand reading of the Declaration of Independence.
itary display
Dessalines and his generals
dence Day became codified in the constitution,
the
of
that stressed importance
institutionalized a model of Fcommemoration
and repeated the public
in
and securing independence
the military gaining
to gather at the Champ
the streets
would appear in the state-sponsored
years, announcements of the holiday
also read out loud in the
these publications were
paper, but one can imagine
festivities included the expected milstreets," On January 1, the Cap Haïtien
As Indepenand reading of the Declaration of Independence.
itary display
Dessalines and his generals
dence Day became codified in the constitution,
the
of
that stressed importance
institutionalized a model of Fcommemoration
and repeated the public
in
and securing independence
the military gaining --- Page 239 ---
224 ERIN ZAVITZ
of
Haitians never forgot the atrocities
reading of the declaration to ensure
commented, the fesvisitor to Haiti
the French. Moreover, as an English
of engaging in their favourite
tivals "afforded the Haytians an opportunity
in their recollection
amusements, [and were] no less calculated, by reviving history, to keep alive
transactions oft their
the most important and interesting
their
m25
of attachment to liberty and to
sovereign."
those feelings
of the Declaration of Independence,
While crowds applauded readings
and the nascent peasantry were
Dessalines's generals
unrest was building.
In his first two years, Dessalines was
growing weary of the new regime
the
economic disparity
headway on
great
unable to make any significant
libres (former slaves). On
between the anciens (formerly free) and nouveaux alienated the nouveaux
his policies of forced labor and relocation
one hand,
accumulation of former French proplibres. On the other hand, the state's
libres) who had held land
erties angered the nascent Haitian elite (anciens
lacked any title to
the revolution. However, they frequently
before or during
used the lack of documentation to expropriate
prove their claim. Dessalines
after a successful campaign in the
land for the state. In the summer of 1806,
and West, prompting
Dessalines turned his attention to the South
North,
landowners. 27 Memories of the
a wave of fear among current and aspiring revolutionary leaders André
1804 massacres and civil war between regional
Louverture, which included a suppression campaign
Rigaud and Toussaint
only increased concerns. To put
led by Dessalines in the southern peninsula,
Pén military leaders, including Alexandre
a stop to the "yoke of Dessalines," Amidst this unrest, the Gazette Politique
tion, marched on Port-au-Prince"
fête with no mention of the
cheerily reported on the emperor's name-day
rode to Port-au-Prince to
tensions. On October 17, 1806, Dessalines
growing
an ambush, died at Pont Rouge.
meet the insurgents and, during
6, 1806, the paper gave a brief
Two weeks after his murder, on November d'Haîti" the
opens exof the events. Under the heading "Isle
report
resume
for Dessalines's death: "For some time
plaining the context and justification
Bad administrahas broken out in several parts of the empire.
discontent
the safety of the first public offition, various injustices and acts against
toward the recently
had excited general disgust
cials, as well as individuals,
that at nine in the
>30 The article continues, stating
overthrown government."
killed at Pont Rouge in an ambush
morning on October 17, Dessalines was
of
voice avoids any
him. The use passive
with men he thought supported
the vague list of his
of blame. Dessalines's death is justified by
placement
conflicts over landownership, taxation,
failings. These cover up more specific
concludes by suggesting a new
and the distribution of power. The report
a wise and suitable
for the future: "Now, it remains for us to expect
direction
chief and loyal administrators, make
Constitution that could, under paternal
."
killed at Pont Rouge in an ambush
morning on October 17, Dessalines was
of
voice avoids any
him. The use passive
with men he thought supported
the vague list of his
of blame. Dessalines's death is justified by
placement
conflicts over landownership, taxation,
failings. These cover up more specific
concludes by suggesting a new
and the distribution of power. The report
a wise and suitable
for the future: "Now, it remains for us to expect
direction
chief and loyal administrators, make
Constitution that could, under paternal --- Page 240 ---
REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 225
and lead us to the fortune for which we
us forget the mistakes of the past
after Dessalines's assassinan31 A little over two weeks
have longingly hoped."
to excise the former emperor from
tion, the Gazette's article illustrates steps
official memory.
and the generals' attack as an act of venThe hero was recast as a tyrant
who had been described as the
geance supported by the people. Dessalines,
Washington, became the
people's liberator, the Haitian equivalent to George
published in the days
obstacle blocking Haiti's progress." 32 Fiery proclamations is slaughtered .
this sentiment: "Tyranny
following October 17 captured
p33 Dessalines's removal and new idenLiberty reigns : we are finally free.
not only a second chance
rather than liberator gave the generals
tity as despot
and nation but also an opportunity to restart the
at the building of a new state
history of independent Haiti.
Memories of Dessalines
From Popular to Official: Evolving
Haitis
and heads of state to
In contrast to the memory work of
generals Dessalines's memory in an
forget Dessalines, the people of Haiti continued
Haitian
Oral histories collected by nineteenth-century
unofficial capacity.
this
After the Pont Rouge amhistorian Thomas Madiou recount
process.
Along the way the
Dessalines's body was carried into Port-au-Prince.
bush,
and smashing it until it was unrecognizcrowd attacked the cadaver, cutting
old woman named Défilée
this scene of vengeance, an
able. Interrupting
body and took them to the cemetery."
gathered the pieces of the emperor's the remains in an unmarked grave.
Soldiers paid by Pétion helped her bury
ten
old claimed
historian Beaubrun Ardouin, who at
years
Contemporary
contended that Défilée was too weak to carry
to have witnessed the event,
unable to transport and bury the
the sack of Dessalines's remains. Instead, of mourning him and placing
fallen leader, she took on the emotional duty
also Défilée who placed
the
over the years.5 Perhaps it was
flowers on
grave
on the grave every All Saints' Day.
the candle that, Madiou notes, appeared
lower classes, suggests that
of Haiti's
Either way, Défilée as a representative
Dessalines remained a figure in popular memory.
commemhistories both further illustrate and complicate popular
Vodou
hero to become a lwa, or deity.
oration. Dessalines is the only revolutionary
his association with
His place in the Vodou pantheon, and more specifically
the influence
African
ofi iron, blacksmiths, and war, suggests
Ogou, the
god
historical
However, it is
African traditions in shaping Haitian
memory"
of
Dessalines became a lwa. Songs about Dessalines
difficult to know when
twentieth century but may have existed in
enter the written archive in the
scholars started
before Haitian intellectuals or foreign
oral tradition long
or deity.
oration. Dessalines is the only revolutionary
his association with
His place in the Vodou pantheon, and more specifically
the influence
African
ofi iron, blacksmiths, and war, suggests
Ogou, the
god
historical
However, it is
African traditions in shaping Haitian
memory"
of
Dessalines became a lwa. Songs about Dessalines
difficult to know when
twentieth century but may have existed in
enter the written archive in the
scholars started
before Haitian intellectuals or foreign
oral tradition long --- Page 241 ---
226 ERIN ZAVITZ
Dayan suspects the process of deification OCrecording them. Colin (Joan)
it would be wise to resurrect Descurred before the "literate elite decided
the
of resurrection
m38 As sources clearly document process
salines as a hero.'
the late 1830s and early 1840S, we could hyled by Haitian intellectuals in
was established by this
pothesize that Dessalines's popular commemoration the elite in the second half of the
time. This would aid in its recuperation by
nineteenth century.
of Dessalines in official commemoThe process of restoring the memory and overthrow of mixed-race presrations began with the Revolution of 1843
to
Boyer. Just as Dessalines had performed independence
ident Jean-Pierre
leaders of the 1843 revolution used the holiday
legitimate the new country,
January 1, 1844.
of Dessalines to justify their new government.
and memory
that would correct the failures of Boyer
ushered in a new era of regeneration
and offer the country a chance to begin anew. had become an established
By Boyer's downfall in 1843, Independence Day'
In towns across Haiti,
holiday, but it also had undergone a significant change. central
on the mornand townsfolk gathered in the
square
troops, dignitaries,
the oath to live free and independent, though now
ing of January 1 to renew
of Haiti in the spring of
without any mention of France. French recognition
Day. In the
affected the content and program of Independence
1825 greatly
orders to all district commanders warning
winter of 1825, Boyer sent out new
in Independence Day cereagainst the use of potentially offensive language
of Haiti as an inthat because of France's recognition
monies. He explained
read out the act of independence
dependent state, officials should no longer
oath. 39 Ardouin notes that
and should avoid naming any nation in the annual
He attributed it
different from the 1804 version.
the new oath was textually
state. 40 Recognichange in Haiti's status as a newly recognized
to the positive
of the national celebration and, by
tion required Boyer to revise the content
by removing the
extension, to reinvent the official memory of Findependence
former enemy, France.
of
maintained BoyThe Revolution of 1843 and the new era regeneration shift in ceremoremoval of France as the enemy, but also began another
er's
the
ofl Haiti's history; this role
nial traditions. Dessalines was no longer tyrant
memory had
deposed Jean-Pierre Boyer. Yet Dessalines's
fell to the recently
of 1843 contained radical democratic
to be censored. While the Revolution mixed-race men from the southern
elements, the main leaders were elite
of the massacres in
Memories of Dessalines's S land expropriation,
peninsula.
the revolution tempered their commemora1804, and ofthe civil war during
were further complicated
tions of him. However, regional and color politics
of
southern black elites who helped propel the remembrance
by the vocal
general and emperor.
Dessalines as revolutionary
Boyer. Yet Dessalines's
fell to the recently
of 1843 contained radical democratic
to be censored. While the Revolution mixed-race men from the southern
elements, the main leaders were elite
of the massacres in
Memories of Dessalines's S land expropriation,
peninsula.
the revolution tempered their commemora1804, and ofthe civil war during
were further complicated
tions of him. However, regional and color politics
of
southern black elites who helped propel the remembrance
by the vocal
general and emperor.
Dessalines as revolutionary --- Page 242 ---
REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 227
to set up a pension for his widow, Marie-Claire
The first step was actually
government offered a penHeureuse. A decree from the 1843 provisional the colonial yoke. 41 Awarding
of Dessalines's efforts to break
sion in memory
the memory of Dessalines-he was a
a pension to Heureuse domesticated Dessalines's terror with his wife's tolerhusband- and replaced the image of
memoirs for saving the lives
Heureuse is remembered in histories and
ance.
whom Dessalines would have murdered."
of multiple Frenchmen
Charles Hérard, went a step further
On January 1, 1844, the new president,
He invoked Dessalines
and added Dessalines to the official commemoration.
thus creatreference to his heroic actions to secure Haiti's independence,
in
Revolution of 1843 and the struggle for independence.
ing a link between the
of rule and championed Pétion as the reNevertheless, he criticized his style
A return to
hero and model to emulate, a sign of state censorship.".
hero,
publican
Dessalines the revolutionary
January 1, 1804, meant commemorating
not Dessalines the emperor.
commemorate the country's
Post-1843 heads ofs state continued to officially
death.
with the first official memorial for Dessalines's
founder beginning
Moniteur Haitien, the new goremment-aponsored
On October 25, 1845, Le
director of the national school in Cap
paper, published a speech given by the
death. 44 In contrast to Hérard's
Haîtien on the anniversary of Dessalines's
independence and the
invocation of the hero ofi 1804, the speaker proclaims
of Haiti's hisconstitution as "the most memorable and glorious [acts]
referenced Dessalines both as a hero of 1804
tory." Moreover, the speaker
style was not a matter of nathat his governing
and as emperor, suggesting
North, which to that point had given Haiti
tional shame-at least not in the
decades late, the speech is the
both of its monarchs." 45 Though almost four
The
mourning for the fallen leader.
pronouncements
first example of public
school director are a far step from the head
of a local, especially northern,
do demonstrate a larger grassroots
Dessalines, but they
of state celebrating
official commemorations of
movement that pushed the president to change
Dessalines.
from cities across the republic sent petitions deEarlier in 1845, citizens
46 The president, Philippe
manding that the government honor Dessalines." soldier of the revolution
who supplanted Hérard, was a former
Guerrier,
links to that era. This may help explain
and represented one of the dying
received. More
arrived under his rule and were positively
why the petitions
black and the elite handpicked him as the best
importantly, Guerrier was
became the first case of politique de douchoice to placate the masses. He
it was a system devised
blure. Translated as "the politics of the understudy."
who would
politicians to elect black puppet presidents
by lighter-skinned
did not last long in office; he died in April
support their agenda. Guerrier
rier,
links to that era. This may help explain
and represented one of the dying
received. More
arrived under his rule and were positively
why the petitions
black and the elite handpicked him as the best
importantly, Guerrier was
became the first case of politique de douchoice to placate the masses. He
it was a system devised
blure. Translated as "the politics of the understudy."
who would
politicians to elect black puppet presidents
by lighter-skinned
did not last long in office; he died in April
support their agenda. Guerrier --- Page 243 ---
228 ERIN ZAVITZ
Louis Pierrot to respond to "the unanimous
1845.9 It fell to his successor,
Pierrot was not a puppet ofthe
public opinion. >48 Unlike the aging Guerrier,
from the North
and noiriste black general
mixed-race elite, but a nationalist
the petitioners and
like Dessalines. It is not surprising that he supported October 27, 1845. The
national funeral service for Dessalines on
decreed a
of black power and celebrated noiriste
decision made Pierrot an inheritor
rule. In a speech from the
leadership in the face of decades of mixed-race
Salomon, a member
southern city of Les Cayes, Louis Étienne Félicité Lysius
He praised
expressed this sentiment.
of the southern black elite, eloquently
of "the avenger of the
Pierrot for his noble action of honoring the memory
the famous Jeanthe liberator of Haiti, a hero of Independence,
black race,
Salomon became part of
Dessalines." *49 Decades later, as president,
Jacques
ofl black power he commemorated in 1845.
this genealogy
of remembering and forgetting
The turbulent 1840s created a rapid cycle
out of office in 1846 and
the first head of state. An army revolt forced Pierrot
a casualty of
funeral service disappeared from the newspapers,
Dessalines's
de doublure, Faustin Souchange. In another attempt at politique
the regime
A member of the National Guard and
louque was "elected" president in 1847.
for the elite. Soulouque was an
former slave, he seemed a viable candidate
the
a
viewed by the elite as "the dull head of
illiterate sexagenarian and was
his "electors" and took control ofthe
Guard.' >50 However, he quickly surprised
the predompower he attacked his opposition,
government. To consolidate
and intellectuals, and pronounced
inantly lighter-skinned urban merchants
press, histoThough he was ridiculed in the international
himself emperor.
coronation and court reprerian Murdo MacLeod argues that Soulouque's slaves who could now hold
oftrue independence" to former
sented "a symbol
of this political transformation and
titles of their own. An important aspect
of the memory of Dessalines."
independence was the regime's recuperation constitution. Among its many
Soulouque revised the 1846
As emperor,
holiday, January 2, Jean-Jacques Deschanges was the creation of a new
December 1848 and then as
Appearing first as a new law in
salines day.32
honored Dessalines for his service to
part of a constitutional article, the day
for the creation
In addition, the 1848 law included a provision
the country.
that would hang in the National Palace, the
of five paintings of Dessalines
and the cathedral in Gonaïves. 53
Senate, the Chamber of Representatives,
important memUnanimously adopted by the Chamber of Representatives, holiday. In a letter
black public also appreciated the new
bers of Soulouque's
Dessalines's children personally expressed
to the state paper, Le Moniteur,
official homage to their father. Rectheir gratitude to the emperor for the
Dessalines's (junior) letter
ognizing Soulouque's magnanimity, Jean-Jacques
The creation of the
celebrations linked the two emperors."
