--- Page 1 --- The Haitian Declaration of Independence Creation, Context, and Legacy EDITED BY JULIA GAFFIELD NOM DU PEUPLE DHATTE Grindrons er aroms mndre de 0444 de Piste LIBERTE OU prwurey eenatoanee du des Menfaire LA peuple Dmities, le Cindral en Chef, MORT, la presmosinur de le hberté de Mberti, au nom JRNAE peuple de oity suwa rendu fadijren vas dearese worohNd d'ubeir A 4 vien prie, la seule amstecar que aux Loii quatre, Ainasins le nous preniee ommons le droit de rea consmnjuen Céneral des en Chet Janvier, mil huit eent peral PomAer son faire la semegals a Geniraus, deTarmee des Rerorsaeut duivent reudie Teder de Chefs de Indigee, Jourde Gondiveiy ce ro, Apres avoir au bonheur prendre les Parnde, praia, J raa blés, ses fait connaitre du pays, mesures qui Ferin, Herao, Capoix, aux veriubles aux Veract, objet Indigises iurentions, Géindraux asrem. rois, Congi, Paton, de sa plus dHlyti, un daseurer à Miglaine fema, Par ua diccurs vive Catrunemind jamais datnite, Peisumene qui sneere tend à qu'il wakle, pays Ermsgires, la Taire cosnatitre a'fait sacrée iandinntens et de résolation de aux aprés avoir par le sang du jovir d'une liberté rindre le chacun des recueilli les peuple de cette conment de Céndraut avis, a Lle; et CE, renoncer assemblés, demands platde à que que de jamais à r la promonsdr le VT contatre vivre sous France, de serpenduore. jesgu'su sa mourir dernier denimien, ct soupir de pour lindé. a Mugne mip a hoeme --- Page 2 --- The Haitian Declaration of Independence --- Page 3 --- Jeffersonian America JAN ELLEN LEWIS, PETER S. ONUF, AND ANDREW O'SHAUGHNESSY, EDITORS --- Page 4 --- The Haitian Declaration of Independence Creation, Context, and Legacy EDITED BY JULIA GAFFIELD University of Virginia Press CHARLOTTESVILLE AND LONDON --- Page 5 --- University of Virginia Press 2016 by the Rector and Visitors of the University of Virginia All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper First published 2016 9 8 765 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Haitian Declaration ofl Independence : creation, context, and legacy / edited by Julia Gaffield. pages cm.-(leffersonian America) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8139-3787-8 (cloth : acid-free paper)-ISBN 978-0-8139-3788-; (e-book) 1. Haiti-History--utonomy and independence movements. 2. ProclamationsHaiti-History and criticism. 3- Liberty- Political aspects-Haiti-History-i9th century. 4- Dessalines, Jean-Jacques, 1758-1806. 5. Hait--History- Revolution, 1791-1804- 6. Haiti-History-1804-1844- I. Gaffield, Julia. F1924.H22 2015 972.94'04-dcz3 Aoftrm Publication of this volume has been supported by the Thomas MONTICELLO Jefferson Foundation. ProclamationsHaiti-History and criticism. 3- Liberty- Political aspects-Haiti-History-i9th century. 4- Dessalines, Jean-Jacques, 1758-1806. 5. Hait--History- Revolution, 1791-1804- 6. Haiti-History-1804-1844- I. Gaffield, Julia. F1924.H22 2015 972.94'04-dcz3 Aoftrm Publication of this volume has been supported by the Thomas MONTICELLO Jefferson Foundation. --- Page 6 --- Contents Preface vii Acknowledgments xi Introduction: The Haitian Declaration of Independence in an Atlantic Context 1 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD PART I Writing the Declaration Haiti's Declaration of Independence 25 DAVID GEGGUS "Victims of Our Own Credulity and Indulgence": The Life of Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre 42 JOHN GARRIGUS The Debate Surrounding the Printing oft the Haitian Declaration of Independence: A Review oft the Literature 58 PATRICK TARDIEU Living by Metaphor in the Haitian Declaration of Independence: Tigers and Cognitive Theory 72 DEBORAH JENSON PART II Haitian Independence and the Atlantic Law, Atlantic Revolutionary Exceptionalism, and the Haitian Declaration of Independence 95 MALICK W. GHACHEM --- Page 7 --- vi CONTENTS Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Norbert Thoret, and the Violent Aftermath of the Haitian Declaration of Independence 115 JEREMY D. POPKIN Did Dessalines Plan to Export the Haitian Revolution? 136 PHILIPPE GIRARD PART III The Legacy of the Haitian Declaration ofIndependence "Outrages on the Laws of Nations": American Merchants and Diplomacy after the Haitian Declaration of Independence 161 JULIA GAFFIELD The Sovereign People of Haiti during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries 181 JEAN CASIMIR Thinking Haitian Independence in Haitian Vodou 201 LAURENT DUBOIS Revolutionary Commemorations: Jean-Jacques Dessalines and Haitian Independence Day, 1804-1904 219 ERIN ZAVITZ Appendix: The Haitian Declaration of Independence 239 Bibliography 249 Notes on Contributors 267 Index 269 Haitian Declaration of Independence 161 JULIA GAFFIELD The Sovereign People of Haiti during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries 181 JEAN CASIMIR Thinking Haitian Independence in Haitian Vodou 201 LAURENT DUBOIS Revolutionary Commemorations: Jean-Jacques Dessalines and Haitian Independence Day, 1804-1904 219 ERIN ZAVITZ Appendix: The Haitian Declaration of Independence 239 Bibliography 249 Notes on Contributors 267 Index 269 --- Page 8 --- Preface commentator Rachel Index and middle finger crossed, the American political show, informed viewers of her April 1, 2010, MSNBC primetime Maddow have been." 77 At frst glance, this "us and Haiti, we're like this. We always raised eyebrow; in fact, comment worthy of a may seem like a throwaway histories of Haiti and the United Maddow's reference to the interconnected Scholars recin the field of Atlantic history.' States reflects a transformation Haitian Revolutions as part of a broader ognize the American, French, and occurring across the Atlantic World. set of changes could be seen most explicitly in a recent exThis historiographical shift Revolution! The Atlantic World hibition at the New-York Historical Society, which focused on the material and Reborn (November 11, 201-April 15, 2012), revolutions. At this exhibition, the symbolic connections between the three for the first time. Declaration of Independence was put on display Haitian printed this document less Haitian government The newly independent Dessalines delivered its text as a speech than three weeks after Jean-Jacques to be distributed to the powers of on January 1, 1804. The printed version was twist of fate,' " Maddow reported, World. "And then, in a very sad the Atlantic For the next two hundred years, the "every known copy of it disappeared. in newspapers and in Haitian Declaration of Independence was reprinted itself, the actual, original handwritten duplicates. But the actual document of Haitian independence eight-page pamphlet, the physical representation was lost." discovered one of the original government-printed In February 2010, I records at The National Archives versions of the declaration in the Jamaican this to be the only in London. At the time, I thought ofthe United Kingdom however, I discovered another printed copy extant copy. Just over a year later, archives. This time the declaration was in the Admiralty records of the same known remaining offiThese documents are the only printed as a broadside. ofindependence. The text of the docucial copies ofthe Haitian Declaration physical representation was lost." discovered one of the original government-printed In February 2010, I records at The National Archives versions of the declaration in the Jamaican this to be the only in London. At the time, I thought ofthe United Kingdom however, I discovered another printed copy extant copy. Just over a year later, archives. This time the declaration was in the Admiralty records of the same known remaining offiThese documents are the only printed as a broadside. ofindependence. The text of the docucial copies ofthe Haitian Declaration --- Page 9 --- viii PREFACE original or an official printed ment was well known, but a signed manuscript believed. did not exist in Haiti or elsewhere, historians copy documents in London tells a story of international The presence of the The proclacommunication in the early months of Haiti's independence. World that the to the nations and empires of the Atlantic mation announced instead, the new "Haytian" territory was no longer under French authority; from France ruled it. Haitians leaders knew that independence government recognized and supported could only be complete if foreign governments the new nation. the Atlantic, and portions of it were reThe document circulated around and London, and even as printed in newspapers in cities like Philadelphia oft this document, however, The international reception far away as Bombay. and saw Haitian independence was mixed. Some readers were sympathetic Others, however, were terrified the reaction to French cruelties. as justifiable mean for their own nation's colby the implications that this success might spread? was the question Would the Revolution onies and personal property. on everyone's mind. the document, a magnitude 7.0 earthSeveral weeks before I discovered area. The world's atdevastated Port-au-Prince and the surrounding outlets quake it often is when that nation is in crisis. Media tention was on Haiti, as Maddow Show, published digital copies of around the world, like the Rachel the first time many peothe Haitian Declaration of Independence, marking with interest and intrigueple read or saw the document. They responded came from readers who sometimes with hostility. Much of the hostility and the Haithe Haitian document against its American equivalent; hatred and compared is a call to arms that expresses tian Declaration of Independence commenters also wanted to see toward the French. Many eternal vengeance problems in its founding document, parthe roots of Haiti's contemporary Pat Robertson's claim that ticularly in the context of American televangelist Haitians had "sworn a pact with the devil." >2 declaration of of the first countries in the world to issue a Haiti was one The American Declaration ofIndepenindependence after the United States. for similar documents dence, David Armitage writes, "provided the model of other new states.' >3 Inaround the world that asserted the independence of forces in the French colony Saint-Domingue deed, when the revolutionary followed the United States' lead in proclaimdefeated Napoléon's troops, they the words "liberté ou their determination to "live free or die" -choosing ing letterhead and the title of their Acte de Mindépendance. la mort" for the state drew distantly on Jefferson's document However, while the Haitian leaders declaration based on his original had earlier draft of the for inspiration-an new states.' >3 Inaround the world that asserted the independence of forces in the French colony Saint-Domingue deed, when the revolutionary followed the United States' lead in proclaimdefeated Napoléon's troops, they the words "liberté ou their determination to "live free or die" -choosing ing letterhead and the title of their Acte de Mindépendance. la mort" for the state drew distantly on Jefferson's document However, while the Haitian leaders declaration based on his original had earlier draft of the for inspiration-an --- Page 10 --- PREFACE ix tailored their own words to the been rejected as too tame for the task-they different yet Thus, the two documents are distinctly circumstances at hand. connected in motivation, meaning, and genre. the clearly exhibit, the New-York Historical Society put As part of its Revolution! along with the Stamp Act Haitian Declaration of Independence on display in Surinam (1752-1758), Greenwood's Sea Captains Carousing (1765), John and other documents, paintings, and obThomas Clarkson's "African Box," of Revolution. In conjunction the interconnected Age jects that symbolized entitled, "The Age of Revwith the exhibit, the society hosted a symposium The goal of this symposium olution: A Whole History," on January 21, 2012. ofeach revolution as well was to better understand the unique characteristics this conference, I threads that wove them together. During as the common historian David Armitage, and during our had the good fortune of meeting to a collaborative study conversation he inspired and encouraged me pursue oft the Haitian Declaration of Independence. the Robert H. Smith InternaWith this in mind, on March 7-8, 2013, the direction of Andrew tional Center for Jefferson Studies (ICJS), under "The Haitian Declasponsored and hosted the conference O'Shaughnessy, Context." s The ICJS seeks to support ration of Independence in an Atlantic interdisciplinary and of" Thomas Jefferson and his legacy through the study of was the first research. While the US Declaration Independence innovative document helped to confirm it as a genre; the Haiof its kind, the Haitian therefore, is a crucial part of the legacy of tian Declaration of Independence, to the scope of its document. The efforts of the ICJS expand the American America reflects a series of historiographresearch beyond continental early of the early modern that highlight the interconnectedness ical interventions of Revolution. Scholars have also Atlantic World, particularly during the Age and to look situate Haiti at the center of the Age of Revolution begun to the context, character, and develbeyond its revolution in order to appreciate opment of Haiti as an independent nation. scholars in the field and aim to The essays in this volume are by leading external influences that of the internal and provide a better understanding declaration of independence. How shaped the world's second successful Declaration of Independence intightly and in what ways was the Haitian shared of the Age What aspects tertwined with its American predecessor? document? What distinctive of Revolution were articulated in the Haitian And how can a focus features were added and what elements were omitted? discussion about the larger documents provide a point of entry for a on these in the Atlantic revolutions? As the questions of meaning and significance in the world, the Haitian Decproduct of the only successful slave revolution --- Page 11 --- X PREFACE laration of Independence is representative of the turbulent Age of Revolution, and this volume advances our comprehension of its expansive significance in the making of the modern world. Notes 1. See www.nbcnews.com/id/36148068/ns/msnbc-rachel_maddow_show/#.UWQSda WnukQ (accessed April 8, 2013). 