and Soulouque's
in Gonaïves. 53
Senate, the Chamber of Representatives,
important memUnanimously adopted by the Chamber of Representatives, holiday. In a letter
black public also appreciated the new
bers of Soulouque's
Dessalines's children personally expressed
to the state paper, Le Moniteur,
official homage to their father. Rectheir gratitude to the emperor for the
Dessalines's (junior) letter
ognizing Soulouque's magnanimity, Jean-Jacques
The creation of the
celebrations linked the two emperors."
and Soulouque's --- Page 244 ---
REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 229
similar to the national day of mourning under Pierrot in
January 2 holiday,
of Haitian black leaders. Although
1846, placed Soulouque in the genealogy of Haiti he was Dessalines's heir.
he was a southerner, as the second emperor
next to
Day
decade, Dessalines took his place
Independence
For the next
resurrection of the figure of Haiti's first emperor
celebrations. Soulouque's
marked a milestone in the transforand institutionalization of a holiday
mixed-race leader Fabre Geffrard
mation of official memory. Even after the
Desgovernment in 1859 and formed a new republic,
toppled Soulouque's
sanctioned national
salines would maintain his spot in the constitutionally
between
tradition is a curious continuity
holidays." This commemorative
and two leaders, black and
monarchy and republic,
two contrasting regimes,
Geffrard's political skill in maintaining nomimixed-race. It also illustrates
of the black and mixednal popular support while balancing the demands
race Haitian elite.
the January holidays pushed Geffrard's
Official commemorations beyond
members of the Haitian elite
ability to appease the fractious elite. In 1860,
Rameau,
called for the construction of a statue for Dessalines. Septimus
black
southern black elite and founder of the principally
a member of the
an
part of Haiti's regeneraNational Party, proposed the statue as integral frequently in the paper
tion under Geffrard." Articles by Rameau appeared black elite, including
which represented the views of the southern
L'Union,
who in the 1840s supported Dessalines's
Salomon, the future president
mixed-race editor of Le Progrès, Elie
first memorial service. In the capital, the
but only to honor Dessalines's
Heurtelou, supported the statue's construction
However, other memefforts during the War for Independence (1802-3).7 Heurtelou's views and fought
bers of the Port-au-Prince elite did not share with the British and French
to block all efforts. They even found support about the statue and their conconsuls who met with President Geffrard
French men,
Dessalines, who had slaughtered
cerns over commemorating
responded, explaining that he
women, and children. Geffrard diplomatically the
would take no
support the project but that government
could personally
and potential international stigma
part." Regional differences, color politics, official support. Nevertheless,
inhibited the statue's construction and any
of Dessalines
Geffrard's comment suggests that personal commemorations
were permissible.
of Dessalines disappeared from
With the fall of Geffrard, the memory
historian Carlo Célius, Desofficial celebrations. In the words of art
>59
public,
in the antechamber of Haitis national pantheon.
salines was "languishing
centennial, civic groups and the state reDuring preparations for the 1904
of Dessalines. This time, Haistarted the official recuperation oft the memory
ti's founder would truly enter the national pantheon.
Dessalines
Geffrard's comment suggests that personal commemorations
were permissible.
of Dessalines disappeared from
With the fall of Geffrard, the memory
historian Carlo Célius, Desofficial celebrations. In the words of art
>59
public,
in the antechamber of Haitis national pantheon.
salines was "languishing
centennial, civic groups and the state reDuring preparations for the 1904
of Dessalines. This time, Haistarted the official recuperation oft the memory
ti's founder would truly enter the national pantheon. --- Page 245 ---
230 ERIN ZAVITZ
of Haitian intellectuals founded a literary, sciIn the fall of 1891, a group
centennial, L'Association du Cenentific, and artistic club for the country's
were noiristes and
Nationale. 60 Many of these men
tenaire de 'indépendance
the Lhérisson brothers and Massillon
members of the National Party such as
centennial celebrathat they wished to organize
Coicou. It is unsurprising
of Dessalines. Up to this point, civic
tions or that they valued the memory
societies had been absent from planning Independence
groups or private
struggles, along with the increased
Days1 Mounting state debt and political
which had not been available
of1904, provided a space,
national significance
and individuals to work with the govin annual celebrations, for associations
ernment in planning the event.
from the president, Florvil
Within months, the association had approval for its actions: "I can only
Hyppolite, who thanked the founding committee
to
the creation ofa society whose name alone speaks
welcome with pleasure
had overthrown the previous presits worth. 62 From the North, Hyppolite
officials in
of northern residents who felt exploited by
ident in the name
made him amenable to the
Port-au-Prince." 63 His regional and color politics
centennial of indepenDessalines and the
group's efforts to commemorate
black leader like
which in turn could legitimate his rule as a northern
dence,
Dessalines.
set about meeting its main goal: "[TJo
With official support, the group
ofthe centennial of our Indepensentiment for the celebration
raise patriotic
decade to before the actual celebration, memdence.' p64 With more than a
go
accounts and
busied themselves with a variety of activities. Newspaper
bers
at social events and attempting to
speeches capture members reading poetry
led
to Desschool for workers. 65 In addition, they pilgrimages
start a night
of his death and raised money for events
salines's grave on the anniversary
heroes. 66 Unfortunately, preparaand masses to be said for the revolutionary the civil war between supporters
tions for the centennial were interrupted by
the men repAnténor Firmin and Nord Alexis. Both northerners,
of Joseph
residents, but also among the inresented divisions not only among regional
in the erudite Firmin. 67
elite of Port-au-Prince who could see an ally
tellectual
raised doubts about the possibility of even celebrating
Therefore, members
warned that the counthe centennial. The press and official correspondence 68 By December 1902,
faced a crisis that threatened its very independence."
try
General Nord Alexis president,
the victorious army oft the North proclaimed
the president with the
and the association quickly reorganized to present
mission of planning for the centennial. 69
Dévot, Justin LhérisAfter only a few weeks in office, Alexis granted Justin
Association
and other intellectuals of the re-formed
son, Dantès Bellegarde,
and a budget of three hundred
du Centenaire support from the government
members
warned that the counthe centennial. The press and official correspondence 68 By December 1902,
faced a crisis that threatened its very independence."
try
General Nord Alexis president,
the victorious army oft the North proclaimed
the president with the
and the association quickly reorganized to present
mission of planning for the centennial. 69
Dévot, Justin LhérisAfter only a few weeks in office, Alexis granted Justin
Association
and other intellectuals of the re-formed
son, Dantès Bellegarde,
and a budget of three hundred
du Centenaire support from the government --- Page 246 ---
REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 231
dollars. In a letter to the society's former president, Monthousand Haitian
declared it would be responsible for
the committee
sieur Joseph Jérémie,
and affordable for the Centennial of
organizing a celebration "both dignified
further and pub-
>70 The association went a step
our national Independence"
its role, along with
to the Haitian people explaining
lished a proclamation
for the momentous day21 The year leading
the government's, in planning
heroes, newspaper
was filled with conferences on revolutionary
up to 1904
to build monuments, and celebraaccounts of the club's activities, petitions
of the Haisuch as the centennial
tions of events leading to independence, the Battle of Vertières. In addiToussaint Louverture's death, and
tian flag,
Le Soir, edited by Justin Lhérisson, a member
tion, the Port-au-Prince paper
countdown to January 1 to make sure
of the association, ran a ninety-two-day
its readers never forgot the date." 72
the centennial of JeanThe club lasted only a few more years. Following disbanded. RegardDessalines's death in the fall of 1906 the group
Jacques
Haiti's commemorative
actions and words impacted
less, the association's
of the official memory of independence and
practices and the development
the Association du CenteDessalines. First, Florvil Hyppolite, who approved for Dessalines on Septemnaire, oversaw the inauguration of a mausoleum
A decade later, Nord
first official
commemoration?
ber 19, 1893, the
physical Declaration of Independence by traveling
Alexis would reenact Dessalines's
his speech that morning stating, "It
to Gonaives for the centennial. He began
Founder to renew,
for me to come to the same place as the n74
is a great pleasure
oath of
Returning to
on the Altar of the Homeland, our
Independence." the
event in 1804connected Alexis and his presidency to
original
Gonaïves
his political legitimacy by holding
A northerner and noiriste, he proclaimed
Dessalines. The official histhe ceremony in Gonaives and commemorating Alexis's election to the War
torian ofthe centennial went SO far as to compare
forward.7
both were necessary for Haiti to move
for Independence;
actions, members of the Association
Complementary to the government's
multiple conferences
and other Haitian aintellectuals organized
du Centenaire
to correct the injustices of the past
on Dessalines. The conferences sought hero.76 Some lecturers admitted
balanced picture of the
and portray a more
"his violence and brutal
Dessalines's flaws, calling him a "tyrant" or noting
had been
out how these negative images
energy-7 Others wisely pointed
"obscured" our understanding
perpetuated by "haters of our race" who have
of rememof conferences stressed the importance
of him. 78 The collection
" "benefactor," and "defender of
bering Dessalines as a "founder," "liberator,"
of Dessalines, Alexis's
>79 In response to growing popular support
our history."
celebration of Dessalines's death
government responded with a centennial
October 17, 1906, a
in October 1906. Alexis issued a proclamation declaring
7 Others wisely pointed
"obscured" our understanding
perpetuated by "haters of our race" who have
of rememof conferences stressed the importance
of him. 78 The collection
" "benefactor," and "defender of
bering Dessalines as a "founder," "liberator,"
of Dessalines, Alexis's
>79 In response to growing popular support
our history."
celebration of Dessalines's death
government responded with a centennial
October 17, 1906, a
in October 1906. Alexis issued a proclamation declaring --- Page 247 ---
232 ERIN ZAVITZ
nationwide memorial services to solemnly remember
holiday and calling for
Nation.' 80 The service further legitithe "Illustrious Founder of the Haitian
Dessalines's death made him
mated Alexis's government. Commemorating Haiti. Furthermore, the comand the rightful ruler ofl
the heir to black power
combined to move Dessalines
memorations and long overdue monuments
of the national pantheon,
and into the main gallery
out oft the antechamber
resided.
where mixed-race revolutionary heroes
achievement for the
The first of January 1904 symbolized a momentous with economic and
island nation. One hundred years ofindependence, even To plan, the state
difficulties, was worthy of a proper celebration.
the
political
Days but also welcomed
turned to the traditions of past Independence role ofi findividuals influenced
participation of private societies. The increased
of
traditions. The symbolic potential
in commemorative
new developments
and symbolic genealogies of
1904 would quickly dim as commemorations
sovereignty. The centenblack power could not sustain the country's fragile
Dessalines. No lonmemory of Jean-Jacques
nial did offer one rebirth-the
the founder of Haiti marched forward
ostracized from official memory,
ger
to accept his rightful place.
Notes
the French
Chateaubriand
was
by
government's
Research for this essay supported short-term grant, the Conference on Latin
Fellowship. a New York Public Library
of History. All transAmerican History, and the University of Florida's Department
lations are my own.
Tindépendance de notre
de combattre jusqu'au dernier soupir pour
1. "Jurons
repr. Port-au-Prince: Henri De-
* Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (1847-48;
pays."
schamps, 1988-91), 3:145-46.
" The National Archives of the United
2. "Haitian Declaration of Independence, We do not know exactly when the
Kingdom, CO 137/m1/1; Madiou, Histoire, 3:151.
conferred the title of governor-general for life on Dessalines.
generals
memoirs, published only months after independence,
3. Boisrond-Tonnerres
role writing the declaration: Louis Félix
make no mention of the ceremony or his
([Haiti]: Imprimerie CenBoisrond-Tonnerre, Mémoires pour servir à Phistoire d'Hayti Madiou's description
1804), 90-93. Deborah Jenson argues
tral du Gouvernement,
the Slave Narrative: Politics, Sex, and
is "imperial in style.' " Deborah Jenson, Beyond Liverpool University Press, 2011),
Manuscripts in the Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: embellished by Madiou, who was writing
87. The details ofthe event mayhave been
and during the first reentry of
under the aegis of black leader Faustin Soulouque
Yet his bias serves to illusthe memory of Dessalines into official commemorations. narrative of the ceremony
of recuperation. Moreover, the general
trate the process
tral du Gouvernement,
the Slave Narrative: Politics, Sex, and
is "imperial in style.' " Deborah Jenson, Beyond Liverpool University Press, 2011),
Manuscripts in the Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: embellished by Madiou, who was writing
87. The details ofthe event mayhave been
and during the first reentry of
under the aegis of black leader Faustin Soulouque
Yet his bias serves to illusthe memory of Dessalines into official commemorations. narrative of the ceremony
of recuperation. Moreover, the general
trate the process --- Page 248 ---
COMMEMORATIONS 233
REVOLUTIONARY
Beaubrun Ardouin, Études sur Phistoire d'Haiti,
resembles that ofhis colleagues; see
Dézobry et E. Magdeleine, 1853-60),
suivies de la vie du Général J.-M. Borgella (Paris:
et historique,
Saint-Rémy, Pétion et Haiti: étude monographique
6:25-30; and Joseph
1956), 4:5-10.
2nd ed. (1854-57; repr. Paris: Berger-Levrault, statistics of Haiti today with estimates
Current linguists debate the literacy
and
4is fully bilingual in Kreyôl
that approximately 5 percent of the population
tèt anba (Port-au-Prince:
Yon lekôl têt anba nan yon peyi
French; see Yves Dejean,
rates for French-literate Haitians must
Nineteenth-century literacy
FOKAL, 2006).
have been near this level or even lower.
Race, Colour, and National IndeDavid Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier:
5Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996),71.
pendence in Haiti, 2nd ed. (New
Fetes: The Making of AmeriWaldstreicher, In the Midst of Perpetual
6. See David
of North Carolina Press, 1997);
(Chapel Hill: University
the
can Nationalism, 1776-1820
Politics the Street: Festive Culture in
and Simon P. Newman, Parades and the
of
Press, 1997).
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania
Early American Republic
Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread
7. Benedict Anderson, Imagined
ofI Nationalism, rev. ed. (London: Verso, 1991).
to Anderson's
Abercrombie has argued for a similar supplement
8. Thomas
and Mistresses ofthe Urban Bolivian Pubprint focus; see Abercrombie, "Mothers
in Oruro's Carnival,"
Postcolonial Predicament and National Imaginary
lic Sphere:
Predicaments of the Americas, ed. Mark Thurner
in After Spanish Rule: Postcolonial
Press, 2003),176-220. Henand Andrés Guerrero (Durham, NC: Duke University
between official and
of Brazilian civic festivals also moves
drik Kraay's recent study
celebrations: Days of National Fespopular expression using printed texts and public
University Press, 2013).
Brazil, 1823-1889 (Stanford: Stanford
tivity in Rio de Janeiro,
the Haitian Revolution, in The World ofthe
Carlo Célius, "Neoclassicism and
Indiana
9.
ed. David Geggus and Norman Fiering (Bloomington:
Haitian Revolution,
University Press, 2009), 360.
in this volume demonstrate,
As David Geggus's and Patrick Tardieu's essays
10.
in translation in the Times (London), Februthe proclamation existed and appeared
ary 6, 1804, 3.
Disavowed: Haiti and the Cultures of Slavery in the
11. Sibylle Fischer, Modernity
Press, 2004), 230.
Age of Revolution (Durham, NC: Duke University Dessalines, would have fully un12. Few members of the audience, including
in French made the docBoisrond-Tonnerres' text;however, its publication
derstood
French-reading public. Thus, in contrast
ument fully accessible to an international
literate Haitian elite
histories and literary works aimed at a small,
to the printed
celebrations were principally a
audience, the national holiday
and an international
identity on the local level.
means of transferring history and constructing Revolution," 71 361.
and the Haitian
13. Célius, "Neoclassicism
Black Publics and Peasant Radicalism in
Mimi Sheller, Democracy after Slavery:
14.