2. See www.cbsnews.com/8301-504083-162-12017-504083.htm (accessed April 9, 2013). 3- David Armitage, The Declaration ofIndependence: A Global History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 3- advances our comprehension of its expansive significance in the making of the modern world. Notes 1. See www.nbcnews.com/id/36148068/ns/msnbc-rachel_maddow_show/#.UWQSda WnukQ (accessed April 8, 2013). 2. See www.cbsnews.com/8301-504083-162-12017-504083.htm (accessed April 9, 2013). 3- David Armitage, The Declaration ofIndependence: A Global History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 3- --- Page 12 --- Acknowledgments conference sponsored by the Robert H. Smith This volume originated at a and held in Charlottesville, VirInternational Center for Jefferson Studies the Saunders Director ofthe ginia, in March 2013. Andrew O'Shaughnessy, ofthe conference, and I am and enthusiastic supporter ICJS, was a generous collaboration as well as the funding provided by grateful for his delightful Hammond, and the rest of the ICJS the ICJS. Mary Scott-Fleming, Michele with the aftermath of a immensely helpful, especially in dealing staff were freak snowstorm. occurred without the support and encourThe conference would not have that The idea emerged during a conversation agement of David Armitage. World Reborn, presented by the New-York we had at Revolution! The Atlantic to collaborate with and I owe Historical Society in 2011. David has been a joy in this initiative. for his inspiration and support him my deep appreciation with such a collegial group to have been able to collaborate I am grateful sincere thanks to each off the contribofs scholars, and I would like to offer my field and their enthusiasm their dedication to the by utors. I am inspired by for the study of Haitian history. Press has contributed much Dick Holway at the University of Virginia his enthusiastic support editorial insight, and I thank him for appreciated The staff members at the University of Virginia throughout this project. with. I am also indebted to the anonyPress have been a pleasure to work feedback. readers who provided thoughtful and productive mous thank the Andrew W. Mellon Sawyer Seminar at Finally, I would like to of History and the Coland the Department Brandeis University (2013-2014) for providing me with lege of Arts and Sciences at Georgia State University the time and funding necessary to complete this project. of Virginia his enthusiastic support editorial insight, and I thank him for appreciated The staff members at the University of Virginia throughout this project. with. I am also indebted to the anonyPress have been a pleasure to work feedback. readers who provided thoughtful and productive mous thank the Andrew W. Mellon Sawyer Seminar at Finally, I would like to of History and the Coland the Department Brandeis University (2013-2014) for providing me with lege of Arts and Sciences at Georgia State University the time and funding necessary to complete this project. --- Page 13 --- --- Page 14 --- The Haitian Declaration of Independence --- Page 15 --- --- Page 16 --- Introduction The Haitian Declaration ofIndependence in an Atlantic Context ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD DAVID Revolution! The Atlantic World Reborn For the New-York Historical Society's Rabinowitz and Lynda B. Kaplan exhibit in 2011-2012, curators Richard Palace of Versailles from artists commissioned a miniature sculpture of the Mexico. The artAvila and Benita Rodriguez Alvarez of Guanajuato, Martin constructed entirely of sugar tinted with ists created a desktop-sized palace Rabinowitz explained, the dyes. Their message was crystal clear; as vegetable the French Empire "was in some ways a kingdom sculpture emphasized that of France's wealth in the >1 Indeed, an estimated 30 percent based on sugar. Saint-Domingue, the eighteenth century came from its colonies, especially the richest spots colony and one of Atlantic World's most wealth-producing on the face of the earth. another that had been created just This modern sugar sculpture echoed anniversary of Haitian hundred earlier to mark the second over two years Haîtien, the independence celebraindependence on January 1, 1806. At Cap Declaration of Indea military review, a reading of the tions had comprised later that day, Emperor Jean-Jacques pendence, and a high mass; in Gonaives the leading officers, feast attended by Dessalines laid on a commemorative American visitor reported military and civil, of the infant state. A horrified imitation of the skeleton of a that, "after dinner, a piece of confectionary in no doubt, served upon the table. The object in view . was white man, was and cherish in the minds of the that day of national jubilee, to excite upon French, exhibiting to their sight such expressive chiefs, their hatred of the by the remembrance of not fail to call to their recollection, symbols as could the victors of their triumph their past deeds. >2 What better way to remind And what more approprithan this macabre effigy oftheir former masters? that had once been grown material for its construction than the sugar ate with their sweat and blood? and Alvarez might have tinted To mirror that historic confection, Avila extract-such a morwith blood instead of vegetable their modern sculpture upon French, exhibiting to their sight such expressive chiefs, their hatred of the by the remembrance of not fail to call to their recollection, symbols as could the victors of their triumph their past deeds. >2 What better way to remind And what more approprithan this macabre effigy oftheir former masters? that had once been grown material for its construction than the sugar ate with their sweat and blood? and Alvarez might have tinted To mirror that historic confection, Avila extract-such a morwith blood instead of vegetable their modern sculpture --- Page 17 --- 2 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD reminded viewers that France's palatial opulence was bid touch would have and death. Haiti was often called the shot through with untold suffering metaphor ignored the massive "Pearl ofthe Antilles," but that whitewashed to slave tradthat millions of enslaved men and women paid human price and government agents to enable their ers, plantation owners, merchants, in the Caribbean characteristically wealth. The colonial and slave systems to replace them. worked the slaves to death; it was more cost-effective richest colony beachieved its status as the Atlantic's Saint-Domingue and imported people cause slave traders and plantation owners purchased them to work as slaves on from West and West-Central Africa and forced other goods such as inand coffee plantations. The colony produced sugar but coffee and sugar were the real moneymakdigo, cacao, and mahogany, fostered a life-crushing labor system Saint-Domingue ers. Prerevolutionary opportunities for the development but at the same time provided unique of de couleurs. Free people of and socially rich class gens of an economically colonies, but in Saint-Domingue their color also lived in other American made the situation unique. The political and social strength and number and an of the population, however, was enslaved, overwhelming majority on the eve of the Haitian estimated two-thirds of the enslaved population to Jean Casimir calls these people "captives" Revolution was African-born." removed from describe the process through which they were violently better thousand slaves in Sainttheir homelands." 5 Of the estimated five hundred thousand had been imtwo hundred and forty Domingue in 1791, nearly rate spurred the continported to the colony since 1780. The high mortality forty thousand numbers of African captives: ued importation of increasing The result was that, at the beginning of captives alone were imported in 1791. as one hundred and eighty the Haitian Revolution, it is possible that as many the five years, enslaved men and women had arrived in previous thousand been in the colony for a very short time. and half of them may have only the east of the Kingdom of African captives came from regions Most ofthese. River. And, while most came from the same Congo and south of the Congo and culturally diverse. This region in central Africa, they were linguistically differences within Saintonto racial, legal, and regional diversity was layered become Haitian citizens, Domingue. The population that would eventually and held distinct and dispaoften in conflict, therefore, was heterogeneous, revolution. rate goals in the context of the unfolding colonial system came in 1789 The first attack on the immensely profitable rights as French citizens. free of color began to agitate for equal when people sometimes turned violent since the esThis battle for full French citizenship to the discriminatory tablished colonial state did not welcome this challenge however, that kept whites in power. Events in Europe, social-racial hierarchy ersity was layered become Haitian citizens, Domingue. The population that would eventually and held distinct and dispaoften in conflict, therefore, was heterogeneous, revolution. rate goals in the context of the unfolding colonial system came in 1789 The first attack on the immensely profitable rights as French citizens. free of color began to agitate for equal when people sometimes turned violent since the esThis battle for full French citizenship to the discriminatory tablished colonial state did not welcome this challenge however, that kept whites in power. Events in Europe, social-racial hierarchy --- Page 18 --- INTRODUCTION 3 in France of the Declaration ofthe Rights of Man and especially the publication difficult for the colonial elite to and ofthe Citizen (1789), made it increasingly in the colony. justify the subversion of about half the free population when enslaved The spark of discontent soon exploded in Saint-Domingue fire to the cane fields, in the northern part of the colony rose up, set at a people masters. The plan for the uprising was sealed and killed their brutal under the leadership of ceremony in Bois Caîman in August 1791 religious Boukman." Despite the dubious odds for success, an enslaved man named initiated the world's only uprising across the northern plains the coordinated initial of the rebels appear to have been successful slave revolution. The goals time to cultivate their own reforms to the institution of slavery, mainly extra inspired by and less severe forms of punishment-goals subsistence crops that the king of France had in fact granted al rumor circulating in the colony their implebut that the colonists were preventing them these concessions cultivated by the enslaved would, as Jean mentation. The small plots ofland form the basis for land Casimir and Laurent Dubois discuss in their essays, as the former in the independence period tenure and social organization