University Press of Florida, 2000), 98.
Haiti and Jamaica (Gainesville:
in contrast
ument fully accessible to an international
literate Haitian elite
histories and literary works aimed at a small,
to the printed
celebrations were principally a
audience, the national holiday
and an international
identity on the local level.
means of transferring history and constructing Revolution," 71 361.
and the Haitian
13. Célius, "Neoclassicism
Black Publics and Peasant Radicalism in
Mimi Sheller, Democracy after Slavery:
14.
University Press of Florida, 2000), 98.
Haiti and Jamaica (Gainesville: --- Page 249 ---
234 ERIN ZAVITZ
15- Madiou, Histoire, 3:234-35.
d'Haiti, November 22, 1804, 8.
16. "Couplets, " Gazette Politique et Commerciale
and histories; howreactions often appeared later in memoirs
The various negative
become labeled as a tyrant and
illustrate how Dessalines would quickly
See
ever, they
label would remain in Haitian collective memory.
dictator and how long this
6:81; and Edmond Bonnet, ed., Souvenirs
Madiou, Histoire, 3:171; Ardouin, Études,
Bonnet (Paris: Auguste Durand, 1864), 131.
historique de Guy-Joseph
17. Madiou, Histoire, 3:237.
describes the ceremony as a commem18. Haitian historian Beaubrun Ardouin
oration of January 1, 1804. See Ardouin, Études, 6:19.
36.
et Commerciale d'Haiti, January 10, 1805,
19. Gazette Politique
Constitutions of the World, www.modern
20. Haiti, Imperial Constitution (1805),
-00-805-05:20.f:
1806), The Port-Folio 5, no. 3:
Condy Raguet, "Memoirs of Hayti" (February
21.
247.
22. Ibid.
author's spelling of Capoix with an "x."
23. Ibid., 246-47 I follow the
for Independence Day appeared
24. Under Jean-Pierre Boyer, announcements December 9, 1821, 3December issues of the official paper, Le Télégraphe,
in
From the Expulsion ofthe French to the Death
25. W. W. Harvey, Sketches of Hayti:
2nd ed. (1827; repr. London: Frank Cass, 1971), 300. Haiti: The AfterofChristophe,
Laurent Dubois,
26. Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 40;
(New York: Metropolitan Books, 2012), 49.
shocks of History
of Haiti's postindependence economy and
discussion
27. For a more complete
"The War on Sugar: Forced Labor, Comland distribution, see Johnhenry Gonzales,
(PhD diss.,
Production and the Origins ofthe Haitian Peasantry, 1791-1843."
modity
University of Chicago, 2012).
28. Madiou, Histoire, 3:370.
1806, 161. I have been unable to locate issue 42
29. Gazette Politique, October 16,
to November 6 to find
which would be the next in the series, thus we must jump
coverage of the assassination.
éclatait dans plusieurs en30. "Depuis quelques temps le mécontentement diverse injustices, et des actes
Une mauvaise administration,
droits de l'empire.
fonctionnaires publics, ainsi que des particucontraires à la sûreté des premiers
qui vient d'être renversé,"
liers, avaient excités un dégoût général du gouvernement
November 6, 1806, 169.
Gazette Politique,
à désirer une Constitution sage et convenable, qui
31. "Il nous reste maintenant administrateurs amis de leur pays, faire oublier
puisse, sous un chef paternel et des
du bonheur après lequel nos soupirons
passés, et nous faire jouir
nos malheurs
Politique, November 6, 1806, 170.
depuis long-temps [sic)," Gazette
Gazette Politique, August 1, 1805, 133.
32.
6, 1806, 169.
Gazette Politique,
à désirer une Constitution sage et convenable, qui
31. "Il nous reste maintenant administrateurs amis de leur pays, faire oublier
puisse, sous un chef paternel et des
du bonheur après lequel nos soupirons
passés, et nous faire jouir
nos malheurs
Politique, November 6, 1806, 170.
depuis long-temps [sic)," Gazette
Gazette Politique, August 1, 1805, 133.
32. --- Page 250 ---
REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 235
33- "La tyrannie est abattue La liberté renaît : nous sommes enfn libres,"
Madiou, Histoire, 3:420.
34. Madiou, Histoire, 3:406. The memoirs of General Guy-Joseph Bonnet also
recount Défilée burying the body. Bonnet, Souvenirs, 142.
35- Ardouin, Études, 6:74, note 1.
36. Madiou, Histoire, 3:406.
37 Jerry Gilles and Yvrose Gilles, Sèvis ginen: rasin, rityël, respè lan vodou (Davie,
FL: Bookmanlit, 2009), 127.
38. Joan (Colin) Dayan, Haiti, History, and the Gods (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 30-31, 4339. Madiou, Histoire, 6:485.
40. Ardouin, Études, 10:11-12.
Biblio41. "Décret August 21, 1843." (Port-Républicain: Imprimerie Nationale),
thèque Nationale de France.
42. Among the most famous accounts is that of French naturalist Michel-Etienne
Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses observations (Paris: Dufart, 1809), 3:304.
43. Feuille du Commerce, February 4 1844, 2-3, and January 21, 1844, 444. Le Moniteur Haitien, October 25, 1845. 2.
45- "[LJes deux actes (independence and 1805 constitution] les plus mémorables
et les plus glorieux de l'histoire d'Haiti appartiennent donc à Dessalines, Le Moniteur Haitien, October 25, 1845, 2.
46. Le Moniteur, November 1, 1845.1.
47. Dubois, Haiti, 131; Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 79. Noiristes viewed
themselves as supporters ofthe black peasantry and believed political power should
be in the hands of the majority (black) population.
48. Le Moniteur, November 1, 1845. 1.
49. "[LJa mémoire du vengeur de la race noire, du libérateur d'Haiti, du héros de
T'indépendance, du fameux Jean-Jacques Dessalines, "Procès-verbal" (Aux Cayes:
Imprimerie Nationale, 1845), 6.
50. Dubois, Haiti, 145.
51. Murdo MacLeod, "The Soulouque Regime in Haiti, 1847-1859: A Revaluation," 7 Journal ofCaribbean Studies 10, no. 3 (1970): 36.
52. Haiti, Imperial Constitution (1849), Constitutions ofthe World, www.modern
smuemspinpvire.etoanbpiduwoedhenteacol-eNT
-00-1849-09-17f Louis Joseph Janvier, Les Constitutions d'Haiti, 1801-1885 (Paris:
C. Marpon et E. Flammarion, 1886), 261.
53. Le Moniteur, December 22, 1848.
54. Ibid., February 3, 1849.
55- Janvier, Les Constitutions d'Haiti, 272; L'Opinion Nationale, January 5, 1861.
56. L'Union, October 25, 1860.
57- Ibid., December 20, 1860.
58. "Levraud à Thouvenel, Ministre des Affaires Étrangères, December 23,
Paris:
C. Marpon et E. Flammarion, 1886), 261.
53. Le Moniteur, December 22, 1848.
54. Ibid., February 3, 1849.
55- Janvier, Les Constitutions d'Haiti, 272; L'Opinion Nationale, January 5, 1861.
56. L'Union, October 25, 1860.
57- Ibid., December 20, 1860.
58. "Levraud à Thouvenel, Ministre des Affaires Étrangères, December 23, --- Page 251 ---
236 ERIN ZAVITZ
de
1860-68, Centre des Archives Diplomatiques
1860, Correspondance Politique,
Nantes.
"Neoclassicism and the Haitian Revolution," 389.
59. Célius,
(Port-au-Prince: Chéraquit, 1929),
60. Joseph Jérémie, ed. Haiti indépendante
association's papers, Joseph
members included the editor of the
25-27 Founding
author Massillon Coicou, the Lhérisson brothJérémie, the noiriste and nationalist
ers, and Pierre Laforest.
traditions in Latin America in
61. This stands in contrast to commemorative
festivities. See William
associations and the state played a role in organizing
which
Mexico! jViva La Independencial: CelebraH. Beezley and David E. Lorey, eds., jViva
Resources, Inc., 2001); Hendrik
16 (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly
tions of September
of Our Nationality: Independence CeleKraay, "Let us Be Brazilians on the Day
Identities in Modern Latin
in Negotiating
brations in Rio de Janeiro 18405-1860s."
of Calgary Press, 2007), 27-48;
America, ed. Hendrick Kraay (Calgary: University
(Stanford: Stanford
National Festivities in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 1823-1899
Days of
University Press, 2013).
une société dont le titre seul est déjà
62. "Je ne puis voir qu'avec plaisir se créer
Jérémie, Haîti indépendante, 31.
une recommendation,"
63. Dubois, Haiti, 185.
célébration du centenaire de notre Inles
à la
64. "[EJn vue de préparer esprits
dépendance." ' Jérémie, Haiti indépendante, iii.
35-51, 59-74.
January 28, 1893; Jérémie, Haiti indépendante,
65. Le Peuple,
and October 16, 1900.
66. Le Nouvelliste, October 17, 1899.
to run for office again and mem67 Less than a decade later, Firmin would try exile. For author and member
bers of the association supported his return from
L'exécution des Frères
Coicou, his support cost him his life. Gérard Jolibois,
Massillon
Imprimerie Le Natal S.A., 1986).
Coicou (Port-au-Prince:
68. Le Devoir, July 2, 1902, 69.
December 30, 1902; Jérémie,
Jérémie, Haiti indépendante, iv; Le Nouvelliste,
69.
Haiti indépendante, 79.
la célébration du Centenaire de
"D]une façon à la fois digne et modeste,
70.
nationale, " Jérémie, Haiti indépendante, 79.
notre Indépendance
71. Ibid., 84.
31, 1903.
72. See Le Soir, September 30-December
Imprimerie Aug. A. Héraux,
L.C. Lhérisson, Pour Dessalines (Port-au-Prince:
731906),9.
moi de venir a la même place que le
"C'est une bien grande satisfaction pour
74l'Autel de la Patrie notre serment d'indépendance,"
Fondateur, faire renouveler sur
Le Moniteur, January 2, 1904,1.
1804-1904 (Port-auLes fêtes du centenaire aux Gonaives,
75- Antoine Augustin,
Prince: Imprimerie Aug. A. Héraux, 1905), 51.
de
Dessalines:
Conférence historique sur la vie Jean-Jacques
76. Jules Rosemond,
que le
"C'est une bien grande satisfaction pour
74l'Autel de la Patrie notre serment d'indépendance,"
Fondateur, faire renouveler sur
Le Moniteur, January 2, 1904,1.
1804-1904 (Port-auLes fêtes du centenaire aux Gonaives,
75- Antoine Augustin,
Prince: Imprimerie Aug. A. Héraux, 1905), 51.
de
Dessalines:
Conférence historique sur la vie Jean-Jacques
76. Jules Rosemond, --- Page 252 ---
REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 237
fondateur de lindépendance haitienne (Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de l'Abeille, 1903),
20.
77- Lhérisson, Pour Dessalines, 8; Rosemond, Conférence historique, 50.
78. Septimus Marius, "Discours apologique: en mémoire de Jean-Jacques Dessalines" (Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie Aug. A. Héraux, 1906), 3; Duraciné Vaval,
"Conférences historiques: Dessalines devant l'histoire et Toussaint Louverture à
travers la littérature nationale" (Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de l'Abeille, 1906),13.
79. Marius, "Discours apologique, n 3; Lhérisson, Pour Dessalines, 8-10.
80. Jérémie, Haiti indépendante, 129. --- Page 253 --- --- Page 254 ---
Appendix
The Haitian Declaration of Independence
The following is a transcription of the Haitian Declaration of Independence according to the official printed copies held at The National Archives of the United
Kingdom. This version maintains all original spelling, capitalization, and typos.
The translation was produced collaboratively by the editor and contributors of this
volume.
LIBERTY OR DEATH.
LIBERTÉ, OU LA MORT.
INDIGENOUS ARMY.
ARMÉE INDIGÈNE.
TODAY, January first, eighteen hun- AUJOURD'HUI premier Janvier, mil
dred and four, the General in Chief huit cent quatre, le Général en Chef
of the Indigenous army, accomde l'armée Indigène, accompagné
panied by the Generals, Chiefs of
des Généraux, Chefs de l'armée,
the army, who were summoned in
convoqués à l'effet de prendre les
order to take the measures that will mesures qui doivent tendre au bonensure the welfare of the country.
heur du pays.
After having made known to the
Après avoir fait connaitre aux
assembled Generals, his true inten- Généraux assemblés, ses véritables
tions, which are to assure forever a
intentions, d'assurer à jamais aux
stable Government for the IndigeIndigènes d'Hayti, un Gouvernous of Hayti, his primary objecnement stable, objet de sa plus vive
tive; which he did in a speech that
sollicitude; ce qu'il a fait par un dishas been made known to Foreign
cours qui tend à faire connaître aux
Powers, his resolution to make the
Puissances Étrangères, la résolution
country independent, and to enjoy
de rendre le pays indépendant, et
a liberty consecrated by the blood of de jouir d'une liberté consacrée
the inhabitants of this Island; and
par le sang du peuple de cette Isle;
after having taken their advice, has
et après avoir recueilli les avis, a
asked that each of the assembled
demandé que chacun des Généraux
Generals take an oath to renounce
assemblés prononçât le serment
to make the
Puissances Étrangères, la résolution
country independent, and to enjoy
de rendre le pays indépendant, et
a liberty consecrated by the blood of de jouir d'une liberté consacrée
the inhabitants of this Island; and
par le sang du peuple de cette Isle;
after having taken their advice, has
et après avoir recueilli les avis, a
asked that each of the assembled
demandé que chacun des Généraux
Generals take an oath to renounce
assemblés prononçât le serment --- Page 255 ---
240 APPENDIX
France forever, to die rather than
de renoncer à jamais à la France,
live under its dominion, and to fight de mourir plutôt que de vivre sous
for independence until their last
sa domination, et de combattre
breath.
jusqu'au dernier soupir pour
T'indépendance.
The Generals, deeply moved by
Les Généraux, pénétrés de ces
these sacred principles, after having principes sacrés, après avoir donné
given with a unanimous voice their d'une voix unanime leur adhésion
adherence to the clearly stated proj- au projet bien manifesté d'indépenect ofindependence, have all sworn dance, ont tous juré à la postérité, à
to posterity, to the whole universe, to
l'univers entier, de renoncer à jamais
renounce France forever, and to die
à la France, et de mourir plutôt que de
rather than live under its dominion.
vivre sous sa domination.
Done at Gonaives, this 19t, of January Fait aux Gonaives, ce 1°r, Janvier
1804 and the 18t. day ofthe indepen- 1804 et le 1°, jour de l'indépendance
dence of Hayti
d'Hayti.