system." slaves developed a "counter-plantation" victories but were not able to attain their The rebels achieved some early from the international war raging desired goal. They received aid, however, the slave rebellion as the Atlantic. The British and Spanish saw throughout Caribbean colony. These foreign empires an opportunity to acquire another armies to help their cause. The vied for control and often enlisted insurgent wars involving enRevolution, therefore, was a series of overlapping Haitian and French, British, and Spanish colonists slaved people; free people of color; Indeed, the many different in armies composed ofa mixture ofthese groups. alliances between them internally united, and the groups were not always how to best achieve their own unique goals. changed as each considered the South and West of Saint-Domingue British forces from Jamaica occupied ownership of the eastern part of from 1794 to 1798, and the French secured the island in 1795 under the Peace of Basel. for the rebellious slaves. warfare provided openings This international offer rewards for allegiance. In an extraordiDifferent armies were willing to Sonthonax and Étienne nary move, two French commissioners, Léger-Félicité those who would fight for the Polverel, offered freedom and citizenship to to pressured the commissioners French Republic. These new soldier-citizens complied of their offer of freedom, and the commissioners expand the scope needed their loyalty. In August of 1793, Sonthonax because they desperately of A multiPolverel abolished slavery in the colony Saint-Domingue. and carried the document to France racial delegation of elected representatives The Convention went one step to have it ratified in the National Convention. , two French commissioners, Léger-Félicité those who would fight for the Polverel, offered freedom and citizenship to to pressured the commissioners French Republic. These new soldier-citizens complied of their offer of freedom, and the commissioners expand the scope needed their loyalty. In August of 1793, Sonthonax because they desperately of A multiPolverel abolished slavery in the colony Saint-Domingue. and carried the document to France racial delegation of elected representatives The Convention went one step to have it ratified in the National Convention. --- Page 19 --- 4 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD in the entire French Empire and extended citfurther and abolished slavery izenship to all men. returned to a level of relAfter the abolition of slavery, Saint-Domingue Louverture. Louverture had ative stability under the leadership of Toussaint he was a free been enslaved, but at the time of the 1791 uprising a previously leader early in the revolution but spent man. He established himself as a After the 1794 abolisignificant amount of time fighting for the Spanish. after he was Louverture joined the French forces and soon tion of slavery, the French government. Louverof the colony by named governorgeneral and instituted a quasi-slave system ture maintained the plantation system forced to return to the sugar and in which the laborers, or cultivateurs, were burned to the ground. many of which they had recently coffee plantations, that maintained a loose alliance to In 1801, Louverture issued a constitution Saint-Domingue to operate as the French Empire but that essentially allowed a sovereign state. established as First Consul of France, reNapoléon Bonaparte, recently and sent an army to sented what he perceived as a challenge to his authority Louverture's govdisarm, kill, and deport the colonial leadership (meaning instructed his brotherernment). It is also widely believed that Bonaparte in the colony; at the in-law, General Charles Leclerc, to reinstitute slavery the case. 10 Lebegan to spread in the colony that this was very least, rumors in February 1802 reignited the smoldering clerc's arrival in Saint-Domingue for While the conflict into a war independence. revolution and transformed the revolution had Louverture had struggled for greater colonial autonomy, arrival changed independence. The French army's not been about political former slaves in the colony that their this. Only when it became clear to the did they begin freedom could not be assured under French authority legal the fight for independence. by extreme viobetween 1802 and 1803 was characterized The period the complete eradication of the opposlence on both sides as each sought Leclerc, and the colonial Louverture was tricked and deported by ing army. "rebels"- fought under the leadership of Jean-Jacques armies-now labeled a break in the revolution. AntiDessalines. The period after 1802 represents Dessalines and his leading slavery was still at the core of the movement, but under French and freedom could not be assured generals knew that liberty rule. able to achieve the swift victory that they anticiLeclerc's army was not waited out the battle until the rainy season pated: Dessalines and his troops fever. Indeed, the of the Europeans' susceptibility to yellow to take advantage rebels and the vulnerability of the French troops guerrilla-style warfare of the Despite the fact that Britain to disease put the French in a desperate position. alines and his leading slavery was still at the core of the movement, but under French and freedom could not be assured generals knew that liberty rule. able to achieve the swift victory that they anticiLeclerc's army was not waited out the battle until the rainy season pated: Dessalines and his troops fever. Indeed, the of the Europeans' susceptibility to yellow to take advantage rebels and the vulnerability of the French troops guerrilla-style warfare of the Despite the fact that Britain to disease put the French in a desperate position. --- Page 20 --- INTRODUCTION 5 General Donatien RochamFrance's enemy, Leclerc and his successor, was of Jamaica to help them. The governor, however, beau, begged the governor a rebel victory because preferred to let the war continue and even supported 11 By mid-1803, it was blow to the French Empire.' it would land an important hand and he began making prepaclear to Dessalines that he had the upper Girard shows us in He sent letters, as Philippe rations for independence. and Cuba and to the president of the his essay, to the governors of Jamaica United States inviting merchants to Saint-Domingue.: signed a treaty coorOn November 19, 1803, Dessalines and Rochambeau The articles the evacuation of the French Army from Cap Français. wished to dinating evacuation ofthe army and any civilians who provided for the safe to leave. As Rochambeau's ships set follow. The French would have ten days that lay waiting to they faced a fleet of British ships sail from Cap Français, to Jamaica as prisoners of war them. The French were then brought capture and were eventually sent to Europe. side of the island, Dessalines With the French gone from the western official for the independence and his leading generals could now prepare Henry Christophe, and of the country. On November 29, 1803, Dessalines, the independence of Augustin Clervaux issued a proclamation announcing and Men of Colour under the authority ofthe "Black People Saint-Domingue the success of their war, raging of St. Domingo." > They proudly announced veil of prejudice is torn for freedom and dignity. "The frightful since 1789. Woe be to whomsoever would declared, "and is SO forever. to pieces," they tatters." 1 The proclamation was therefore dare again to put together its bloody the abolition of slavery by also a warning; the authors justified preserving hinted that the fight "every means are lawful.' They any means necessary, was not respected. "Were they could erupt into a global war if their liberty of blood to run," 7 they defenders of liberty] to cause rivers and torrents the [the in order to maintain their liberty, to conflagrate announced, "were they, before the tribunal of Proviseven-eighths of the globe, they are innocent under a harsh and dence, that has not created men to see them groaning and ClerChristophe, shameful servitude. s With this document, Dessalines, nations for the inclusion of Haiti in the community of recognized vaux vied their goals of peace and organized governof the Atlantic by emphasizing to the troubles of a dreadment. 'Now that the calm of victory has succeeded ought to assume a new ful war," they concluded, "everything in St. Domingo v13 henceforward to be that of justice. face, and its Government the hard-won freedom that they had Even as they jealously protected Clervaux were also careful to ease the achieved, Dessalines, Christophe, and attempted to justify and paranxiety of the international community. They the revolution and made don those who may have been excessive during and organized governof the Atlantic by emphasizing to the troubles of a dreadment. 'Now that the calm of victory has succeeded ought to assume a new ful war," they concluded, "everything in St. Domingo v13 henceforward to be that of justice. face, and its Government the hard-won freedom that they had Even as they jealously protected Clervaux were also careful to ease the achieved, Dessalines, Christophe, and attempted to justify and paranxiety of the international community. They the revolution and made don those who may have been excessive during --- Page 21 --- 6 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD them guilt in the eyes of foreign onlookers. excuses SO as to absolve oftheir to return to their properties and Secondly, they invited French landholders however, the As the essays in this volume highlight, promised protection. in Haiti, and this promise might even have been French were not in fact safe a set up for the postindependence massacres. contentious role in the historiograThe 1803 declaration has occupied a essays highTardieu and David Geggus's phy of the revolution, as Patrick and dissemination are mostly light, and the details surrounding its creations the November 1803 docunknown." Furthermore, the relationship between de of January 1, 1804, are murky. ument and the official Acte l'Indépendance Why is Janfeel the need to issue two proclamations? Why did the generals and not November 29? What was the uary 1 celebrated as Independence Day 1 document in place and distribution of the January motivation in the writing oft the November 29 document? these issues in the context ofassessing The essays in this volume address document now canonized as "the the broader historical significance of the and n Throughout this Introduction, Haitian Declaration of Independence." the Haitian "Declaration of the volume itself, we refer to the document as in words, and that title, never appeared Independence," " even though those shall see, it was in fact an "act" of versions of the text. As we the original to the parallel, and later, Latin independence, closer in form and meaning of 1776. documents than to the US Declaration of Independence American commentators it appeared as a "proclamation" of To many contemporary of the spoken word. The docindependence, an utterance with the power and fumultifaceted as the Haitian Revolution, open-ended ument was as innovative and even anomalous, but ture-oriented but arising from history; of its moment. The recent akin to other events and texts also recognizably scholars and wider publics closely tracks rediscovery of the "Declaration" by collected here contribute reconsideration of the revolution itself. The essays and its contexts. vision through a close focus on a single text to that broader argued that the Haitian Revolution had been In 1995, Michel-Rolph Trouillot actors and historians alike, particularly intentionally "silenced" by historical however, some notable exoutside of Haiti's borders. There were, by people book The Black Jacothe most important is C. L. R. James's popular ceptions; to this purposeful neglect The attention that Trouillot brought bins (1938).5 revolution a small insurgency in ofthe world's only successful slave sparked de Cauna, Mats Lundahl, the field. Scholars such as Carolyn Fick, Jacques John Garrigus, David Geggus, Vertus Saint-Louis, Gérard Barthélémy, and other nineteenth- and and Laurent Dubois built on the work of James Madiou, Beaubrun Haitian historians such as Thomas twentieth-century . L. R. James's popular ceptions; to this purposeful neglect The attention that Trouillot brought bins (1938).5 revolution a small insurgency in ofthe world's only successful slave sparked de Cauna, Mats Lundahl, the field. Scholars such as Carolyn Fick, Jacques John Garrigus, David Geggus, Vertus Saint-Louis, Gérard Barthélémy, and other nineteenth- and and Laurent Dubois built on the work of James Madiou, Beaubrun Haitian historians such as Thomas twentieth-century --- Page 22 --- INTRODUCTION 7 Auguste Nemours, Gérard Mentor Ardouin, Claude and Marcel Auguste, historical neglect of this momentous Laurent, and others to re-evaluate the work, the Haitian Revolution is no event. 