Signed, DESSALINES, General in
Signés, DESSALINES, Général en
chief; Christophe, Pétion, Clerchef; Christophe, Pétion, Clervaux, Geffrard, Vernet, Gabart,
vaux, Geffrard, Vernet, Gabart,
Division Generals; P. Romain,
Généraux de Division; P. Romain,
E. G[éjrin, F. Capoix, Daut, JeanE. Gerin, F. Capoix, Daut, JeanLouis-Francois, Fléjrou, Cangé,
Louis-François, Ferou, Cangé,
L. Bazelais, Magloire Ambroise,
L. Bazelais, Magloire Ambroise,
J. Jques. Herne, Toussaint Brave,
J. Jques. Herne, Toussaint Brave,
Yayou, Brigadier Generals; Bonnet,
Yayou, Généraux de Brigade; Bonnet,
F. Papalier, Morelly, Chevalier,
F. Papalier, Morelly, Chevalier,
Marion, Adjutant Generals; Magny,
Marion, Adjudans-Genéraux; Magny,
Roux, Chiefs of Brigade; Charléjron,
Roux, Chefs de Brigade; Chareron,
B. Loret, Quené, Makajoux, Dupuy,
B. Loret, Quené, Makajoux, Dupuy,
Carbonne, Diaquoi ainé, Raphaël,
Carbonne, Diaquoi ainé, Raphaël,
Malet, Derenoncourt, Officers of
Malet, Derenoncourt, Officiers de
the army, and Boisrond Tonnerre,
larmée, et Boisrond Tonnerre,
Selcjretary
Seérétaire.
THE GENERAL IN CHIEF,
LE GÉNÉRAL EN CHEF,
TO THE PEOPLE OF HAYTI
AU PEUPLE D'HAYTI.
CITIZENS,
CITOYENS,
IT is not enough to have expelled
CE n'est pas assez d'avoir expulsé
from your country the barbarians
de votre pays les barbares qui l'ont
who have bloodied it for two centuensanglanté depuis deux siècles;
ries; it is not enough to have put an ce n'est pas assez d'avoir mis un
retary
Seérétaire.
THE GENERAL IN CHIEF,
LE GÉNÉRAL EN CHEF,
TO THE PEOPLE OF HAYTI
AU PEUPLE D'HAYTI.
CITIZENS,
CITOYENS,
IT is not enough to have expelled
CE n'est pas assez d'avoir expulsé
from your country the barbarians
de votre pays les barbares qui l'ont
who have bloodied it for two centuensanglanté depuis deux siècles;
ries; it is not enough to have put an ce n'est pas assez d'avoir mis un --- Page 256 ---
APPENDIX 241
factions that frein aux factions toujours renaisend to those resurgent
santes qui se jouaient tour-à-tour
one after another mocked the phande liberté que la france
of
which france exposed du fantôme
tom liberty
last
à vos yeux; il faut par un
to our eyes; it is necessary by a
exposait d'autorité nationale,
national authority, to forever
dernier acte
act of
assurer à jamais l'empire de la
ensure the empire of liberty in the
liberté dans le pays qui nous a vu
country that gave us birth; we must naitre; il faut ravir au gouvernement
seize from the inhuman governinhumain qui tient depuis longment that has for a long time kept
dans la torpeur
in the most humiliating torpor,
tems nos esprits
us
must la plus humiliante, tout espoir de
all hope of re-enslaving us; we
réasservir; il faut enfin vivre
then live independent or die.
nous
mourir.
indépendans ou
let
Indépendance, ou la mort..
Independence, or death...
mots sacrés nous rallient, et
these sacred words unite us, and let que ces
des combats et
of battle, and of qu'ils soient le signal
them be the signal
de notre réunion.
our reunion.
Citoyens, mes Compatriotes, jai
Citizens, my Countrymen, I have
solemnel ces
solemn day those rassemblé dans ce jour
assembled on this
militaires courageux, qui, à la veille
courageous soldiers, who, as liberty
les derniers soupirs de
have spilled their blood to de recueillir
lay dying,
la liberté, ont prodigué leur sang
save her; these Generals who have
ces Généraux qui ont
efforts against tyranny, pour la sauver;
guided your
guidé VOS efforts contre la tyrannie,
have not yet done enough for your
encore assez fait pour
the French name still n'ont point
happiness...
votre bonheur... le nom français
haunts our country.
lugubre encore nos contrées.
Tout y retrace le souvenir des
Everything here recalls the
cruautés de ce peuple barbare; nos
memory of the cruelties oft those
nos villes, tout
barbarous people; our laws, our
lois, nos mceurs,
française;
still encore porte T'empreinte
manners, our towns, everything
dis-je, il existe des français dans
carries the imprint of the French;
que
vous croyez libres
Frenchmen notre Isle, et vous
what do I say, there are
de cette République
Island, and you think
et indépendans
in our
yet
a combattu toutes les nations, il
you are free and independent of
qui
n'a jamais vaincu
which fought every
est vrai; mais qui
that Republic
celles qui ont voulu être libres.
other nation, it is true; but which
those who are
has never vanquished
determined to be free.
Eh quoi! victimes pendant
What! victims for fourteen years
de notre crédulité et
and indulgence;
quatorze ans
of our credulity
de notre indulgence; vaincus, non
vanquished, not by French armies,
attu toutes les nations, il
you are free and independent of
qui
n'a jamais vaincu
which fought every
est vrai; mais qui
that Republic
celles qui ont voulu être libres.
other nation, it is true; but which
those who are
has never vanquished
determined to be free.
Eh quoi! victimes pendant
What! victims for fourteen years
de notre crédulité et
and indulgence;
quatorze ans
of our credulity
de notre indulgence; vaincus, non
vanquished, not by French armies, --- Page 257 ---
242 APPENDIX
but by the misleading eloquence of
their agents' proclamations;
par des armées françaises, mais par
when
la
will we be tired ofl breathing the
pipeuse éloquence des proclasame air as they do? What do
mations de leurs agens; quand
have in common with these we
nous lasserons-nous de respirer le
tioners? Their
execumême air qu'eux? Qu'avons-nous
cruelty compared to
de commun
our patient moderation; their color
avec ce peuple bourwith ours, the vast
of
reau? Sa cruauté comparée à notre
expanse the
patiente
seas that separate us, our
modération; sa couleur
avenging à la nôtre, l'étendue
climate, all tell us that they are not
des mers qui
our brothers, that they will
nous séparent, notre climat
never be, nous disent
vengeur
and that if they find asylum
assez qu'ils ne sont pas
us, they will again be the among nos frères, qu'ils ne le deviendront
of our troubles and
instigators jamais, et que s'ils trouvent un
our divisions.
asile
parmi nous, ils seront encore les
machinateurs de nos troubles et de
Native Citizens,
nos divisions.
men, women,
Citoyens
girls and children, cast your
Indigènes, hommes,
on every part of this Island, look gaze
femmes, filles et enfans, portés
your wives,
for VOS regards sur toutes les
your husbands, your
de cette Isle,
parties
brothers, and your sisters; what do
cherchez-y, vous
I say, look for your children,
VOS épouses, vous VOS maris, vous
suckling babies? What has your
VOS frères, vous VOS soeurs; que
ofthem... I shudder to become dis-je, cherchez-y VOS enfans, VOS
the
say it..
enfans à la mamelle?
prey oft these vultures. Instead
Que sont-ils
ofthese precious victims,
devenus... Je frémis de le dire..
saddened
your
la proie de ces vautours. Au lieu de
eye only sees their assasces victimes
sins; these tigers still covered with
intéressantes, votre
their blood, and whose atrocious
ceil consterné n'apperçoit que leurs
presence reproaches
assassins; que les tigres dégoutyour insensitant encore de leur
tivity and your culpable slowness
sang, et dont
in avenging them. What are
l'affreuse présence vous reproche
waiting for before
you
votre insensibilité et votre coupable
appeasing their
lenteur à les
spirits; remember that you want
venger. Qu'attendezvous pour
leurs
your remains to rest near those of
appaiser
mânes;
your fathers, when you have driven
songez que vous avez voulu que VOS
tyranny out; will you descend into
restes reposassent auprès de ceux de
their tombs without
VOS pères, quand vous avez chassé
having avenged la tyrannie;
them? No, their bones would releur
descendrez-vous dans
pulse yours.
tombes, sans les avoir vengés?
Non, leur ossemens repousseraient
And
les vôtres.
you precious men, intrepid
Et vous hommes
précieux,
, when you have driven
songez que vous avez voulu que VOS
tyranny out; will you descend into
restes reposassent auprès de ceux de
their tombs without
VOS pères, quand vous avez chassé
having avenged la tyrannie;
them? No, their bones would releur
descendrez-vous dans
pulse yours.
tombes, sans les avoir vengés?
Non, leur ossemens repousseraient
And
les vôtres.
you precious men, intrepid
Et vous hommes
précieux, --- Page 258 ---
APPENDIX 243
Généraux intrépides qui, insenGenerals who, without concern
malheurs,
have
sibles à VOS propres
for your own misfortunes,
la liberté en lui
resuscitated liberty by giving her
avez ressuscité
sachez
blood; know that you have
prodiguant tout votre sang;
all your
vous n'avez rien fait, si vous
nothing, unless you
que
accomplished
but
ne donnez aux nations un exemple
give to the nations a terrible,
mais juste, de la vengeance
just, example of the vengeance that terrible,
fier
nation
que doit exercer un peuple
must be wrought by a
proud d'avoir recouvré sa liberté, et jaloux
of having recovered its liberty, and
effrayons tous
of maintaining it; let us
de la maintenir;
nous
jealous
dare
ceux qui oseraient tenter de
frighten all those who would
commençons par
to take it from us again: let us la ravir encore:
to try
Let them les français.. Qu'ils frémissent
begin with the French..
nos côtes, sinon par le
shudder when they approach our
en abordant
y ont
of
souvenir des cruautés qu'ils
coasts, if not from the memory
moins la résolution
perpetrated there, exercées, au
par
the cruelties they
that
terrible que nous allons prendre
then by the terrible resolution
de dévouer à la mort, quiconque
we shall enter into of putting to
souillerait de son pied
who is born French,
né français,
death, anyone
le territoire de la liberté.
and who would soil with their sacri- sacrilége
legious foot the territory of liberty.
osé être libres,
We have dared to be free, let us
Nous avons nous-mémes et pour
and for
osons l'être par
dare to be SO by ourselves
nous-mëmes; imitons T'enfant qui
ourselves; let us imitate the growing
poids brise la
breaks the
grandit: son propre
child: his own weight
lisière lui devient inutile et l'enbassinet that has become useless to
qui
trave dans sa marche. Quel peuple
him and that shackles him in his
nous! quel peuple
march. What people fought for us? a combattu pour les fruits de nos
What nation would reap the fruits of voudrait recueillir
what dishonorable travaux? Et quelle déshonorante
our labors? And
absurdité que de vaincre pour être
absurdity it would be to vanquish to
Esclaves!.. laissons aux
become slaves. Slaves let us leave esclaves.
qualificative;
have français cette épithète
that epithet to the French; they
vaincu pour cesser d'être
to lose their freedom.
ils ont
won, only
let libres.
Let us walk in other footsteps,
Marchons sur d'autres traces,
us imitate those nations who, carryqui, portant
their solicitude all the way to the imitons ces peuples
l'aveing
leurs sollicitudes jusques sur
future and not willing to leave an
de laisser à la
example of cowardice for posterity,
nir et appréhendant de la lâcheté, ont
to be exterminated
postérité l'exemple
have preferred
être exterminés que rayés
rather than to lose their place on the préférés
libres.
du nombre des peuples
list of free nations.
itate those nations who, carryqui, portant
their solicitude all the way to the imitons ces peuples
l'aveing
leurs sollicitudes jusques sur
future and not willing to leave an
de laisser à la
example of cowardice for posterity,
nir et appréhendant de la lâcheté, ont
to be exterminated
postérité l'exemple
have preferred
être exterminés que rayés
rather than to lose their place on the préférés
libres.
du nombre des peuples
list of free nations. --- Page 259 ---
244 APPENDIX
Gardons-nous cependant que
Let us ensure however that a
ne détruise
spirit does not destroy l'esprit de prosélitisme
proselytizing
breathe notre ouvrage; laissons en paix
our work; let our neighbors
nos voisins, qu'ils vivent
in peace, let them live quietly under respirer
des lois
of the laws that they have paisiblement sous l'égide
the aegis
se sont faites, et n'allons
made for themselves, and let us
qu'ils
révolutionnaires,
firebrands
pas, boutes-feu
not go, as revolutionary
of nous érigeant en législateur des
proclaiming ourselves legislators
Antilles, faire consister notre gloire
the Antilles, seek glory by disturbà troubler le repos des Isles qui
ing the tranquility ofthe neighboravoisinent; elles n'ont point,
ing Islands; they have not, like the
nous
nous habitons,
inhabit, been drenched comme celles que
one that we
été arrosées du sang innocent de
with the innocent blood oft their
habitans; ils n'ont point de
inhabitants; they have no vengeance leurs
contre l'autorité
that
vengeance à exercer
to claim from the authority
qui les protège.
protects them.
Heureuses de n'avoir jamais
Fortunate to have never known
les Aléaux qui nous ont
the scourges that have destroyed us; connu
que faire
wish for our welfare.
détruit; elles ne peuvent
they can only
des voeux pour notre prospérité.
but
Paix à nos voisins, mais
Peace to our neighbors,
haine
French name, eter- anathême au nom français,
anathema to the
éternelle à la france: voilà notre cri.
nal hatred to france: that is our cry.
d'Hayti! mon heuNatives of Hayti! My happy desIndigènes
à être
the sentinel
reuse destinée me réservait
tiny was to be one day
la sentinelle qui dût veiller
who is to guard the idol to which
un jour de l'idole à laquelle vous
sacrifice: I have stood guard,
à la garde
you
alone; and ifl
sacrifiez: jai veillé, combattu,
fought, sometimes
seul; et si jai été assez
have been SO fortunate to deliver to quelquefois de remettre en VOS
the sacred charge you entrusted heureux que
you
that it is now mains le dépôt sacré que vous
to my care, remember
m'avez confié, songez que c'est à
your turn to preserve it. In fighting
à le conserver. En
for
liberty, I labored towards
vous maintenant
your
combattant pour votre liberté jai traBefore consolimy own happiness.
in- vaillé à mon propre bonheur. Avant
dating it by laws that ensure your
de la consolider par des lois qui asdividual liberty, your Chiefs, whom I
libre individualité, VOS
here, and I, owe you surent votre
am assembling
Chefs, que Jassemble ici, et moithe last proof of our devotion.
même nous vous devons la dernière
preuve de notre dévouement.
Généraux, et vous Chefs, réunis
Generals, and you Chiefs, gathde moi pour le bonheur de
ered here with me for the happiness ici près
dating it by laws that ensure your
de la consolider par des lois qui asdividual liberty, your Chiefs, whom I
libre individualité, VOS
here, and I, owe you surent votre
am assembling
Chefs, que Jassemble ici, et moithe last proof of our devotion.
même nous vous devons la dernière
preuve de notre dévouement.
Généraux, et vous Chefs, réunis
Generals, and you Chiefs, gathde moi pour le bonheur de
ered here with me for the happiness ici près --- Page 260 ---
APPENDIX 245
notre
le jour est arrivé, ce jour
of our country, the day has arrived,
pays,
notre gloire, notre
this day will eternalize our glory, our qui doit éterniser
indépendance.
independence.