16 Because of their groundbreaking Atlantic World history. the of the Age of Revolution or of longer at margins of course, but this volume is part of a There is still much work to be done, the Haitian Revolumovement to research, understand, and explain broader tion in Atlantic and global contexts. oft the Haitian Revolution and Recent developments in the historiography in undertakperiod reveal not only the challenges the early independence but also the many opportunities availing archival research on the period innovations. able because of new archival strategies and methodological over archives of the Haitian state were destroyed "Many of the original out; "thus there is great depenthe years," sociologist Mimi Sheller points historians like Thomas Madiou or dence on the writings of a few Haitian foreign consulates and Beaubrun Ardouin, or the records kept by hostile w17 Indeed, all studies on the (often racist) publications of European visitors.' period use the valuable the Haitian Revolution and the early independence and Ardouin. These early nineteenth-century histories produced by Madiou the documents-and often reproduced Haitian historians relied on archival oral histories of veterans of the full documents in their histories-as well as "indispensable revolution. They therefore remain, as David Geggus argues, not without their >18 As scholarly resources, however, they are sources today.' Ardouin both had political, national, and social complications. Madiou and histories. While "both were determined agendas when they produced their would meet the standards of the serious works of history that to produce 1 scholars have criticized their bias in leading European scholars of the time," negative portrayfavor of the mulâtre class in their efforts to counterbalance should not be disFurthermore, while they als of Haiti and Haitian history." and, when possible, supported missed, their sources should be questioned with complementary sources. the scholars responsible for the boom Over the course of the past decade, revealed the for new on the Haitian Revolution have possibilities in research the field and the importance of connecting Haitian archival discoveries in developments more generally. and theoretical history to new methodological 2 Geggus argued the revolution's extensive historiography," Notwithstanding remains little or entirely unexploited by in 2002, "much of these sources from private hands into historians. Moreover, as material continues to pass for domain and finding aids multiply in number, opportunities the public >20 Since then, as can be seen in this volume, research continue to increase.' sources, and the field has scholars have begun to study these unexploited undertaking. immensely from this creative and collaborative benefitted and theoretical history to new methodological 2 Geggus argued the revolution's extensive historiography," Notwithstanding remains little or entirely unexploited by in 2002, "much of these sources from private hands into historians. Moreover, as material continues to pass for domain and finding aids multiply in number, opportunities the public >20 Since then, as can be seen in this volume, research continue to increase.' sources, and the field has scholars have begun to study these unexploited undertaking. immensely from this creative and collaborative benefitted --- Page 23 --- 8 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD collections in Haiti and throughout the Atlantic Newly discovered archival sources, and the use of oral World, careful readings of historical secondary allowed scholars to gain new histories and contemporary Vodou songs have Revolution and the early into a variety oft topics related to the Haitian insights independence period. to the Haitian Revoluof attention that scholars are devoting The amount research is also the result of a historiotion and the developments in archival the multidirectional shift in Atlantic World history that highlights cultural graphical information, goods, ideas, political philosophies, flows of people, mode of social, economic, and political practices, and every other imaginable of as being at the margins interaction. The colonies are no longer thought structures. Inthe receivers of metropolitan power of empire or as passive and the disenfranchised) are increasstead, colonial peoples (both subjects in the creation of empires. The ingly being understood as active participants as an offshoot of the Revolution, therefore, cannot be seen simply Haitian intertwined movement with sometimes French Revolution; rather it was an and outcomes," This and sometimes convergent events, goals, independent in popular understandings too long underemphasized interconnectedness, has resulted in an emphaof Haiti's history as well as in the historiography, This fact is most evident in in the Americas. sis on Haitian exceptionalism in the months following the devastating contemporary descriptions of Haiti and foreign oband in the years since then. Most journalists 2010 earthquake the came to be nicknamed "the poorservers sought to explain how country repeated in the media SO est country in the Western Hemisphere"-a) phrase like a single, run-on after the earthquake that it began to sound frequently and marked the country as an exception word. This expression set Haiti apart that the different counof the Americas and the history rather than as part ownership of their current tries share. The expression also seems to assign become their identity and troubles to Haiti and Haitians; poverty and distress not part of a historical process. to the Haitian Revolution in While much more attention is being paid the pethis focus has yet to spill over into independence the historiography, period, the American OCriod. Scholars still tend to study the revolutionary 22 There are, of course, important cupation, and the Duvalier dictatorships." and the years between the exceptions that focus on the nineteenth century overall result, however, is occupation and the Duvalier era.2 The American Haiti is oversimplified, often in that the traditional image of independent The narrative tends to emphasize an attempt to explain "what went wrong. and suggests, sometimes and internal instability isolation, stigmatization, from day one. The reality of the early indeexplicitly, that Haiti was doomed The entirety of Haiti's history pendence period was much more complicated. course, important cupation, and the Duvalier dictatorships." and the years between the exceptions that focus on the nineteenth century overall result, however, is occupation and the Duvalier era.2 The American Haiti is oversimplified, often in that the traditional image of independent The narrative tends to emphasize an attempt to explain "what went wrong. and suggests, sometimes and internal instability isolation, stigmatization, from day one. The reality of the early indeexplicitly, that Haiti was doomed The entirety of Haiti's history pendence period was much more complicated. --- Page 24 --- INTRODUCTION 9 from celebrated revolution to thirdcannot simply be seen as a linear path world devastation. the period is perhaps The valuing of the revolution over independence match our idealized the first decades after January 1, 1804, do not because when the disenfranchised version of the Haitian Revolution as a moment barriers fell. The indepenand when racial won, when equality triumphed, of the colonial hierarchies remaineddence period makes clear that many the end of the revolution. There are sometimes in a reimagined way-after that we cannot study in the same of the independence period some aspects revolution. The massacres initiated by Dessalines, celebratory way as the resembled slavery, the militarizathe revised labor regime that too much another-we cannot chamthe overthrow of one dictator after tion of society, modern world as we do the rest pion these as the roots of the enlightened To sharpen our sense of of the ideals laid out in the Haitian Revolution. Revolution, this voland arising from the Haitian these anomalies paradoxes document, the text generally known as ume concentrates on a single pivotal the Haitian Declaration of Independence. before him the oath ofliving free and independent, Jean-Jacques "Take then in the city of Gonaives on JanDessalines announced to a crowd gathered that will try to place you back "and to prefer death to anything uary 1, 1804, forever the traitors and the enemies under the yoke. Swear at last, to pursue of the victorious Armée In- " Dessalines, the leader of your independence." what was, in effect if not in name, digène in Saint-Domingue, proclaimed Before July 1776, no of the world's earliest declarations of Findependence. one had formally declared its "independence" people or nation, country or state, created by of the model for declaring independence to the world; adoption and slow. In the years ofthe United States was piecemeal the representatives there had been only two simbetween American and Haitian independence, Vermont's both patterned after the American template: ilar announcements, States (1777) and the manofi from the new United declaration independence seceded briefly from the Austhe Flemish estates when they ifesto issued by trian Empire in 1790. therefore not the first or even the second The Haitian "Declaration" was the Atlantic World more either in the Americas or in such pronouncement, the first ofthe independence broadly defined; it was not even announcement that to the future However, it was novel in ways pointed of Saint-Domingue. to initiate the feverish "contagion of sovrather than to the past. And it helped America to South Asia, in the first ereignty" that swept the world, from Latin declaration did not follow While the Haitian half of the nineteenth century. Declaration of Independence, it the same style or format as the American Atlantic World more either in the Americas or in such pronouncement, the first ofthe independence broadly defined; it was not even announcement that to the future However, it was novel in ways pointed of Saint-Domingue. to initiate the feverish "contagion of sovrather than to the past. And it helped America to South Asia, in the first ereignty" that swept the world, from Latin declaration did not follow While the Haitian half of the nineteenth century. Declaration of Independence, it the same style or format as the American --- Page 25 --- AND JULIA GAFFIELD 10 DAVID ARMITAGE of writing. The the of a new genre political helped to solidify development American but the different from its predecessor, content and tone were quite and sovereignty of a tergoal was the same: to announce the independence hundred similar documents ritory and its people. Since 1776, more than one the world, from and the number continues to grow across have been issued, Kosovo to South Sudan.25 assembled in this volume, we now Thanks to the work of the scholars about any other about the 1804 Haitian declaration than we do know more of the US Declaration of Indepensimilar document, with the exception because the physical document dence.2 This fact is all the more striking in Haitian history or of the Haitian declaration has never been prominent there is to the US declaration in memory. There is no national shrine toit, as Hall in PhilArchives in Washington, DC, and at Independence the National or general reveradelphia. It was not the subject of popular reproductions to find original the nineteenth or twentieth centuries. Attempts ence during anniversaries of copies ofit ahead ofthe hundredth and hundred-and-fifteth: scholarship on the decwere fruitless."7 Meanwhile, Haitian independence from November 1803) appeared infrelaration (and the similar document of Haiti by Ardouin and Madiou quently, initially folded into early histories broken out into a handful of century, but only recently in the mid-nineteenth anniversary of independence in separate studies.? 