S'il pouvait exister parmi nous
Should a cool heart be amongst
tiède,
s'éloigne et
let him draw back, and tremble un coeur
qu'il
you,
the
tremble de prononcer le serment
at the thought of pronouncing
doit nous unir.
oath that is to unite us.
qui
à Punivers entier, à la postérité,
the whole universe, Jurons
Let uS swear before
à nous-mèmes de renoncer à jamais à
to posterity, to ourselves to renounce
et de mourir plutôt que de
and to die rather than
la france,
France forever,
vivre sous sa domination.
live under its dominion.
the
De combattrej jusqu'au dernier soupir
Tofight until our last breath for
l'indépendance de notre pays.
independence ofour country.
pour
who have too
Et toi, peuple trop long-tems
And you, people
infortuné, témoin du serment que
long been unfortunate, witness the
souviens toi que
remember
nous prononçons,
oath that we are taking,
c'est sur ta constance et ton courage
that I have counted on your fidelity
quand je me suis
when I entered the pur- que jai compté
and courage
lancé dans la carrière de la liberté
suit of liberty to fight the despotism
combattre le despotisme et
and the tyranny against which you
pour y
tu luttais
la tyrannie contre lesquels
had struggled for fourteen years;
quatorze ans; rapelle-toi
remember that I have sacrificed
depuis
sacrifié
voler à ta
defense,
que jai tout
pour
everything to fly to your
enfans, fortune,
children, fortune, and now défense, parens,
suis riche
parents,
that
et que maintenant je ne
I am rich only in your liberty;
de ta liberté; que mon nom
name has become a horror to
que
les
my
and that est devenu en horreur à tous
all those who want slavery,
qui veulent l'esclavage, et
despots and tyrants never utter it
peuples
et les tyrans ne le
unless to curse the day that I was
que les despotes maudissant le
born; and if you ever rejected or
prononcent qu'en naître; et si jamais
while receiving the laws
jour qui m'a vu
grumbled
tu refusais ou recevais en murmuthat the spirit that watches over
les lois le génie qui veille
destiny dictates to me for your rant
que
ton
your
would deserve the
à tes destins me dictera pour
happiness, you
bonheur, tu mériterais le sort des
fate of ungrateful peoples.
peuples ingrats.
idea;
Mais loin de moi cette affreuse
But I reject this shocking
idée; tu seras le soutien de la liberté
you will be the support of the liberty
vu
grumbled
tu refusais ou recevais en murmuthat the spirit that watches over
les lois le génie qui veille
destiny dictates to me for your rant
que
ton
your
would deserve the
à tes destins me dictera pour
happiness, you
bonheur, tu mériterais le sort des
fate of ungrateful peoples.
peuples ingrats.
idea;
Mais loin de moi cette affreuse
But I reject this shocking
idée; tu seras le soutien de la liberté
you will be the support of the liberty --- Page 261 ---
246 APPENDIX
you cherish, the support of the chief que tu chéris, l'appui du Chef qui te
who commands you.
commande.
Take then before him the oath
Prête donc entre ses mains le
ofl living free and independent, and
serment de vivre libre et indépento prefer death to anything that will dant, et de préférer la mort à tout
try to place you back under the yoke. ce qui tendrait à te remettre sous
Swear at last, to pursue forever the
le joug. Jure enfin, de poursuivre à
traitors and the enemies of your
jamais les traîtres et les ennemis de
independence.
ton indépendance.
DONE at the Headquarters at
FAIT au Quartier-général des
Gonaives, the first January, cighteen
Gonaives, le premier Janvier, mil
hundred and four, the first year of
huit cent quatre, l'An premier de
independence,
Findépendance,
Signed, J. J. DESSALINES.
Signé, J. J. DESSALINES.
IN THE NAME OF THE PEOPLE
AU NOM DU PEUPLE
OF HAYTI.
D'HAYTI.
WE the Generals in Chief of the
NOUS Généraux en Chefs des
Armies of the Island of Hayti,
Armées de l'Isle d'Hayti, pénétrés
penetrated with gratitude for the
de reconnaissance des bienfaits que
benefits guaranteed by the General
nous avons éprouvés du Général en
in Chief, Jean-Jacques Dessalines,
Chef, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, le
the protector of the liberty which the protecteur de la liberté dont jouit le
nation enjoys.
peuple.
In the name of liberty, in the
Au nom de la liberté, au nom de
name ofi independence, in the name T'indépendance, au nom du peuple
of the people he has made happy,
qu'ila rendu heureux, nous le
we proclaim him GovernorGeneral, proclamons Gouverneur-Général,
for life, of Hayti; we swear to blindly à vie, d'Hayti; nous jurons d'obéir
obey the Laws issued by his author- aveuglement aux Lois émanées
ity, the only one we acknowledge:
de son autorité, la seule que nous
we give him power to make peace,
reconnaitrons: nous lui donnons le
war, and to name his successor.
droit de faire la paix, la guerre et de
nommer son successeur.
Done at the Headquarters of
Fait au QuartierGénéral des GoGonaives, this 1", of January 1804,
naives, ce 1", Janvier 1804, et le 1",
and the 1"t. day of independence
jour de T'indépendance. --- Page 262 ---
APPENDIX 247
Signed, Gabart, P. Romain, J. Herne, Signés, Gabart, P. Romain, J. Herne,
Capoix, Christophe, Geffrard,
Capoix, Christophe, Geffrard,
E. G(é]rin, Vernet, Pétion, Clervaux,
E. Gerin, Vernet, Pétion, Clervaux,
Jean-Louis-Francois, Cangé, F[élrou, Jean-Louis-François, Cangé, Ferou,
Yayou, Touissant Brave, Magloire
Yayou, Toussaint Brave, Magloire
Ambroise, Louis Bazelais.
Ambroise, Louis Bazelais.
AT PORT-AU-PRINCE, FROM THE
AU PORT-AU-PRINCE, DE L'IMGOVERNMENT PRINTING PRESS.
PRIMERIE DU GOUVERNEMENT.
in, Vernet, Pétion, Clervaux,
Jean-Louis-Francois, Cangé, F[élrou, Jean-Louis-François, Cangé, Ferou,
Yayou, Touissant Brave, Magloire
Yayou, Toussaint Brave, Magloire
Ambroise, Louis Bazelais.
Ambroise, Louis Bazelais.
AT PORT-AU-PRINCE, FROM THE
AU PORT-AU-PRINCE, DE L'IMGOVERNMENT PRINTING PRESS.
PRIMERIE DU GOUVERNEMENT. --- Page 263 --- --- Page 264 ---
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Contributors
Professor of History at Harvard
DAVID ARMITAGE is the Lloyd C. Blankfein
Declaration of
his fourteen books to date are The
Independence:
University. Among
Revolutions in Global Context, C. 1760-1840 (coA Global History (2008), The Age of
Foundations of Modern International
2010),
edited with Sanjay Subrahmanyam, (coauthored with Jo Guldi, 2014).
Thought (2013), and The History Manifesto
of Human Sciences of the State University
JEAN CASIMIR teaches at the Faculty
of Haiti and the Caribbean. He
courses on culture and society
of Haiti, including
Economic Commission for Latin Amerpreviously served with the United Nations
ambassador to the United
ica and the Caribbean and represented his country as his published books are La
of American States. Among
States and the Organization
Mars award oft the Faculty of
which received the Jean-Price
cultura oprimida (1980),
Haiti; La Caraibe, une et divisible (1991); Haiti, acuérEthnology, State University of
interminable dialogue de sourds (2009); and
date de 1804 (2007); Haiti et ses élites, un
Haiti de mis amores (2012).
of Romance Studies and HisLAURENT DUBOIS is the Marcello Lotti Professor the New World: The Story
He is the author of Avengers of
tory at Duke University.
The
of History (2012). He is
Haitian Revolution (2004) and Haiti:
Aftershocks
of the
of the banjo in the Atlantic World.
currently working on a history
Assistant Professor of History at Georgia State University.
JULIA GAFFIELD is
in the Remaking of the Early NineteenthShe is the author of"Haiti and Jamaica
2012) and Haitian ConnecAtlantic World," (William and Mary Quarterly,
Century
World: Recognition after Revolution (2015).
tions in the Atlantic
Professor of History and advisor for the TransJOHN GARRIGUS is Associate
of Texas at Arlington. He is the
Atlantic History PhD Program at the University
(2006), which won
of
Haiti: Race and Citizenship in Saint-Domingue
author Before
for French Historical Studies. He COthe Gilbert Chinard Prize from the Society
on the Haitian Revwith Laurent Dubois, a collection of primary sources
edited,
2012) and Haitian ConnecAtlantic World," (William and Mary Quarterly,
Century
World: Recognition after Revolution (2015).
tions in the Atlantic
Professor of History and advisor for the TransJOHN GARRIGUS is Associate
of Texas at Arlington. He is the
Atlantic History PhD Program at the University
(2006), which won
of
Haiti: Race and Citizenship in Saint-Domingue
author Before
for French Historical Studies. He COthe Gilbert Chinard Prize from the Society
on the Haitian Revwith Laurent Dubois, a collection of primary sources
edited, --- Page 283 ---
268 CONTRIBUTORS
in the Caribbean (2006). He is currently working
olution entitled Slave Revolution
with Trevor Burnard of the
study of Saint-Domingue and Jamaica
on a comparative
University of Melbourne.
of History at the University of Florida, Gainesville.
DAVID GEGGUS is Professor
Haitian Revolutionary Studies
His books include Slavery, War and Revolution (1982),
History (2014).
The Haitian Revolution: A Documentary
(2002), and, most recently,
Professor of History at MIT and the author
MALICK W. GHACHEM is Associate
of The Old Regime and the Haitian Revolution (2012).
author of two books on the Haitian Revolution. The
PHILIPPE GIRARD is the
retraced the Haitian war of indepenfirst, The Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon (2011),
Louverture's memoir (2014).
dence. The second was a critical edition of Toussaint
State University. He
and Department Head at McNeese
He is Professor of History
is working on a biography of" Toussaint Louverture.
Studies and Global Health and
JENSON is Professor of Romance
DEBORAH
Institute at Duke University, where she also
Director of the Franklin Humanities
theme of Bass Connections
initiatives including the "Brain and Society"
codirects
in Paris global education program. Her publicaand the Duke Neurohumanities
The Haiti Issue (2005), Beyond the Slave
tions include Yale French Studies, No. 107:
Revolution (2011), Unconscious
Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts in the Haitian
Narrative:
Colonial Trauma, and Global Sovereignties (with Warwick
Dominions: Psychoanalysis,
and Poetry of Haitian Independence (with
Anderson and Richard C. Keller, 2011),
Doris Kadish, 2015).
William T. Bryan Chair of History at the University
JEREMY D. POPKIN is the
Revolution include Facing Racial Revof Kentucky. His publications on the Haitian
You Are All Free: The
Accounts ofthe Haitian Insurrection (2007),
olution: Eyewitness
and A Concise History of the
Revolution and the Abolition of Slavery (2010),
Haitian
Haitian Revolution (2012).
Information Science Specialist Curator at the BiblioPATRICK TARDIEU is the
thèque Haitienne des Pères du Saint-Esprit.
of History, Philosophy,
ZAVITZ is Assistant Professor in the Department
ERIN
Western. Her research has received
and Social Science at the University of Montana
Fellowship and the Chafrom the Dan David Foundation's Young Scholars
others. She is the
support Humanities and Social Sciences Fellowship among
teaubriand
Genesis in the Haitian Press: Massillon Coicou's
author of "Encountering Creole
by
'La Noire," in La Espanola: Isla de Encuentros (edited
Fin-de-Siècle Feuilleton
Greiger, Jessica Barzen, and Silke Jansen, 2015).
Hanna
ERIN
Western. Her research has received
and Social Science at the University of Montana
Fellowship and the Chafrom the Dan David Foundation's Young Scholars
others. She is the
support Humanities and Social Sciences Fellowship among
teaubriand
Genesis in the Haitian Press: Massillon Coicou's
author of "Encountering Creole
by
'La Noire," in La Espanola: Isla de Encuentros (edited
Fin-de-Siècle Feuilleton
Greiger, Jessica Barzen, and Silke Jansen, 2015).
Hanna --- Page 284 ---
Index
Abercrombie, Thomas, 233n8
Ancien Régime, 182, 194
abolition ofslavery, 99-100, 102-3, 105, anciens libres, 39n37, 224
112, 141, 144, 148-49. 152n13, 184; in
anthropology, 72, 80, 82, 85-86, 207
French Empire, 26, 112n11, 127, 142,
Aponte, José Antonio, 147
193;in Saint-Domingue, 4-5, 26,
Aquin, 45, 47, 49-50, 52, 57n54
29-30, 67, 104, 108, 124, 187,194-95 Aravamudan, Srinivas, 80
Abomey, 205
archives, vii,7, 10, 12, 37n7, 62, 65-66,
Abrantès, Laure Junot d,74-75
139, 203-4, 239
Abricots, 197
Ardouin, Beaubrun, 6-7, 10, 28, 33-35.
acculturation, 189
42-43, 55n7, 59, 63-64, 116, 121, 123,
Achilles,76
127-128, 134124, 134n28, 143, 194,
Adams, John, 143
225-26, 234m18
Adams, John Quincy, 173-74. 18on47,
Aristotle, 76
18ons1
Armée Indigène, 9, 11-12, 26, 34, 58Africa, and people of African descent,
59, 161, 197, 222
ix, 2, 17n4, 18n6, 26-27, 38n13, 45,
Armitage, David, viii, ix, xi, 101, 104,
59, 67.77-79. 81-82, 88, 88n1,
112n3, 122
91n43, 106, 129, 137, 140, 143, 146,
Armstrong, Andrew, 174
165,1 184, 189-90, 195, 199, 201, 206, armies, 4, 81; Dessalines's, 12, 26, 50,
207-12, 214-15, 221, 222, 226
66,72, 146, 161; French, 4-5, 27, 32,
Agamben, Giorgio, 106
35, 53, 66, 18, 127, 161, 187, 194; evacAge of Revolution, ix-x, 7, 9, 17, 21035,
uation of French, 5, 34, 58-59, n8,
25-26, 98, 109, 111, 112n6, 151
184; Haitian, 11, 63, 150, 221, 228, 230;
Aimé, B., 34
Louverture's, 50, 142, 145; rebel, 145,
Alaux, Gustave d', 86
168, 221. See also Armée Indigène
Albany (ship), 175
Artibonite, 127, 208, 210, 222
Albany Register, 166
Artigas, José Gervasio, 172
Alexis, Nord, 230-32
assimilation, 186. See also acculturation
Alvarez, Benita Rodriguez, 1
associated statehood, 29
American Declaration of Independence. Association de Généalogie d'Haiti,
See under United States
57n40
American occupation of Haiti, 8
asylum, 99,1 105, 119, 148, 156n81
American Revolution. See United States Atlantic Ocean, viii, 48, 51, 60, 66, 210,
Amis des noirs, 50, 86
212-14
assimilation, 186. See also acculturation
Alvarez, Benita Rodriguez, 1
associated statehood, 29
American Declaration of Independence. Association de Généalogie d'Haiti,
See under United States
57n40
American occupation of Haiti, 8
asylum, 99,1 105, 119, 148, 156n81
American Revolution. See United States Atlantic Ocean, viii, 48, 51, 60, 66, 210,
Amis des noirs, 50, 86
212-14 --- Page 285 ---
270 INDEX
Atlantic revolutions. See Age of
Boileau, Nicolas, 83
Revolution
Bois Caïman, 3, 18n7, 101
Atlantic World, vii-viii, ix, xi, 1-3, 5,
Boisron, Marie Catherine, 44-45
7-10, 12, 16-17, 25-26, 36, 61, 66,
Boisrond, Claude, 47
97-100, 103-5, 108-11, 129, 137, 147,
Boisrond, François, 45-47
151, 164, 172, 174, 176
Boisrond, Laurent, 50
audience, 14, 21043, 26, 31, 74, 104, 120, Boisrond, Louis-François, 49-50
136, 173, 221-23, 233n12
Boisrond, Marie Adelaide, 47
Auerbach, Erich, 80
Boisrond, Marie Françoise, 47
Auguste, Claude,7
Boisrond, Mathurin, 43,47
Auguste, Marcel,7
Boisrond-Tonnerre, Louis Félix, 41n48,
Aurora General Advertiser
42-57; naming of, 43, 48; Mémoires,
(Philadelphia), 166
21n3, 42-43, 51-53, 232n3
Austrian Empire, 9
Boissé, Marie Rose, 47
authoritarianism, 30, 98, 103, 109-11,
Bolivar, Simôn, 32, 66, 99, 105, 149, 151
196, 203, 220, 222
Bonaparte, Napoléon, viii, 4, 26, 29authorship (ofthe Haitian Declaration
30, 32, 52, 66, 77, 101, 107, 129, 138,
of Independence), 13, 26-29.42,
141-42, 145, 150, 184, 194, 201
53-54, 64-65.72-73.76, 85, 116,
Bonnet, Guy-Joseph, 116, 121, 125, 13314,
121-23, 130, 219
Avila, Martin, 1
Bombay, viii, 12
bossale, 67, 106, 187.