28 Since the two-hundredth and the discovery of the 2004--and especially after the earthquake in 2010 Archives of the United of the declaration in The National earliest printings declaration has greatly accelerated. We may Kingdom-study of the Haitian like about its composition or its circulation, not know everything we would better understood than at any and significance are now but its meanings time since 1804. on the creation and This volume's three sections shed light, respectively, and on its af oft the declaration, on its content and reception, dissemination centuries. Part I, "Writterlives in the nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first behind the declaration; the the Declaration," investigates the motivations ing writer, Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerres; social background of its most likely and the psychological and circulation of the document; the initial printing Part II, "Haitian Independence implications of its uniquely violent imagery. the connections between and the Atlantic,' " broadens the frame to illuminate the meanings in Haitian history more generally; violence and independence for violence that unfolded after 1804; and the declamiorsimpications ofthe impact of the Haitian Revoluneighboring islands and for the international of "The Legacy of Haitian Declaration Independence, tion. Finally, Part III, across Haitian history and its traces the enduring impact of the declaration its role in the recognition of relationship with the outside world: specifically, Independence implications of its uniquely violent imagery. the connections between and the Atlantic,' " broadens the frame to illuminate the meanings in Haitian history more generally; violence and independence for violence that unfolded after 1804; and the declamiorsimpications ofthe impact of the Haitian Revoluneighboring islands and for the international of "The Legacy of Haitian Declaration Independence, tion. Finally, Part III, across Haitian history and its traces the enduring impact of the declaration its role in the recognition of relationship with the outside world: specifically, --- Page 26 --- INTRODUCTION 11 of a new state and in the elaboration of a new Haiti; its role in the creation its remembrance and celebraconception oft the Haitian people as sovereign; in the annual celein Haitian Vodou song and ceremony; and its place tion Taken together, the book's essays use brations of independence since 1804. the intricacies of a document research and novel methods to uncover new with every new perspective on its complex history. whose importance grows has three parts-at least, in the versions The Haitian declaration itself canonical since 1804-printed as an eight-page pamphlet that have become 29 The first, headed "Armée Indigène," rebroadside.? and as a single-sheet by Dessalines's generals to renounce corded the oath sworn and then signed its dominion. The second, France forever and to die rather than live under the proclamation the longest and most often reproduced section, comprises of"Hayti." 77 It explains why by Dessalines and addressed to the people with signed off their links with France and concludes they should definitively cast this section is closest in substance (if an oath "to live free and independent"; before and after 1804. not in form) to the other declarations of independence the ofthe Haitian section records another oath by which generals The third for life, with sovereign powers army affirmed Dessalines as governor general The words "indépendance" or to make peace, war, and name his successor. three documents eleven times in the document-the "indépendant" appear of Haitian independence ('indépendance mark January 1 as the first day slave New Year's Day and a traditional holiday on plantations)--but d'Hayti, does the term "declaration" or its synonyms appear. nowhere first came from the of the document as a "declaration" The designation be because it was there English-speaking world. This should not surprising when Edward Cordeclaration was already familiar: thus, that the American in early 1804, dispatched a printed copy bet, the British agent sent to Haiti of Jamaica, in Januof the document to George Nugent, lieutenantgovernor w30 In French docu1804, he called it "their declaration of Independence." ary often termed a "proclamation" or "acte" of independence ments, it was more the distinct genres available within rather than a declaration, indicating culture. As Patrick TarAnglophone and Francophone legal and political Linstant de Pradine dieu shows in his essay, when Jean-Baptiste Symphore de of Haiti's laws in 1851, he began with the Acte L'Indépendance collected postrevolutionary history:" 1804-year zero of Haiti's independent, on the first day of historical record of the proceedings at Gonaïves As a both and confused. Acindependence, 1804, the declaration was incomplete Dessalines delivThomas Madiou, that day began with the speech cording to brutalities of the French and urging his generals ered in Kreyol recalling the of the island territory now called by to join in defense of the independence becauseit of"Hayti. 32 The declaration was incomplete the indigenous name revolutionary history:" 1804-year zero of Haiti's independent, on the first day of historical record of the proceedings at Gonaïves As a both and confused. Acindependence, 1804, the declaration was incomplete Dessalines delivThomas Madiou, that day began with the speech cording to brutalities of the French and urging his generals ered in Kreyol recalling the of the island territory now called by to join in defense of the independence becauseit of"Hayti. 32 The declaration was incomplete the indigenous name --- Page 27 --- 12 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD contained no text oft that speech, for which declaration was also confused we have no other testimony. The differently from the because events must have unfolded somewhat two sequence implied by the 1804 In separate oaths book-ended Dessalines's printing. that version, itselfthe first oath proclamation, but on the defending Haiti's day salines's Kreyol oration. Then, independence must have followed Desprobably knew switching to French-a language Dessalines poorly and certainly could not Louis Félix write-one ofl his secretaries, Boisrond-Tonnerre, read the of Dessalines, explaining the proclamation in the name and voice ing Haiti even unto death: reasons for renouncing France and for "The Generals have all protectwhole universe, to renounce France sworn to posterity, to the dominion. n Later the forever, and to die rather than live under its same day, the military swore the second oath naming generals of the Armée Indigène that the proclamation Dessalines head ofstate. There is no evidence translation was ever issued in Kreyol: indeed, its first into that language was not until 2011. 33 published taken on a life of its own, By then, it had long since nied its initial separate from the other documents that dissemination in the Atlantic World. accompaThe declaration rested on multiple authorities. The of Dessalines first was the himself, as général en chef at the head authority ond, derived from the first, was Dessalines's of his army. The secin their name. In similar voice speaking to his people and contexts-most States in the summer of notably, again, the infant United that of manuscript 1776-the next layer of authority would have been publication, often with Although we can infer the existence of such affirmatory signatures attached. rization, the textual trace of it a stage of authority, and authono longer exists. most immediately material and Finally, the last authority, but which publicly settled and most enduring, was the authority of print, namic and circulated the form and content of otherwise shifting texts. There seems to have been dynaïves, and the pamphlet and broadside no printing press in Gofrom the versions of the declaration imprimerie du gouvernement at appeared two in a sequence of public Port-au-Prince, where they became utterances issued in late 1803 and Enlightenment ideals of public early 1804. ments be made not just before transparency demanded that such stateof international witnesses but addressed to the wider opinion. It is therefore not at all ironic that the world remaining copies of the 1804 printings of the two known among the papers ofa British declaration were preserved and that governor of Jamaica and the they can be found at The National British Admiralty and not in Haiti. Nor is it Archives of the United Kingdom tion had reached surprising to learn that the text of the declaraThe Venezuela by April 1804 and text-or portions ofthe text-also Bombay by January 1805. 34 the production of handwritten circulated throughout the world with transcriptions and translations in addition to the 1804 printings of the two known among the papers ofa British declaration were preserved and that governor of Jamaica and the they can be found at The National British Admiralty and not in Haiti. Nor is it Archives of the United Kingdom tion had reached surprising to learn that the text of the declaraThe Venezuela by April 1804 and text-or portions ofthe text-also Bombay by January 1805. 34 the production of handwritten circulated throughout the world with transcriptions and translations in addition to --- Page 28 --- INTRODUCTION 13 date, about halfa dozen of these handits publication in newspapers. To only records reveal are known to exist, but the newspaper written transcriptions distribution beyond the printed and manuscript the document's widespread transcriptions that remain. 35 for a new distribuUnderlying the authority of print was the authorization the US Declaration sanctioned by Dessalines's generals. Like tion of power derived its force from representaof Independence, the Haitian declaration When it spoke in the "name tion and not from direct, plebiscitary authority. it did SO in the same way it spoke of the people" (au nom du peuple d'Hayti), abstractly but the "name of liberty, [and] in the name of independence": in behalfbut not in their voice. not directly, on the people's in the voice of Dessalines, but this The bulk of the declaration spoke begins with artful feat of ventriloquism. The proclamation masked a more direction-"Le Général en Chef, au a title, which might also stand as a stage "Signé, J-J. DESd'Hayti." > It ends consistently with the endorsement, tranPeuple otherwise anomalous for the presumed SALINES," even though it was as ifs signaling the hybrid script ofa speech to carry any affirmatory signature, and fixed. But nature of the document as spoken and printed, spontaneous anachronismark ofauthorization, not ofauthorship-an the signature was a this far from the determinants of tic role in this period and certainly in place, operations of the Romantic subjectivity, and the constraining copyright law, scholars is that the proclamation "author-function." >36 The consensus among Boisrond-Tonnerre, a Dessalines's name was scripted by distributed over racial ancestry in Saint-Domingue. metropolitan-educated free man ofmixed discussions among Behind the fixed text we read today surely lay multiple should therefore leaders as well as many lost drafts and revisions. We Haiti's it was issued over the name even though think ofit as a collective production, Dessalines and under the shaping hand of Boisrond-Tonnerre of showed what John Garrigus calls Boisrond-Tonnerre's: family background degree of political consuccessful economic conservatism with a striking de- "a > The violence of the war of independence fidence vis-à-vis white society." have inflected the termined his allegiances and, as Garrigus argues, 38 may Deborah Jenson had notorious violence of the proclamation's language. which she reaffirms in circumstantial argument, earlier made a powerful Dessalines himself as the "author" of this volume, that we should think of provides an index ofhis and that the document's imagery the proclamation, of an unlettered, but not there- "unschooled" poetics and the cognitive style rhetorician. Although other essays (notably fore conventionally illiterate, analyze the declaration primarily as those by David Geggus and Garrigus) linguistic analysis reminds us Boisrond-Tonnerre's text, Jenson's cognitive as document was the work of many hands, with Boisrond-Tonnerre that the this volume, that we should think of provides an index ofhis and that the document's imagery the proclamation, of an unlettered, but not there- "unschooled" poetics and the cognitive style rhetorician. Although other essays (notably fore conventionally illiterate, analyze the declaration primarily as those by David Geggus and Garrigus) linguistic analysis reminds us Boisrond-Tonnerre's text, Jenson's cognitive as document was the work of many hands, with Boisrond-Tonnerre that the --- Page 29 --- AND JULIA GAFFIELD 14 DAVID ARMITAGE in French and in tune with the its literal scribe imaging Dessalines speaking of his mixed-race audience. 39 passions declaration were expressed in as many languages. The many voices of the ofviolence. The most frequently The most obvious is its metaphorical freight ofthe French at length here by Jenson, is its figuration noted image, analyzed blood" of the Haitian people and their famistill covered with [the] as "tigers threatening, and implacably menacing lies. Tigers are not only carnivorous, also not native to Haiti. Their promto weakened human beings: they are was suggests that Boisrond-Tonnere inence in Dessalines's proclamation mouth and, more pointedly, that language into Dessalines's putting a foreign from distant climes. This underlined the the French were alien creatures of Haiti and the French central claim that the inhabitants proclamation's Unlike the US Declaration of Indepenwere now wholly distinct peoples. colonists' "British brethren" even at dence, which still spoke of the former definitively asserted that of separation, the Haitian declaration the moment There could be no kinship with such a savage French "are not our brothers. to live free and independent. people if the newly liberated Haitians were derived from widely circuThe language of freedom and independence the Swiss jurist natural law, most notably lated texts of eighteenth-century Le droit des gens (1758). In that Emer de Vattel's hugely popular compendium, condition ofl humans in the state work, Vattel wrote repeatedly of the innate words that rapidly of nature as "free and independent" (libre et indépendant), and states in terms of legal and diplomatic art to describe peoples became 40 Vattel's work may have been in the hands the international state of nature. here notes a possible echo of it secretaries-Jeremy Popkin of Dessalines's on the massacres of whitesin Dessalines's April 28, 1804, proclamation from its immediate source, as but his language had long since broken away "Vivons, mourons, ses vrais in the refrain of the "Hymne Haytiène" (1803): the connection n41 In natural jurisprudence, Enfans, / Libres, indépendans." was metaphorical: individual freedom and collective independence between sharing similar charachumans and states were both perceived as persons, In the and vulnerability to extinction, or unfreedom. teristics of autonomy the analogy was far more than metaphorrhetoric of the Haitian Revolution, would be more than ical. For the people of Haiti, losing their independence it could mean their collective subordination within an empire: a return to before him the oath of living free and inactual re-enslavement. "Take then death to anything that (vivre libre et indépendant), "and to prefer dependent" back under the yoke," urged Dessalines. will try to place you of freedom and independence suited the This double-edged language The primary motive at Gomultiple purposes of Dessalines's proclamation. Haiti was not created by Hainaives was to forge a sovereign Haitian people. the people of Haiti, losing their independence it could mean their collective subordination within an empire: a return to before him the oath of living free and inactual re-enslavement. "Take then death to anything that (vivre libre et indépendant), "and to prefer dependent" back under the yoke," urged Dessalines. will try to place you of freedom and independence suited the This double-edged language The primary motive at Gomultiple purposes of Dessalines's proclamation. Haiti was not created by Hainaives was to forge a sovereign Haitian people. --- Page 30 --- INTRODUCTION 15 began the process of making them tians: the Declaration of Independence of Haitian independence into Haitians. As Jean Casimir notes, "the wars rather the invention of this were not the exploits of a preexisting people, but existence and its sovereignty ofi its sovereignty. Its people as an expression n42 Ifthat was the domestic aim of the decgenerated each other reciprocally." to the existing powers of laration, its outward-facing task was to announce to join them "free and independent" state had emerged the earth that a new 43 As Girard argues in his essay, and that it sought their recognition." Philippe on a world stage, 77 "the declaration was an act of political theater performed black country led by that the idea of an independent in the full knowledge to other slave SOemancipated slaves and free blacks was deeply threatening not have and the Americas. Dessalines may cieties in the circum-Caribbean but the example of its success resonated intended to export his revolution, declaration itself did not. 44 long after his death in 1806, even ifthe the oath ofthe generals, The sequence of events in the declaration-from as arbiter of to the appointment of Dessalines via Dessalines's S proclamation, sovereignty, the rights of war and ofinternational the two major prerogatives effectively communicated the revopeace (le droit de faire la paix, la guerre)- However, as would often be lution's success to an international readership. securing recognition with unilateral declarations of independence, the case much harder than asserting the claim for the claim of independence was for the most part not cast in the prevailitself. Dessalines's proclamation was it submitted to the wider world in ing language oft the law of nations nor was discourse, as an "act," " "declathe genres of international one of recognized could not lead 7 "manifesto," ' for example. De facto independence ration,' or "The Acte" therefore, de jure without foreign recognition. to independence to the world in the manner ofa found- "has to negotiate the entry of Haitians that bedeviled ritual.' n45 As Julia Gaffield shows in her essay, ambiguity ing nineteenth century, Haiti "being neither indepenHaiti's status well into the politician and of the mother country," as the Swiss-American dent nor part diplomat Albert Gallatin put it in 1815. still much in flux in 1804. The rules for declaring independence were very Haitian declaration devideclaration stands as the model, then the Iff the US In this regard, David Geggus notes that ated from it in almost every respect. fifteen-year process we know Haitian declaration signaled the end ofthe the setting the seal on a series of events, rather as the Haitian Revolution."? By for their progress, as most later than being their trigger or an accelerant declaration was anomalous declarations of independence were, the Haitian declarations, which often in its own time and also among most later similar orally in It was also unusual in being proclaimed ignited such upheavals. declaration had been written for oral delivits first instance. The American ated from it in almost every respect. fifteen-year process we know Haitian declaration signaled the end ofthe the setting the seal on a series of events, rather as the Haitian Revolution."? By for their progress, as most later than being their trigger or an accelerant declaration was anomalous declarations of independence were, the Haitian declarations, which often in its own time and also among most later similar orally in It was also unusual in being proclaimed ignited such upheavals. declaration had been written for oral delivits first instance. The American --- Page 31 --- 16 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD ery, but its initial form was in print, not speech. 48 The foreshadowed later Haitian declaration spoken or shouted declarations in as Mexico's Grito de Dolores Iberian America, such (1810) or Dom Pedro's declaration of independence, the Grito de Iparanga (1822).19 Brazilian The precedents for Haitian couraging. Ofthe three independence before 1804 were hardly enof previous declarations, only one- the US Independence-had led to lasting stability and formal Declaration dependence from the powers of the earth, but recognition of inthy or recognition for other claims it did not guarantee to sympaof the American declaration's independent statehood. The history successful declaration reception also showed how rapidly could be forgotten: after Great even a acknowledged American Britain had formally oblivion-little independence in 1783, the document itself fell into remembered, uncontested, and Its formal work had been done and certainly not mythologized. affirm Haitian its intentions achieved. The struggle to independence and to achieve more drawn out than it had been for the external recognition would be came in 1825 after the United States: French recognition payment of hefty waited almost forty reparations, but the United States confirmed years longer, until Abraham Lincoln's administration recognition-along with the The transformation ofthe act independence of Liberia-in 1862.50 would always be ofindependence into the fact fraught. ofindependence After its initial circulation around the Atlantic played by the declaration in that World in 1804, the part repertoire of other symbols and process was hardly minimal, but it joined a across two centuries. As customs that were replayed with variations the afterlives of the Laurent Dubois and Erin Zavitz showi in their essays, declaration, and of the which it sprang, were deep and continuous independence celebrations from The kinds oflegal and political across the centuries after 1804. instance, did not heritages familiar from the United States, for project the Haitian declaration into the future. commemorative ceremonies on the By contrast, memories of the war transmitted anniversary of independence and the Vodou ritual were the main through traditions of popular song and vectors of historical was read annually on memory. The declaration its reiteration January 1 until French recognition in of bloodthirsty 1825 rendered Zavitz shows, the memory of Dessalines imprecations against France impolitic; also, as following his murder in 1806. He blossomed after a period of oblivion hero to become an lwva, finally emerged as "the only or deity," in the Vodou revolutionary central figure in Vodou pantheon and figured as a songs recounting the oral trauma, and victory in the Haitian history of violence, loss, The Haitian struggle for independence." 51 declaration, no less than the revolution was an event within multiple from which it arose, histories-Haitian, Caribbean, hemispheric, , as following his murder in 1806. He blossomed after a period of oblivion hero to become an lwva, finally emerged as "the only or deity," in the Vodou revolutionary central figure in Vodou pantheon and figured as a songs recounting the oral trauma, and victory in the Haitian history of violence, loss, The Haitian struggle for independence." 51 declaration, no less than the revolution was an event within multiple from which it arose, histories-Haitian, Caribbean, hemispheric, --- Page 32 --- INTRODUCTION 17 collected in this volume allow us to see why Atlantic, and global. The essays beginning in 1804, and why it shaped national memory, it SO immediately and studied over two hundred years later. It should still be commemorated have the Haitian Revolution achas taken much of those two centuries to revolution structured around cepted into the standard narratives of Atlantic take the Haitian declaration and French Revolutions. Yet if we the American itself, it becomes increasingly evident how as a synecdoche for the revolution Atlantic hisanomalous it was even in the course of early nineteenth-century the end of the era oft the Malick Ghachem argues here that "1804 marked northe tory. revolutions," ' because it shared neither the methods northern Atlantic 52 It might therefore be more aims ofthe American and French Revolutions. the first of the Latin American productive to see the Haitian Revolution as mixed-race plantation society revolutions- American in its origins from a overseas empire; in its turbulent grapplings nurtured as a limb of European and even in its passage to milwith new forms of sovereignty and authority; The Haitian rule, internal conflict, and persistent underdevelopment. itary Revolution cannot be used to support progressivdeclaration and the Haitian or economic growth. ist narratives of unfolding democracy, republicanism, in order "to find historians to rewrite those narratives Instead, they challenge domination, and terror, rather forms of inequality, the roots of contemporary universal n53 The essays of freedom, rights, and prosperity." than the origins In their richness and collected in this volume render that task more urgent. they do not make it any easier or more reassuring. complexity, Notes Museum and Library, Revolution! The Atlantic 1. New-York Historical Society and World Reborn, the catalog for - Dubois, and Richard Rabinowitz, eds., RevoluBender, Laurent PES the exhibit: Thomas York: D. Giles, 2011). tion! The Atlantic World Reborn (New XVIII" (February 1806), The PortRaguet, "Memoirs of Hayti. Letter 2. Condy Commemorations:) Jean-Jacques Folio 5, no. 3 (181): 246; Erin Zavitz, Revolutionary - p. 223 below. Dessalines and Haitian Independence Day, 1804-1904." in French Saint-Domingue John D. Garrigus, Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship 3Macmillan, 2006). (New York: Palgrave Soldiers in the Haitian Revolution, Journal of 4- John K. Thornton, "African David Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee CultiCaribbean History 25, no. 1 (1991): 59, citing oft the Slave Labor Force, " in Cultivation vation in Saint Domingue and the Shaping Culture in the Ameriand Culture: Work Process and the Shaping of Afro-American University Press of Virginia, cas, ed. Ira Berlin and Philip Morgan (Charlottesville: Race and Citizenship 3Macmillan, 2006). (New York: Palgrave Soldiers in the Haitian Revolution, Journal of 4- John K. Thornton, "African David Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee CultiCaribbean History 25, no. 1 (1991): 59, citing oft the Slave Labor Force, " in Cultivation vation in Saint Domingue and the Shaping Culture in the Ameriand Culture: Work Process and the Shaping of Afro-American University Press of Virginia, cas, ed. Ira Berlin and Philip Morgan (Charlottesville: --- Page 33 --- AND JULIA GAFFIELD 18 DAVID ARMITAGE the Subject of the King of Congo': African Politi1993); John K. Thornton, "I Am of World History 4, no. 2 (1993): cal Ideology and the Haitian Revolution, Journal 181-214. de 1804 (Port-au-Prince: Fondation 5- Jean Casimir, Pa bliye 1804/souviens-toi Connaissance et Liberté, 2004). Central Africans in Saint Christina Mobley, "Kongo, Kongo, Help Me Cry': 6. à l'esclavage dans le monde atlantique Domingue, " presented at "Les résistances Atlantic History Group, Monfrançais à l'ère des révolutions (1750-1850), French treal, May 3-4 2013. the mythical aspects of the Bois Caïman 7 Recent scholarship has emphasized the actual events involved in the ceremony and highlights our inability uncover Hoffman, "Mythe et idéoloplanning ofthe initial uprising in 1791. Léon-François David GegÉtudes Creoles 13, no. 1 (1990): 9-34; gie: la cérémonie du Bois-Caiman," vaudou et le marronage, 1 in La "Le soulèvement d'août 1791 et ses liens avec le Michel Hecgus, filiations, ruptures, nouvelles dimensions, ed. revolution française en Haiti: Henri Deschamps, Société haîtienne d'histoire et de géographie, tor (Port-au-Prince: 1995), 1:60-70. The Haitian Revolution and the Abolition of 8. Jeremy Popkin, You Are All Free: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 48. Slavery (Cambridge: see Jean Casimir, La culture opprimée 9. On the "counter-plantation system," Laurent Dubois, Haiti: The Aftershocks of (Delmas, Haîti: Imprimerie Lakay, 2001); History (New York: Henry Holt, 2011). in A Concise History ofthe Popkin's discussion on Leclerc's plans 10. See Jeremy 2012), 118-20. Haitian Revolution (Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, Gaffield, "Haiti and Jamaica in 11. For more on these negotiations, see Julia Atlantic World, William and Mary the Remaking of the Early Nineteenth-Century Quarterly 69, no. 3 (2012): 583-614Plan to Export the Haitian Revolution?," Girard, "Did Dessalines 12. Philippe "Haiti and Jamaica, s 583. p.145 below; see also Gaffield, declaration: "St. Domingo, Times English translation of November 29, 1803, F. Mani13. 6, 1804): 3- On the 1803 declaration, see Leslie (London), 5938 (February d'un document historique,' " Revue de gat, "Une brève analyse.commentaire critique Deborah Jenson, Haitienne d'Histoire et de Géographie 221 (2005): 44-56; la Société of the Haitian Independence." Journal of "Dessalines's American Proclamations Haitian Studies 15, no. 1/2 (2009):72-102. the Printing of the Haitian Dec14. Patrick Tardieu, "The Debate Surrounding s 58-71 below; David GegA Review of the Literature,' pP. laration of Independence: 1 25-41 below. "Haiti's Declaration of Independence." pp. San Domingo gus, Toussaint Louverture and the 15. C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins: Trouillot, Silencing the Past: Revolution (New York: Dial Press, 1938); Michel-Rolph see also Thomas History (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995); Power and the Production of University of Tennessee Press, Ott, The Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804 (Knoxville: ,' pP. laration of Independence: 1 25-41 below. "Haiti's Declaration of Independence." pp. San Domingo gus, Toussaint Louverture and the 15. C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins: Trouillot, Silencing the Past: Revolution (New York: Dial Press, 1938); Michel-Rolph see also Thomas History (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995); Power and the Production of University of Tennessee Press, Ott, The Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804 (Knoxville: --- Page 34 --- INTRODUCTION 19 1973); Yves Bénot, La démence coloniale 1992); Pierre Pluchon, Toussaint sous Napoléon (Paris: Editions la Découverte, Ecole des loisirs, Louverture,fils noir de la revolution 1980); Jean Fouchard, The Haitian française (Paris: repr. New York: Edward Blyden, Maroons: Liberty or Death (1972; and Labor in the Haitian 1981); Robert K. Lacerte, "The Evolution of Land Revolution, 1791-1820, The Americas 449-59. 34, no. 4 (1978): 16. For example see David Geggus, Haitian Indiana University Press, 2002); Revolutionary Studies (Bloomington: Geggus, Slavery, War, and Occupation of Saint Domingue, Revolution: The British 1793-1798 (Oxford: Clarendon Barry Gaspar and David Patrick Press, 1982); David olution and the Greater Geggus, eds., A Turbulent Time: The French RevCaribbean (Bloomington: Indiana Carolyn Fick, The Making ofl Haiti: The Saint University Press, 1997); ville: University of Tennessee Domingue Revolution from Below (KnoxWorld: The Story ofthe Haitian Press, 1990); Laurent Dubois, Avengers of the New vard University Press, Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Hard'une décolonisation: 2004); Jacques de Cauna, Haiti, l'éternelle révolution: histoire 1789-1804 (Monein: PRNG, origines du drame d'Haiti: droit et 2009); Vertus Saint-Louis, Aux Bibliothèque Nationale commerce maritime, 1794-1806 (Port-au-Prince: "Toussaint d'Haiti, 2006); John Garrigus, Before Haiti; Mats L'Ouverture and the War Economy of Lundahl, Slavery and Abolition 6, no. 2 (1985): 122-38; Saint-Domingue, 1796-1802," Gérard conflict en Haiti (Petit-Bourg, Barthélémy, Créoles, bossales: Etudes sur Thistoire d'Haiti Guadeloupe: Ibis Rouge, 2000); Beaubrun suivies de la vie du Général Ardouin, au-Prince: F. Dalencour, 1958); Thomas J.-M. Borgella (1855: repr. PortPrince: Imprimerie de J. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 8 vols. Courtois, 1847-1848); Claude B. (Port-auAuguste, L'expédition Leclerc 1801-1803 Auguste and Marcel B. Auguste Nemours, Histoire (Port-au-Prince: Henri Deschamps, militaire de la guerre 1985); 2 vols. (Paris: Berger-Levrault, d'indépendance de Saint-Domingue, Sonthonax à 1925-28); Gérard Mentor Laurent, Le Commissaire Saint-Domingue, 4 vols. recent account oft the (Port-au-Prince: La Phalange, 1965-74). For a historiography see Philippe Girard, History's New Frontier: State oft the "The Haitian Revolution, Abolition Scholarship and Archival s 34, no. 3 (2012): 485-507 Sources, Slavery and 17. Mimi Sheller, "Sword-Bearing Citizens: Century Haiti," in Haitian Militarism and Manhood in NineteenthHistory: New Perspectives, ed. (New York: Routledge, 2013), 161. ort-au-Prince: La Phalange, 1965-74). For a historiography see Philippe Girard, History's New Frontier: State oft the "The Haitian Revolution, Abolition Scholarship and Archival s 34, no. 3 (2012): 485-507 Sources, Slavery and 17. Mimi Sheller, "Sword-Bearing Citizens: Century Haiti," in Haitian Militarism and Manhood in NineteenthHistory: New Perspectives, ed. (New York: Routledge, 2013), 161. Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall 18. Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 31. 19. Popkin, Concise History ofthe Haitian Revolution, 20. Geggus, Haitian 165. Revolutionary Studies, 32. 21. Suzanne Desan, Lynn Hunt, and William Max olution in Global Perspective Nelson, eds., The French Rev- (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Bell, "Questioning the Global Turn: The University Press, 2013); David A. Historical Studies Case of the French >7 37, no. ssa Goldstein Sepinwall 18. Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 31. 19. Popkin, Concise History ofthe Haitian Revolution, 20. Geggus, Haitian 165. Revolutionary Studies, 32. 21. Suzanne Desan, Lynn Hunt, and William Max olution in Global Perspective Nelson, eds., The French Rev- (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Bell, "Questioning the Global Turn: The University Press, 2013); David A. Historical Studies Case of the French >7 37, no. 1 (2014): 1-24. Revolution," French 22. Melanie Newton, "We Are All Haitians Now'? The Caribbean, Transna- --- Page 35 --- ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD 20 DAVID Historical Association, and Empire, " presented at the American tional Histories, New Orleans, January 4, 2013. Red and Black in Haiti: Radicalism, Con23- For example see: Matthew J. Smith, ofl North Carolina Press, (Chapel Hill: University flict, and Political Change, 1934-1957 'Second and the PromChantalle Francesca Verna, "Haiti's Independence' State Univer2009); 1934-1956" (PhD diss., Michigan ise of Pan-American Cooperation, and Marriage in the Making of Postsity, 2005); Thorald Burnham, "Immigration 2006); Julia Gaffield, Haitian Independence Haiti" (PhD diss., York University, Revolution (Chapel Hill: UniverConnections in the Atlantic World: Recognition after Haiti et la France, 1804of North Carolina Press, 2015); Jean-François Brière, sity 1848:le rêve brisé (Paris: Karthala, 2008). A Global History (CamDavid Armitage, The Declaration of Independence: 24. MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 115. "Declarations bridge, Declaration of Independence, 104; David Armitage, 25. Armitage, Foundations of Modern International 1776-2012," in Armitage, of Independence, University Press, 2013), 215-32. Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge ofindependence, see Alcomparative studies of declarations 26. For important Pani, eds., Las declaraciones de independencia: fredo Avila, Jordana Dym, and Erika (México, DF: El Colegio de de las independencias americanas los textos fiundamentales Autônoma de México, 2013). México/Universidad Nacional Digging for Lost DocuGaffield, "Haiti's Declaration of Independence: 27 Julia Atlantic World," The Appendix 2, no. 1 (2014). ments in the Archives of the critique"; Jean Manigat, "Une brève analyse-commentaire 28. Most notably, d'Haîti," Ethnologies "Habiter la terre: une lecture de l'acte d'indépendance Geggus, "La François, "Dessalines's American Proclamations"; 28, 1 (2006): 119-32; Jenson, in Las declaraciones de independencia, ed. declaracion de independencia de Haîti," Avila, Dym, and Pani, 121-31. (TNA), CO 137/m1, fols. 113-17. The National Archives of the United Kingdom rec29. (removed from the Admiralty For the broadside version see TNA, MFQ 1/184 ords ADM 1/254). January 25, 1804, TNA, CO 137/m11. 30. Edward Corbet to George Nugent, Receuil général des lois et actes Symphore Linstant de Pradine, 31. Jean-Baptiste de son indépendance jusqu'à nos jours du gouvernement d'Haiti depuis la proclamation the Printing oft the HaiA. Durand, 1851); Tardieu, "The Debate Surrounding (Paris: Declaration of Independence." - p. 59 below. tian see "The Naming of Haiti," in For more on the renaming of the territory, 32. Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 207-20. d'Haiti en créole haitien,' Journal Jacques Pierre, "Lacte de l'indépendance 33168-80. of Haitian Studies 17, no. 2 (Fall 2011): noire. L'impact de la révolution Alejandro E. Gômez, Le spectre de la révolution de 34- (Rennes: Presses Universitaires haitienne dans le monde atlantique: 1790-1886 Courier, XIV, 644 (January 19, 1805), Rennes, 2013), 41 (Venezuela); The Bombay thanks to Mitch Fraas for this reference.) 3-4). (Our épendance 33168-80. of Haitian Studies 17, no. 2 (Fall 2011): noire. L'impact de la révolution Alejandro E. Gômez, Le spectre de la révolution de 34- (Rennes: Presses Universitaires haitienne dans le monde atlantique: 1790-1886 Courier, XIV, 644 (January 19, 1805), Rennes, 2013), 41 (Venezuela); The Bombay thanks to Mitch Fraas for this reference.) 