77, 101, 107, 129, 138,
of Independence), 13, 26-29.42,
141-42, 145, 150, 184, 194, 201
53-54, 64-65.72-73.76, 85, 116,
Bonnet, Guy-Joseph, 116, 121, 125, 13314,
121-23, 130, 219
Avila, Martin, 1
Bombay, viii, 12
bossale, 67, 106, 187. See also Africa, and
Badi, Azo, 205
people of African descent
Baltimore, 161, 171, 174-75
Boston, 166
Banda Oriental, 172
Boukman, 3
Barbados, 146, 188
Bourbonneles-Bains, 115
Barsalou, Lawrence,79-80
Boury, Jacques, 46
Barstow, Eric, 205, 217n16
Boyer, Jean-Pierre, 33, 148-49, 151, 173Barthes, Roland, 75
74, 226, 234n24
Bastille, 193
Brandom, Eric, 135152
Battle of Vertières, 231
Braquehais, Pierre, 47
Beauvoir, Max, 208
Brière, Jean-François, 170
Bellegarde, Dantès, 230
brigands, 18, 166
Benot, Yves, 29
Brissot, Jean-Pierre, 140, 142
Benton, Lauren, 172, 176, 179n40
broadside printing, vii, 11-12, 20n29,
Bergeaud, Émile, 128
37n7, 62, 65, 201
Besse, Martial, 143
Broca, Paul, 82, 85-86, gon31, 91n43
Biassou, Georges, 126
Brown, Gordon S., 162, 174
Bibliothèque Haîtienne des Pères du
Brown, Karen McCarthy, 204, 206
Saint-Esprit, 207
Buck-Morss, Susan, 131
Bilby, Kenneth, 204
Bullet, Jeannot, 126
Bissainthe, Max, 64
Bureau des Domaines, 50
Blackburn, Robin, 33-34, 40n47, 16
Bureau National d'Ethnologie (Haiti),
Blake, William, 78-79, 81, 87
217n24
blood, 1, 5, 16, 28, 31-32, 39n37, 42,
65.73-74.76-77. 18, 121, 123-26,
Cangé, Pierre, 53
128-29, 138
Cap Français. See Cap Haîtien
Boca Nigua (Dominican Republic), 140 Cap Haîtien, 1, 5, 39n39, 40n39, 43,49, --- Page 286 ---
INDEX 271
52, 60, 62-63, 112n1, 18-119, 126,
Clervaux, Augustin, 5, 35, 41054, 41n57,
173, 212, 222-23, 227
59-60, 88ns, 121
Cap Henry.
Cap Français. See Cap Haîtien
Boca Nigua (Dominican Republic), 140 Cap Haîtien, 1, 5, 39n39, 40n39, 43,49, --- Page 286 ---
INDEX 271
52, 60, 62-63, 112n1, 18-119, 126,
Clervaux, Augustin, 5, 35, 41054, 41n57,
173, 212, 222-23, 227
59-60, 88ns, 121
Cap Henry. See Cap Haïtien
Coal, Clement, 175
capitalism, 188, 193
cocoa, 163
Capois-la-Mort, François (also CapoixCode civil (France), 107
la-Mort), 223
Code Henry (1812), 204
caporalisme agraire (agrarian
Code noir, 107, 110, 124, 183, 186, 193,
authoritarianism), 188, 196
captives, 2, 61, 148, 181-82, 186-87,
coffee, 2, 4, 47, 55-56n21, 161, 163, 171
189-92, 195-96, 198
cognitive linguistics, 13, 75,79
Cartagena, 141, 147
Coicou, Massillon, 230, 236n60,
Casimir, Jean, 2-3, 15, 202-3
236n67
Catling, J, 164
colonialism, viii, 1-4, 8-9, 25-26,
Cauna, Jacques de, 6
28-30, 40n46, 44-46, 48-52, 54,
Cavaillon, 47, 52
57n48, 61, 66.72-73.75-78-29.85,
Célius, Carlo, 221-22, 229
9on33, 91n43, 97,99, 101-2, 104-8,
Chanlatte, François Desrivières, 150
112n11, 116-19, 124, 126-27, 129,131,
Chanlatte, Juste, 28, 39n37.41048,
137-43, 144- 50, 165, 167-70, 181-88,
123-24
190-95.197-98, 203, 205, 212, 215,
Charéron, Jean-Jacques, 33, 41n48,
221, 227
64-65, 121
colonists, 3, 14, 25, 28-29, 31, 33, 35-36,
Charleston, South Carolina, 140, 147,
44-45,49, 54, 5517.73.
, 144- 50, 165, 167-70, 181-88,
123-24
190-95.197-98, 203, 205, 212, 215,
Charéron, Jean-Jacques, 33, 41n48,
221, 227
64-65, 121
colonists, 3, 14, 25, 28-29, 31, 33, 35-36,
Charleston, South Carolina, 140, 147,
44-45,49, 54, 5517.73. 81, 88, 120,
122, 124, 126-27, 129-30, 134n32, 181,
Chavannes, Jean-Baptiste, 18
186, 197
Chazotte, Peter Stephen, 124-25
Conseil des Notables (Saintchildren, 32, 34, 40n39, 43, 45-49, 50,
Domingue), 62
52-53, 58-59, 67.73-74. 83, 16,
Continental Congress, 104
119-20, 124, 133n9, 192, 228-29
commemorations ofi independence,
Chirinos, José Leonardo, 141
219-32, 232n3, 234m18
Christophe, Henry, 5, 30, 35, 41054,
commerce, 51, 108, 163, 169, 197
41057, 59-60, 86-87, 88ns, 121,
Congo, 210-11, 214; kingdom of, 2
125, 148, 150-51, 170-75, 222-23; as
Congo River, 2
monarch, 106, 173, 18on45
constitutions, 199, 224; 1787, of the
citizens, 193; active, 182; French, 2-3,
United States, 102; 1795, of France,
166, 195; Haitian, 2, 33, 62-63.73,
112n11; 1801, of Saint-Domingue,
76, 117,1 120,127-28, 221-22, 227; pas4, 30, 66, 100-102, 104, 107, 109,
sive, 182; United States, 171, 174-75
145-46, 168, 182, 184; 1805, of Haiti,
citizenship, 2-4, 30, 148-49, 183, 222
72, 104, 109, 146, 168, 223, 227;
City Gazette and Daily Advertiser
1806, of Haiti, 148; 1807, of Haiti,
(Charleston), 166
148; 1816 revision, of Haiti, 148-49;
civil war: in Haiti (1806-20), 106, 148,
1846, of Haiti, 228
173, 18on46; in Haiti (1902), 230; in consuls, 7; American, 18on51
Saint-Domingue (1799-1800), 29,
Corbet, Edward, 64
34, 50, 122, 124, 143, 224, 226; in the Coro revolt, 141
United States (1861-65), 176; Vattel's Council of Five Hundred (France), 43,
analysis of, 168
Clark V.
, 148,
1846, of Haiti, 228
173, 18on46; in Haiti (1902), 230; in consuls, 7; American, 18on51
Saint-Domingue (1799-1800), 29,
Corbet, Edward, 64
34, 50, 122, 124, 143, 224, 226; in the Coro revolt, 141
United States (1861-65), 176; Vattel's Council of Five Hundred (France), 43,
analysis of, 168
Clark V. the United States (1809), 167,
counter-plantation system, 3, 190-91,
169-70
203-4 --- Page 287 ---
272 INDEX
courts, 168, 203; Circuit Court of
52-53, 55n7, 59-66,72-76.78. 80,
Pennsylvania, 167, 170; claims cases
82, 85-87, 88ns, 9on33, 95-101,
by merchants against the Haitian
104-11, 13n25, 115-16, 118-25, 127-31,
government, 171-76; colonial, 44;
132n4, 134n24, 134n28, 16-39,
District Court of Eastern Pennsyl145-51, 152n13, 156n68, 161, 164, 166,
vania, 167; prize, 167; US, 164,
168, 173-74, 180n46, 194, 201-3,
167-68, 170
205-10, 219-32, 232n3, 233n12;
creole, 26, 53-54, 67, 106, 141, 210-11;
assassination, 31, 148, 224-25, 228,
creolization, 197, 214; languages, 33,
231-32, 232n3, 234m16; children,
202, 209. See also Krèyol/Creole
228; as emperor, 1, 30-31, 88n5,
Cri des colons (1810), 86
119, 146, 164, 206, 208, 222-29;
Croix-des-Bouquets, 81
as governor general, 11-12, 26, 30,
Cuba, 145, 147-48, 150, 164, 197;
64, 125, 219-20, 232n2; as lwva, 16,
governor of, 5; slave conspiracies,
205-6, 225
39, 140
Dessalines, Marie- Claire Heureuse
cultivators (cultivateurs), 4, 49, 104, 144,
Félicité Bonheur, 125, 164-65, 223,
146, 182, 184,193
Curaçao, 141, 143,151
Dévot, Justin, 230
Diaquoi (or Diakwé), General, 125
Dahomey, 205
Diaz, Michele, 84
Danticat, Edwidge, 95
dictatorships, 8-9, 30, 109, 117, 125,
Danton, Georges, 142
130-31, 234016
Daut, Marlene, 161-62, 170, 18on45
Dictionnaire de bibliographie haitienne,
Davies, Henry, 175
Davis, David Brion, 102
Diderot, Denis, 123-24, 129, 134
Davis, Natalie Zemon, 97
dignity, 5, 121, 175, 190
Dayan, Colin (Joan), 207, 226
diplomacy, 14, 42, 64, 145-46, 150,
dechoukaj, 28
161-62, 166-67, 169-72, 175-77, 229
Declaration ofthe Rights of Man and of
discrimination, 2, 48, 100, 113, 182
the Citizen (1789), 3, 102, 112n11, 151.
, 5, 121, 175, 190
Dayan, Colin (Joan), 207, 226
diplomacy, 14, 42, 64, 145-46, 150,
dechoukaj, 28
161-62, 166-67, 169-72, 175-77, 229
Declaration ofthe Rights of Man and of
discrimination, 2, 48, 100, 113, 182
the Citizen (1789), 3, 102, 112n11, 151. Domage (cousin of Dessalines), 125
See also rights
Drescher, Seymour, 150
decolonization, 26, 30, 91n43, 146
drums, 81, 206, 222
de facto independence, 15, 29, 101, 128,
Dubois, Laurent, 3, 6, 16, 25, 116, 132n4
221-22
Dufay, Louis, 115
Défilée (Haitian woman), 225
Duke University, 76-77, 202, 205,
Dehaene, Stanislas, 9on33
218n28
Dehoux, J. B., 85
Duvalier dictatorships, 8, 112, 130
de jure independence, 15, 29
De la gérontocratie en Haiti, 87
earthquake, 8, 10
democracy, 17, 25, 30-31, 110, 137, 226
education, 13, 28, 41, 44, 48, 51, 53, 64,
Desai, Rutavik, 84
73,7 77, 85, 87, 9on33. 12n1, 117, 121,
Descoubes, Alexis, 47
124, 164, 185, 188-89, 191, 221
Descourtilz, Michel-Etienne, 88n1,
Egerton, Douglas, 143, 154146
134n21, 135136, 210
Ely, William, 164-65
Deslondes, Charles, 147
emancipation, 29, 103, 140-42, 144,
Dessalines, Jean-Jacques, vii, 4-5, 9,
146, 153119, 182-87, 193,1 195-96. See
11-16, 26-35, 37n9, 38n22, 39n37,
also abolition
40n44, 40n47, 41054, 42, 44, 50,
Embargo Act (1807), 167 --- Page 288 ---
INDEX 273
emergency law, 106-9, 121
and abolition, 140-41; army of, 4-5,
Enlightenment, 12, 25.97.1 129
26-27, 29, 32, 34-35, 41057, 52-53,
enslaved people, 2-4, 15, 26-27, 29-30,
59, 66,72, 96-97, 118-19, 122, 127,
34, 39n37, 45-47, 49, 52, 66,76-77,
146, 148, 161, 168, 184; authority of,
82, 88, 99, 102-3, 106, 117-18, 127,
viii, 4.73, 120, 168, 223; citizens
131, 137, 139-42, 144-50, 166, 176,
of, 2, 166; and citizenship, 2; and
181-89, 192-93, 195, 197-98, 201,
colonialism, 44-45, 50, 107, 141-42,
203, 210, 212, 214-15, 221, 224, 228.
106, 117-18, 127,
viii, 4.73, 120, 168, 223; citizens
131, 137, 139-42, 144-50, 166, 176,
of, 2, 166; and citizenship, 2; and
181-89, 192-93, 195, 197-98, 201,
colonialism, 44-45, 50, 107, 141-42,
203, 210, 212, 214-15, 221, 224, 228. 221; colonists of, 3, 6, 44, 54-55,
See also captives
129,138, 181, 197; colonies of, viii,
equality, 9,74, 102-3, 113n24, 166, 185,
26, 30, 63, 101, 112n11, 138, 144, 152,
194; legal, 103, 108, 185: racial, 26,
169-70, 185, 195; commissioners of,
29, 31, 50, 72, 86, 149
3,49,1 126, 142-43. 201; culture of, 51;
ethnicity, 86, 131, 183, 186, 189-91,198
documents of, 11, 43; and education,
Eurocentrism, 86, 181, 195, 197-98
28, 48, 64; Empire of, 1, 4-5, 101,
Europe, 2, 4, 5,7, 17, 26, 28, 33,47,
167, 170; government of, 4, 54, 127,
51, 66,72, 74,77, 18, 123, 128, 130,
142, 144, 150, 164, 166-67, 202,
139-40, 142-43, 151, 184-85, 187-88,
229; language of, 12, 14, 26-27, ,33,
199, 202, 220
37n7, 43, 76-77, 97, 107-8,
Estates General, France, 49
121-22, 13317.136-37, 201-2, 114135, 219,
Estimé, Dorsainville, 205, 216n16
220-21, 23314, 233112; laws of,
evacuation of French army, 5, 35,
44, 101-2, 107, 112n11, 141, 145, 150,
40n39, 59, 161, 168
186; monarchy of, 141; National
Convention, 115; navy of, 18on45;
Félix, Marie Louise, 47
planters from, 185. 224; privateers
Ferrand, Jean-Louis, 77, 89n16, 119, 168
from, 164; recognition of Haiti, 16,
Ferrer, Ada, 105, 139-40, 148
226; refugees from, 141; Republic, 3,
Feuille du Commerce, 220
26, 29; Revolution, vii, 8, 17,
Fick, Carolyn, 6
44, 49,74, 97-98, 100, 111, 112n6, 25,30,
Firmin, Joseph Anténor, 72, 85-86,
117, 122-23, 126, 129-30, 137, 140-41,
230, 236n67
143, 151, 182-83, 193-94,1 198, 222;
Fischer, Sybille, 25
slaveholders from, 27; troops of, 4
flag, 66, 231
25, 58, 127, 221; and violence, viii, 33,
Flemish estates, 9
52, 116, 219, 222, 224.
-86,
117, 122-23, 126, 129-30, 137, 140-41,
230, 236n67
143, 151, 182-83, 193-94,1 198, 222;
Fischer, Sybille, 25
slaveholders from, 27; troops of, 4
flag, 66, 231
25, 58, 127, 221; and violence, viii, 33,
Flemish estates, 9
52, 116, 219, 222, 224. See also war
Floridas, 166
for independence
forgeries, 38n19
freedom, 3-5, 14, 17, 30-33, 66,76, 82,
Fort-Dauphin (now Fort-Liberté), 60,
99, 103, 110, 115-17, 127, 131, 137, 141,
119, 127, 135n35
148, 184, 186-89, 193-97, 203, 206,
Fouchard, Jean, 63
France, viii, 1-5, 11-12, 14,1 16, 26, 28-34. free soil, 105, 148
40n44, 40n46, 41048, 42-44, 4851, 52-54, 56n29, 57148, 67.73-74. Gaffield, Julia, 15, 37n7, 62, 64-65.77,
76-77. 81-82, 86, 97-101, 102, 105,
88ns, 97, 104, 127, 147, 201
107-8, 110, 115, 18-19, 121, 127-31,
Gallant, Christine, 78
132n1, 134n21, 136, 138, 140, 142-45,
Gallatin, Albert, 15, 162
147, 148, 150, 154146, 161-62, 164Gallese, Vittorio, 85
65,1 167-71, 177, 181-82, 184, 187,191, Garrigus, John, 6,13
193-95.198-99. 207, 210, 218n27,
Gaston, Colonel, 125
222-23, 226, 227, 229, 235142;
Gautarel (soldier), 73 --- Page 289 ---
274 INDEX
Gazette politique et commerciale d'Hayti, Guiana, 152013
222, 224-25, 234n29
Guinen, 210
Geffrard, Fabre, 229
Geffrard, Nicolas, 34, 52, 125
Haiti as member of a community of
Geggus, David, 6-7,13, 15,42, 98,137.
, 226, 227, 229, 235142;
Gautarel (soldier), 73 --- Page 289 ---
274 INDEX
Gazette politique et commerciale d'Hayti, Guiana, 152013
222, 224-25, 234n29
Guinen, 210
Geffrard, Fabre, 229
Geffrard, Nicolas, 34, 52, 125
Haiti as member of a community of
Geggus, David, 6-7,13, 15,42, 98,137. nations/sovereign state, 5,1 108, 162,
339, 233n10
164, 176
Gelée, Claude-Charles, 44
Haitian exceptionalism, 8, 98, 103
genocide, 32-33, 54, n6, 132n5, 187
Haitian revolution of 1843, 226-27
Genovese, Eugene, 137
handwritten copies, vii, 12-13, 77, 201,
George III (king), 119
Gérin, Étienne, 34
Happy Couple (ship), 163
German Coast Uprising (181), 147
Harnet (ship), 173
Germantown (ship), 175
head of state, 109, 172, 174, 220, 225,
Ghachem, Malick, 17, 30, 37n11, 39n31,
227; Dessalines as, 12, 26, 29, 106,
120, 127, 180n46, 228
Gilroy, Paul, 215
Hebblethwaite, Benjamin, 206, 216n5
Girard, Philippe, 5, 15, 40n39, 116, 122,
Hébrard, Jean, 197
130, 132
Hector, Michel, 61, 70n17
Gonaïves, 1, 9, 11, 25-26, 32, 60, 63-64, Hédouville, Gabriel d',143
95-97, 99, 104-6, 205, 219, 223,
Hérard, Charlemagne, 52
228, 231
Hérard, Charles, 227
Gonzalez, Johnhenry, 177n3
Hérard, Marie, 45, 57n54
Gould, Eliga, 21n43, 114037
Heurtelou, Elie, 229
Gran Colombia, 65-66
Hogstrom, Larson, 84
Great Britain, 14, 16, 29, 40n39, 146,
holidays, 11, 34, 41055, 88n5, 220-26,
187-88; abolition in, 193; Admiralty/
228-29, 232, 233112, 233n8
navy of, 12, 31, 65, 18, 146, 173;
Holst-Knudsen, Heidi, 132n
agents of, 11, 135n35, 145; and the
Homer, 76
American Revolution, 119; army of,
Horner, Joseph P., 175
142; blockade of Saint-Domingue by, houmfou, 205
5, 142; British Empire, 61, 64, 96,
Hugues, Victor, 142-43, 88n5
101; consuls of, 229; newspapers
Hymne Haytiène (1803), 14, 58, 65, 67n1
of, 61, 69m3, 74; occupation of
Hyppolite, Florvil, 230-31
Martinique by, 147; occupation of
Saint-Domingue by, 3, 26, 124,
Iacoboni, Marco, 80
140-41; slaveowners of, 148; and
Ibo (nation), 207
the slave trade, 143, 146; and trade,
Ibo, Jean-Pierre, 206, 207-8
40n44, 127; treaties with, 143.
n1
of, 61, 69m3, 74; occupation of
Hyppolite, Florvil, 230-31
Martinique by, 147; occupation of
Saint-Domingue by, 3, 26, 124,
Iacoboni, Marco, 80
140-41; slaveowners of, 148; and
Ibo (nation), 207
the slave trade, 143, 146; and trade,
Ibo, Jean-Pierre, 206, 207-8
40n44, 127; treaties with, 143. See
identity, 8,33, 36, 51, 53-54, 100, 111, 130,
also Jamaica; Trinidad
140, 151, 182-83, 186, 192, 221, 233112
Grégoire, Henri (Abbé), 199
"I have Avenged America" speech. See
Grito de Dolores (Mexico, 1810), 16
proclamation of April 28, 1804
Grito de Iparanga (Brazil, 1822), 16
indemnity, 150, 171
Gros, Gabriel, 126, 134132
indentured servants/laborers, 183, 188,
grounded cognition theory, 79-83
195, 215
Guadeloupe, 142-43, 147, 151, 152n13,
Independence Day, 6, 32, 61, 220-21,
188, 216
223, 226, 229, 234124; bicentennial,
Guerrier, Philippe, 227, 228
69n3; centennial, 62, 220, 229-32,
Guha, Ranajit, 203
236n64; sesquicentennial, --- Page 290 ---
INDEX 275
Independence Hall (Philadelphia), 10
Laforest, Pierre, 236n60
Indians/Amerindians, 33-34.45
La Fossette, 119
indigo, 45, 47
Lakoff, George, 73, 75.79
Indostan (ship), 166, 173
lakou, 192, 203, 205; Lakou Badjo, 205,
inequality, 17, 185
217n16
Inginac, Balthazar, 174, 180
Lamoureux, Catherine, 49
isolation, 8, 42-43, 53. 66, ,151, 161-62
landowners and landownership, 35, 53,
183, 186, 224
Jacmel, 146, 173
language and linguistics, 2, 12-15, 27,
Jacquesson, Henri, 48
32-33, 42, 53-54, 63,7 72,75.79-80,
Jacquesson, Pierre Simon, 48
82-85, 87, 91n43, 101, 105-7, 109-10,
Jamaica, 3, 5, 31, 37n7, 65, 105, 127,
113n24, 16, 121-22, 124-25, 136, 190,
141-43, 145-46, 148, 151; governor of,
202-4, 219, 221-222, 226, 23314.
75.79-80,
Jacquesson, Pierre Simon, 48
82-85, 87, 91n43, 101, 105-7, 109-10,
Jamaica, 3, 5, 31, 37n7, 65, 105, 127,
113n24, 16, 121-22, 124-25, 136, 190,
141-43, 145-46, 148, 151; governor of,
202-4, 219, 221-222, 226, 23314. 5, 11-12, 64, 135135, 143, 164
See also cognitive linguistics; France,
James, C. L. R., 6, 29, 40n44, 143
language of; Krèyol
Janvier, Louis Joseph, 85
Lartigue, Arnaud André Roberjot, 147
Jefferson, Thomas, viii, ix, 104-5, 151,
L'Association du Centenaire de VIndépen161, 166
dance Nationale, 230-31
Jenson, Deborah, 13-14, 21n35, 27-28,
Latin America, 6, 9, 17,30, 66, 98, 105,
34-35, 37n10, 42, 80, 116-17, 122,
111, 112n6, 151, 220, 236n61
146, 201, 216n5
Laurent, Gérard Mentor, 7, 38n19, 60
Jérémie, 50, 124-25
law, 13, 39n31, 97, 99-100, 104-7,109Jérémie, Joseph, 231, 236n60
10, 113n11, 123, 149, 162, 167-70, ,172,
Johnson, Mark, 73, 75, 79, 82
185, 195, 199; Haiti, 11, 30-31, 59-60,
Johnson, Michael P., 147
62-64, 99, 102, 104, 107, 120-21,
Jomini, Antoine-Henri de,72
138, 148, 184, 204, 228; natural, 14,
Josué, Erol, 208, 211, 217n24, 218n28,
108; of Saint-Domingue, 48, 98, 103,
218ngo
108. See also Code civil; Code Henry;
Journal de Campagne, 65
Code noir; emergency law; France,
Journal Officiel (Port-au-Prince), 64
laws of; law of nations; United States
justice, 5, 68ni, 97, 120, 123, 127-28,
law of nations, 15, 105, 123, 162, 164,
194;injustice, 122, 171, 224, 231
168, 171, 176
Leclerc, Charles, 4, 5, 32, 41057, 18, 123,
Kaplan, Lynda,
202; expedition to Saint-Domingue
Kane, Archibald, 162-65, 178n10
(1802), 4, 29, 41057, 52, 54, 66, n8,
Kane, Elias, 162-64
125, 126-27, 145, 201
Kane, James, 163, 178no
Les Cayes, 43-44, 47-49, 52, 228
Kane, Julie, 83, 87
Levasseur, Armand, 72
Kerpoisson, 53
Lewis, Jacob, 166, 173-74, 180n46
King, Rufus, 166
Lhérisson, Justin, 230-31, 236n60
Kingdom of Congo, 2, 210, 214
Lhérisson, L.
Kane, James, 163, 178no
Les Cayes, 43-44, 47-49, 52, 228
Kane, Julie, 83, 87
Levasseur, Armand, 72
Kerpoisson, 53
Lewis, Jacob, 166, 173-74, 180n46
King, Rufus, 166
Lhérisson, Justin, 230-31, 236n60
Kingdom of Congo, 2, 210, 214
Lhérisson, L. C., 230, 236n60
Kosovo, 10
Liberia, 16, 149, 177
Kraay, Hendrik, 233n8
liberty, 4-5,1 13, 59, 66,76, 103, 107-9,
Krèyol/Creole, 33, 40147,124, 201-2,
120, 123, 137-38, 142, 144, 149, 210,
204, 216
221, 224-25; general, 99, 102-4,
n2ng, 144; individual, 99, 102-4,
Labadie, Guillaume, 49
108, 12ng
Lacey, Simon, 84, 87
Lincoln, Abraham, 16, 177 --- Page 291 ---
276 INDEX
Logan, Rayford, 161-62, 165.173.175. 219-20, 222, 224-32, 232n3,
180n47
London, vii, viii, 37n7, 65
Mennesson-Rigaud, Odette, 207-8, 210
longue durée, 212
mercantilism, 162, 188, 191, 194-95
Louis XVIII (king), 150
merchants, 2, 5, 52, 140, 143, 145, 161Louverture, Toussaint, 4, 27, 29-31,
65,1 167, 169-77.178mo, 18on45, 228
35.40n47, 50-51, 54, 66, 85-86,
metaphor, 2, 14, 27.36.73-76.79-80,
98-104, 106-9, 110, 12n9, 122,
82-85, 87, 204, 212
126-27, 139, 141-49, 151, 168, 184,
Mexico, 1, 16
188,196, 205, 208-10, 224, 231
Middle Passage. See slave trade
Lundahl, Mats, 6
military, 1, 9, 12, 26, 30, 52, 72-73,75,
L'Union, 38n24, 64-65, 81, 229
85, 88, 96, 102, 106, 110, n8, 120-22,
Iwa, 16, 205-6, 210, 212, 214, 225; Agwe,
124-25, 127, 133114, 140, 142, 146,
206-7, 213-14; Ezili, 206; Danhi,
150, 153, 191, 203, 206, 220, 222-24
210; Lasirèn, 213-14; Loko Atisou,
militias, 46
206; Ogou, 206, 209, 225. See also
Miranda, Francisco de, 66, 140, 146,
Jean-Jacques Dessalines
156n68
modernity, 25, 198
MacLeod, Murdo, 228
Moise, Claude, 103
Maddow, Rachel, vii, viii,
monarchy, 2-3, 30, 106, 129, 207, 229. Madiou, Thomas, 6-7,10-11, 26-28,
See also Christophe, Henry
32-33, 35, 3717.
also
Miranda, Francisco de, 66, 140, 146,
Jean-Jacques Dessalines
156n68
modernity, 25, 198
MacLeod, Murdo, 228
Moise, Claude, 103
Maddow, Rachel, vii, viii,
monarchy, 2-3, 30, 106, 129, 207, 229. Madiou, Thomas, 6-7,10-11, 26-28,
See also Christophe, Henry
32-33, 35, 3717. 38n22, 39n38, 42,
Moniteur Haitien, Le (Port-au-Prince),
59-60, 63,70, n6, 121, 127-28, 146,
227-28
181, 189, 194, 196, 219, 225, 232n3,
Morton, Washington, 166
232n87
Moyse rebellion (1801), 127, 135135
Madison, James, 164-65.171
mulâtre, 7, 41054, 43, 53, 193, 197-98
mahogany, 2, 161
Makandal, 206, 212
Nago, 205-6, 214
Mangonès, Edmond, 70n22
naming (of Haiti/"Hayti"), 11, 33-34,
Manigat, Leslie, 32, 34, 61
40n46, 60
Maracaibo, 141
National Archives (London), 7, 10, 12,
Marcelin, Milo, 206
37n7, 62, 65, 88n5
Marchand (Haiti), 222-23
National Archives (Washington, DC),
maroons, 139, 148-49.156n81, 183, 187,
192, 194
National Convention (France), 3, 112n11,
marriage, 44-45, 47-49, 163
115, 142
Marseillaise, 58, 129
National Guard, 118, 228
Martelly, Michel, 202
nationalism, 221
Martinique, 138, 147, 152n13, 188
National Library of Jamaica, 135n35
massacres, 6, 9, 14, 32-33, 35, 39n39,
national palace, 219, 228
40n43, 41048, 41n57, 43, 54-55. 107, Nau, Ignace, 80, 82
110, 115-19, 122, 124-31, 133n9, 138,
Nemours, Auguste, 7
166, 224, 226. See also genocide
Nérette (colonial officer), 52-53
Matthewson, Tim, 162, 166
Nesbitt, Nick, 25
McGilchrist, lain, 87
Nessler, Graham, 145
memory (and memories), 10, 16-17, 28, neurobiology, 82, 87
59, 66,73.77-78, 80, 99-100, 106, neuroscience, 80, 84-87
119, 123, 128-29, 190, 192, 196, 212,
New Granada, 32, 141
53
Matthewson, Tim, 162, 166
Nesbitt, Nick, 25
McGilchrist, lain, 87
Nessler, Graham, 145
memory (and memories), 10, 16-17, 28, neurobiology, 82, 87
59, 66,73.77-78, 80, 99-100, 106, neuroscience, 80, 84-87
119, 123, 128-29, 190, 192, 196, 212,
New Granada, 32, 141 --- Page 292 ---
INDEX 277
newspapers, vii, viii, 13, 21n35, 34, 61,
n8; planters, 26, 43, 44-48, 50, 52,
64.74. 81, 136, 220-21, 228, 230-31
54, 55113, 124, 138-41, 144-45, 148,
New York, 40, 161, 163-64, 166
174, 184-89, 191, 193-95; societies,
New-York Historical Society, vii, ix, xi, 1
4, 17,78, 98, 102-3, 107, 111,
New York Times Magazine, 112n1
147, 149, 181-91, 193, 196-98, 137-39, 201,
Nicholls, David, 220
203-4
noirisme, 228, 230-31, 235147, 236n60 poetry, 73-76, 78-79, 82-84, 87, 88n5,
Non-Intercourse Act (1809), 167,
149, 230; poetics, 13, 27,72, 75,77,
169-70
79, 81-84, 87, 122
nonrecognition, 162, 170-72, 175-77
Pointe Coupée, Louisiana, 140
notary, 44-45, 48
politique du doublure, 228
Nouët, Jean-Claude, 132n1
Polverel, Étienne, 3, 103, 126, 202
nouveaux libres, 63, 224
Popkin, Jeremy, 14, 98, 13n11
November 29, 1803, declaration of
Port-au-Prince, viii, 12, 26, 32, 43.46,
independence (Saint-Domingue),
64, 81, 112n1, n8, 149, 163, 173-75.
Nouët, Jean-Claude, 132n1
Polverel, Étienne, 3, 103, 126, 202
nouveaux libres, 63, 224
Popkin, Jeremy, 14, 98, 13n11
November 29, 1803, declaration of
Port-au-Prince, viii, 12, 26, 32, 43.46,
independence (Saint-Domingue),
64, 81, 112n1, n8, 149, 163, 173-75. 5-6, 10, 33-35, 58-62, 66, 88ns, 121,
207, 224-25,229-31
136, 138, 195, 221
Porto-Novo, 205
Normandy, 44
poverty, 8, 46
Nugent, George, 11, 64, 135135
Pradine, Jean-Baptiste Symphore
Linstant de, 11, 59-60, 64
Ogden, Samuel G., 166
Prévost, Julien (Comte de Limonade),
Ogé, Vincent, jeune, 44, 48, 55n8, n8
oligarchies, 181, 185, 188, 191, 194-95
Price, Richard, 204
Oliver, Robert, 174
printing press, 12, 63-65
oral history, 7-8, 15-16, 204, 225
prisoners, 51, 18, 126, 129, 141, 146, 183,
O'Shaughnessy, Andrew, ix, xi
185, 187, 189, 191, 196, 198, 205; of
ouanga, 190, 207
war, 5
prisons, 117, 185-86
Panama Congress (1826), 66
privateers, 141-42, 164, 172, 176, 194
Papillon, Jean-François, 140
proclamation of April 28, 1804 ("Ihave
Paris, 48-51, 65, 85, 117, 142
avenged America"), 14, 39137,73,
Payton, Claire, 205, 217n16
88n5, 123, 131, 134n28, 138
Peace of Basel (1795), 3, 144
Progrès, Le (Port-au-Prince), 229
peasants, 224, 235147
Prophète, Ernst, 95-98, 109, 112n1
Pedro I, Dom (of Brazil), 16
Prosser, Gabriel, 143
performance, 15, 58, 81, 136, 220-21, 226
Pétion, Alexandre, 41n50, 66, 99, 105- quasi-slave system. See cultivators
6, 143, 148-51, 174,194, 225, 227
Quasi War (1797-98), 143
Petit-Trou, 52
Quintilian, 75
Philadelphia, viii, 61, 161, 175
Pichon, Louis André, 164, 166
Rabinowitz, Richard, 1
Pierre, Jacques, 197, 202
Rachel Maddow Show, vii, viii
Pierrot, Louis, 228-29
Raimond, Julien, 44-45, 47-54.56n29,
Pinto, Antonio, 140
57n48
piracy (pirates), 194
Rainsford, Marcus, 37n7, 61-62
plantations, 2, 4, 11, 41055, 45, 47, 49Rameau, Septimus, 229
51, 53, 81, 102, 108, 121, 126, 143-44,
Raynal, Abbé Guillaume Thomas,
146, 183, 186, 192, 221; owners, 2,
123-24, ,129, 134n28
57n48
piracy (pirates), 194
Rainsford, Marcus, 37n7, 61-62
plantations, 2, 4, 11, 41055, 45, 47, 49Rameau, Septimus, 229
51, 53, 81, 102, 108, 121, 126, 143-44,
Raynal, Abbé Guillaume Thomas,
146, 183, 186, 192, 221; owners, 2,
123-24, ,129, 134n28 --- Page 293 ---
278 INDEX
recognition ofi independence, viii,
95-98, 101-4, 106-7, 109-11, 15-18,
10-11, 15-16, 64, 110, 117, 128, 149127, 129, 131, 139-45, 147, 161, 165,
50, 162, 170-77, 226. See also
167, 181-82, 185, 187-88, 191-95.197,
de facto independence; de jure
202, 212
independence; nonrecognition
Saint-Louis, Vertus, 6
Reign ofTerror, 51
Saint-Louis, 49, 52-53
reparations, 16
Saint-Rémy, Joseph, 42-43
repatriation, 146
Salomon, Louis Étienne Félicité Lysius,
republic, 25, 29, 110, 142, 147; French,
228-29
3. 26, 107, 184, 193-94; of Haiti,
Sannon, Pauléus, 60
30-31, 64, 104, 106, 148, 227, 229;
sans-culottes, 194
republicanism, 17, 30-31, 98, 110, 141, Santiago de Cuba, 197
184, 194-95
Santo Domingo, 77, 119, 138, 140, 142,
resistance, 52, 66, 98, 117, 119, 122, 139,
144-45, 148, 168; 1801 invasion of,
186-88, 190, 192, 196
144:1804-5 invasion of, 33. 146;
revolution, Haitian, of 1843, 226-27
1822 annexation of, 33, 67, 149,151
Revue de la Société Haitienne d'Histoire
Sartre, Jean-Paul, 79, 86
et de Géographie, 63
Sasportas, Abraham, 140
Richman, Karen, 204
Sasportas, Isaac, 140, 143, 151
Richmond, 143
Sathian, Krish, 84
Rigaud, André, 50-51, 86, 122, 124, 141, Savarese, Ralph James, 79, 83
143, 151, 224
Scott, Julius S., 216n6
rights, 2, 15, 17, 25, 30-31, 35, 58-59,1 124, Scott, Rebecca, 197, 216n6
128, 131, 136, 145, 168, 171, 175, 182-84, secession, 29, 31, 184,193
193, 195, 198-99, 222; human, 25,
Sepinwall, Alyssa Goldstein, 132n5
110, 124, 195; individual, 117; politiSeven Years' War, 100, 111, 183
cal, 26, 184, 196; property, 187;
Shapiro, Norman,73
republican, 30; rights of man, 3, 102, Sheller, Mimi, 7, 222
109, 112n11, 13m16, 123, 130, 138, 151
ships, 5, 53, 64, 144, 148, 167, 180, 213Robert H.
195; individual, 117; politiSeven Years' War, 100, 111, 183
cal, 26, 184, 196; property, 187;
Shapiro, Norman,73
republican, 30; rights of man, 3, 102, Sheller, Mimi, 7, 222
109, 112n11, 13m16, 123, 130, 138, 151
ships, 5, 53, 64, 144, 148, 167, 180, 213Robert H. Smith International Center
15; British, 5, n8, 142; US, 40n39,
for Jefferson Studies, ix, xi
143, 161, 163-64, 166-67, 171, 173,175
Robinson, William Davis, 173-74
slave revolts, 36, 48,78, 134n32, 136-37
Rochambeau, Donatien, 5, 52, 18, 123
139-42, 147, 150
Romain, P., 171
slave system, 2, 4, 18
Rose V. Himely (1804), 179n32
slave trade, 2, 66, 78, 104, 143, 146-47,
Rouget, Gilbert, 205
184, 188, 192-93, 197, 207, 211-12
Roumain, Jacques, 206
slaves. See enslaved people
Roume, Philippe, 143, 151
Société d'anthropologie, 85
Roux, Pierre, 63
Soir, Le (Port-au-Prince), 231
royalists, 141, 184, 194
Sonthonax, Léger-Félicité, 3, 49, 51, 81,
rule oflaw, 100-103, 106, 108-10
103, 126, 142, 148, 194, 201-2
runaway slaves. See maroons
Soulouque, Faustin, 86, 228-29, 232n3
Sousa Santos, Boaventura de, 197
sailors, 105, 119, 126, 134n34, 143
South America, 39-40, 146, 149, 163
Saint-Christophe, 44-45
South Asia, 9
Saint-Domingue, viii, 1-5, 9, 13, 26, 29, Southeast Asia, 183
31, 33-34, 36, 41n55, 43-44, 18- 54
South Sudan, 10
56n29, 59, 61, 63, 66, 71040,78, 85, sovereignty, 4, 9-11, 14-15,17, 33, 64,
Saint-Christophe, 44-45
South Asia, 9
Saint-Domingue, viii, 1-5, 9, 13, 26, 29, Southeast Asia, 183
31, 33-34, 36, 41n55, 43-44, 18- 54
South Sudan, 10
56n29, 59, 61, 63, 66, 71040,78, 85, sovereignty, 4, 9-11, 14-15,17, 33, 64, --- Page 294 ---
INDEX 279
66, 100, 105, 108, 111, 126, 137,139,
Trouillot, Henock, 60
150, 168-70, 172, 175, 181, 183-85. Trouillot, Michel-Rolph, 6, 55-56n21,
190, 192-96, 198-99, 232
78, 106, 176, 204
Spain, 32-33, 66-67, 88ns, 99, 119, 127, Tussac, François-Richard de, 86
138, 144-45, 147-49, 168; invasion
of Saint-Domingue, 3-4, 26, 140-41, United Kingdom, 183, 188
United States, vii, viii, 5, 9,12, 16,
Spinoza, Baruch, 25
61-62, 88n5, 97, 100, 104, 108,
Stalin, Joseph, 151
110,138, 140, 143, 145, 147, 149, 161-
"state of exception" (also "state of
70, 172-75, 220; citizens of, 171,
emergency"), 106-9, 121
175-77; Civil War, 176; Congress, 64,
Stedman, John, 78
165-67, 169, 173-74: constitution,
Stella (Bergeaud), 128
101-2; Declaration of Independence,
Stilla, Randall, 84
viii, ix, 6, 8-11, 13-16, 21038, 21043,
St. Lucia, 142
34,78, 96, 98, 101, 103, 106, 108,
St. Marc, 162, 164
12n3, 112n6, 114n37, 119, 121, 128;
St. Vincent, 142
foreign policy, 161-62, 170, 172, 177;
sugar, 1-2, 4, 45, 81-82, 142, 163, 223
government, 162, 164-73.1 175-77;
law, 167; military, 75; occupation
Tailors' conspiracy (Bahia), 141
of Haiti, 8; press, viii, 21035, 34,
Tainos, 33, 41153
37n10, 61, 136-37; prohibition on
Tapia, Angel Sanz, 151
trade with St. Domingo, 165-67,
Tardieu, Patrick, 6, 11, 38n24, 233n10
170; representatives of, 9, 143,162,
Taylor, Mr. (American merchant), 73
165, 174; Revolution, vii, 17, 97-98,
Télégraphe, Le (Port-au-Prince), 220
100-101, 103-4, 109, 111, 143, 151,
Thoret, Norbert, 39n39, 115-19, 125, 128,
221; Senate, 166.
ieu, Patrick, 6, 11, 38n24, 233n10
170; representatives of, 9, 143,162,
Taylor, Mr. (American merchant), 73
165, 174; Revolution, vii, 17, 97-98,
Télégraphe, Le (Port-au-Prince), 220
100-101, 103-4, 109, 111, 143, 151,
Thoret, Norbert, 39n39, 115-19, 125, 128,
221; Senate, 166. See also courts;
131, 132n1, 133n9
merchants; ships; trade
tigers, 14, 31, 72-79, 86-88, 88n1,
universalism, 17, 15, 31, 79-80,139,
89n2o, 123
184-85.191
Tonnerre (France), 48
Torbec Parish, 45-48, 55n13
vagabonds, 102
trade, 25, 29, 40n44,43, 86, 102, 161Vansina, Jan, 204
62, 185, 188; British, 40n44, 127, 174; Vastey, Pompée Valentin (Baron de
illegal, 167, 170; US, 162-72, 174-77. Vastey), 148, 185, 196-97, 199, 203
See also slave trade
Vattel, Emer de, 14, 123, 168
transcription, 12-13, 21035, 76-77. 82,
Venezuela, 12, 65-66, 141, 149
202, 207-8, 216n5, 218n28, 218n30
vengeance, viii, 28, 31-32, 35, 39n37, 43,
translation, 12, 29, 37n7, 38n22, 40n41,
67n1, 73, 77. 79, 83, 120, 122-25, 127,
73, 106, 108, 112n8, 130, 13317, 136,
129-31, 136, 222, 225, 228
193, 197, 201, 205, 207-8, 218n28,
Vermont, 9
Vernet, André, 163
treaty, 5, 114n37, 143-44; trade, 40n44,
Versailles, 1, 47-48
127, 163, 174
Vertières, Battle of, 231
Treaty of Ryswick (1697), 181
Vesey, Denmark, 147-48
tree of liberty (also liberty tree), 27, 219, violence: 4, 10, 13-14, 16, 32, 42-44, 50,
221-22
52, 54-72-73.78-79.
114n37, 143-44; trade, 40n44,
Versailles, 1, 47-48
127, 163, 174
Vertières, Battle of, 231
Treaty of Ryswick (1697), 181
Vesey, Denmark, 147-48
tree of liberty (also liberty tree), 27, 219, violence: 4, 10, 13-14, 16, 32, 42-44, 50,
221-22
52, 54-72-73.78-79. 95, 115-19, 122,
Trimble, Michael, 87
126-31, 134134, 166, 187, 231
Trinidad, 147
Vixen (ship), 175 --- Page 295 ---
280 INDEX
Vodou (vaudoux), 78, 196, 204-5,
Wernicke, Karl, 82
209-10, 214, 225; ceremony, 204,
Whitfield, W. L., 135135
206, 210; pantheon, 16, 205-6, 212,
women, 2, 32, 40n39, 44-45, 47-48,
220, 225; ritual, 16, 206; songs, 8,
53.73, 104, n6, 18-19, 125, 133n9,
11, 16, 204, 207-15, 218n28; "Vodou
163-64, 181, 192, 210, 225, 227, 229
Archive,' 217n12, 217n16
Wood, Gordon, 109
wanga. See ouanga
Yayou (Haitian General), 27
War of Independence (Haiti), 4, 13, 26, yellow fever, 4
34, 52-53, 100-101, 106-7, 207-8,
210, 16, n8, 122, 229, 231
Zavitz, Erin, 16
Washington, George, 151, 225
Zizek, Slavoj, 131
weapons, 63, 66, 145, 148, 161, 164, 184, zombies, 187
--- Page 296 ---
Recent Books in the Jeffersonian America Series
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Paine and Jefferson in the Age of Revolutions
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