3-4). (Our --- Page 36 --- INTRODUCTION 21 see the National Library of Jamaica, MS 72; 35- For manuscript transcriptions Duke University Rubenstein Library, Archives Nationales, Paris, AB-XIX-3302-15: d'Outre Mer, CCga; for more on the RLT Vault 320A, items 1-2; Archives Nationales "Dessalines's American in see Deborah Jenson, document's S circulation newspapers: n Journal of Haitian Studies 15, no. 1/2 Proclamations of the Haitian Independence, of Revolution see William Slaughter, (2010):72-102; on newspapers during the Age News Traveled in the Eighteenth- "The Paragraph as Information Technology: How Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 2 (2012): 253-78. Century Atlantic World," Hand and the Printer's Mind, trans. Lydia G. 36. Roger Chartier, The Author's Cochrane (Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2014), 12-14, 83-86. production of the the account of the collective and collaborative the 37- Compare in Pauline Maier, American Scripture: Making US Declaration of Independence Declaration of Independence (New York: Knopf, 1997), 97-153. The Life "Victims of Our Own Credulity and Indulgence': 38. John Garrigus, (1776-1806), pp. 44 and 52 below. For more on of Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre discovered, and digitized, copy of the first Boisrond-Tonnerre's) life, see the recently (A Dessalines: De TImprimedition of his Mémoires pour servir a Phistoire d'Hayti du Gouvernement, 1804), trimntmnem-aee erie Centrale humind-gs8g770n-1 in the Haitian Declaration of IndeDeborah Jenson, "Living by Metaphor 39. Theory,' 77 pp.72-91 below; compare Jenson, Beyond pendence: Tigers and Cognitive American Proclamations." the Slave Narrative; and Jenson, Dessalines's International Thought, 223-25. 40. Armitage, Foundations of Modern Norbert Thoret, and the Violent 41. Jeremy Popkin, "Jean-Jacques Dessalines, " 115-35 below; "Hymne Aftermath of the Haitian Declaration of Independence, pp. Haytiène" (1803), TNA, CO 137/m1. of Haiti during the Eighteenth and 42. Jean Casimir, "The Sovereign People Nineteenth Centuries," pp.1 181-200 below. of the US Declaration of InEliga Gould's recent study on the aftermath 43of the foreign audience and foreign recogdependence highlights the importance of the document: Gould, Among the nition in the publication and dissemination and the Making ofa New World Empire Powers ofthe Earth: The American Revolution MA: Harvard University Press, 2012). (Cambridge, Dessalines Plan to Export the Haitian Revolution?," pp.136-57 44- Girard, "Did below. 45- François, "Habiter la terre," - 125. on the Laws of Albert Gallatin (1815), quoted in Julia Gaffield, "Outrages of In46. Merchants and Diplomacy after the Haitian Declaration Nations': American dependence, " p.162 below. pP- 29-30 below. Geggus, "Haiti's Declaration of Independence," and the 47. Independence: Jefferson, Natural Language, 48. Jay Fliegelman, Declaring Stanford University Press, 1993). Culture of Performance (Stanford, CA: del Grito de Dolores y algo mâs,' 20/10. Carlos Herrejôn Peredo, "Versiones 49. ield, "Outrages of In46. Merchants and Diplomacy after the Haitian Declaration Nations': American dependence, " p.162 below. pP- 29-30 below. Geggus, "Haiti's Declaration of Independence," and the 47. Independence: Jefferson, Natural Language, 48. Jay Fliegelman, Declaring Stanford University Press, 1993). Culture of Performance (Stanford, CA: del Grito de Dolores y algo mâs,' 20/10. Carlos Herrejôn Peredo, "Versiones 49. --- Page 37 --- 22 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD Memoria de las Revoluciones de México 5 (2009), 39-53; see Alfredo Avila and Erika Pani, "De la representaciôn al grito, del grito al acta. Nueva Espana, 1808-1821"; and Isabel Lustosa, "Cambio y continuidad: monarquia constitucional y republica en el procese de independencia de Brasil," " both in Las declaraciones de independencia, ed. Avila, Dym, and Pani, 275-95 and 383-407, respectively. 50. Jean-François Brière, "La France et la reconnaissance de l'indépendance haitienne: le débat sur T'ordonnance de 1825," French Colonial History 5 (2004), 125-38; Gaffield, "Outrages on the Laws of Nations, > pp.1 176-77 below. 51. Laurent Dubois, "Haitian Independence in Haitian Vodou," pP. 201-18 below; Erin Zavitz, "Revolutionary Commemorations: Jean-Jacques Dessalines and Haitian Independence Day, 1804-1904." pp. 219-38 below. 52. Malick Ghachem, "Law, Atlantic Revolutionary Exceptionalism, and the Haitian Declaration of Independence, pp. 97-98 below. 53. Vincent Brown, The Reaper's Garden: Death and Power in the World of Atlantic Slavery (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 259; see also Brown, "A Vapor of Dread: Observations on Racial Terror and Vengeance in the Age of Revolution, in Revolution! The Atlantic World Reborn, ed. Bender, Dubois, and Rabinowitz, 177-98. 219-38 below. 52. Malick Ghachem, "Law, Atlantic Revolutionary Exceptionalism, and the Haitian Declaration of Independence, pp. 97-98 below. 53. Vincent Brown, The Reaper's Garden: Death and Power in the World of Atlantic Slavery (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 259; see also Brown, "A Vapor of Dread: Observations on Racial Terror and Vengeance in the Age of Revolution, in Revolution! The Atlantic World Reborn, ed. Bender, Dubois, and Rabinowitz, 177-98. --- Page 38 --- PART I Writing the Declaration --- Page 39 --- --- Page 40 --- Haiti's Declaration of Independence DAVID GEGGUS To redress the biases of earlier Revolution generations that either or emphasized its ignored the Haitian supposedly aberrant arship on the topic has often peculiarity, recent scholof liberal democracy, sought to integrate it within larger narratives Atlantic revolution, or to stress similarity rather than otherness. emergent modernity, and thus history notoriously If the pioneering works in Atlantic neglected the topic, scholars now place in the Age of Revolution.' Historians routinely accord it a ilarly have come to of the French Revolution simacknowledge the colonial dimension Laurent Dubois argues that the slave of their subject.? Haitis revolution made a major insurrection that was at the heart of racy, and Sibylle Fischer, that it forces contribution to the development of democand progress. 3 Nick Nesbitt us to revise our concepts of claims that the black modernity ofthe Radical Enlightenment, revolution was an extension to universal human indirectly influenced by Spinoza, and devoted rights. Although specific arguments may be debatable, this sivity as regards the Haitian Revolution trend toward inclufocus on Haiti's manner has undoubtedly been salutary. Any ofdeclaring us in a different direction and independence, however, is likely to take ness. This is because the highlight instead the revolution's distinctiveHaitian declaration is unusual spects: 1) it concluded rather than initiated in a number of renot establish a republic and makes the revolutionary process; 2) it did no mention of elimination of the former colonizers; rights; 3) it called for the two declarations of and 4) there were, in fact, not one, but independence. These differences ways in which the Haitian Revolution reflect more general Proclaimed was unusual. January 1, 1804, in the port of last French troops had left, the text city Gonaïves, a month after the pendence marked the end of now known as Haiti's Declaration of Indebegun in fifteen years of revolution. The 1789 as a movement for home rule and free revolution had white colonists. They were quickly trade among wealthy challenged by working-class whites and fact, not one, but independence. These differences ways in which the Haitian Revolution reflect more general Proclaimed was unusual. January 1, 1804, in the port of last French troops had left, the text city Gonaïves, a month after the pendence marked the end of now known as Haiti's Declaration of Indebegun in fifteen years of revolution. The 1789 as a movement for home rule and free revolution had white colonists. They were quickly trade among wealthy challenged by working-class whites and --- Page 41 --- 26 DAVID GEGGUS rights for themselves, and in free men ofcolor, who each demanded political the scale and scope of the conflict. 1791 a massive slave uprising transformed regime fought off Spanish and Between 1793 and 1798, a radical, multiracial but in 1802-3 a French British invasions in the name ofthe French Republic, of African of fought by the population invasion led to a war independence sent by Napoléon Bonaparte. descent against a military expedition the Haitian Revolution resembled In its social and political complexity, than the mainland indepenrevolution in France more the simultaneous free colored, and enslaved populations in dence movements. As the white, the revolution's Saint-Domingue each pursued their own separate struggles, and included not more wide-ranging achievements were correspondingly (1789), the establishdecolonization (1803) but colonial representation just and the outright abolition of slavery (1793)- ment of racial equality (1792), revolutions, both because of of the Atlantic It was the most transformative because of the high price paid for them. these multiple achievements and the former French colony had lost By the time independence was declared, of its export one-third ofits population and at least three-quarters more than capacity." the Declaration of IndePrinted in Port-au-Prince in late January 1804 numbers. Only two copdoes not seem to have circulated in large The pendence version survive.? It is a three-part document. ies of the original printed "The General in Chief to the People of longest and most important section, It functions as a prologue, although Haiti," > is known as the "Proclamation." of 8 It has version it comes after the act independence." in the original printed slave, who was the insurDessalines, a former one signatory, Jean-Jacques itself frecords, in the name army's commander. The act ofindependence France taken gent (Native Army), an oath to renounce of the Armée Indigène seventeen of officers." 9 The third section, signed by by thirty-seven military Dessalines head of state." 10 them, all general officers, names the main square of Gonaives, DesBefore an enthusiastic audience on in Haitian Creceremony with a speech salines began the independence-day French toward the native people" and ole that recounted "the cruelty of the indeto to our last breath for our country's concluded, "Let us swear fight As, like most former said is unknown." pendence." 7 What else Dessalines little French, one of Dessalines was illiterate and would have spoken slaves, then read out the proclamahis secretaries, Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre. to Haiti's first historian, tion, followed by the act ofindependence. According Boisrond-Tonnerre wrote both texts.1 Thomas Madiou, more than twosignatories ofthe act ofindependence, Ofthe thirty-seven descent, probably all ofwhom were freethirds were ofi mixed Afro-European creole planter from the south born. One, Nicolas Pierre Mallet, was a white iterate and would have spoken slaves, then read out the proclamahis secretaries, Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre. to Haiti's first historian, tion, followed by the act ofindependence. According Boisrond-Tonnerre wrote both texts.1 Thomas Madiou, more than twosignatories ofthe act ofindependence, Ofthe thirty-seven descent, probably all ofwhom were freethirds were ofi mixed Afro-European creole planter from the south born. One, Nicolas Pierre Mallet, was a white --- Page 42 --- HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 27 led his former slaves against the French army. Apparently coast who had of whom six or seven seem to have been born eleven signatories were black, in 1804 even General Yayou-although into slavery. None was African-not would have been African-born and nearly half the adult population of Haiti 13 barely one in twenty of mixed racial descent. Authorship Madiou's version of the makAlthough historians have generally accepted case that Deborah Jenson has made an interesting ing of the declaration, document's "political author" and that Dessalines should be regarded as the The first proposition was "secretarial." Boisrond-Tonnerre's role merely too far. That Dessalines's the second perhaps goes seems to me convincing; heard in this material is surely not controversial; "voice" is in some sense intervening in the document-making Madiou himself describes the general secretaries and then reassign to reject a first draft drawn up by his on the process alone. This consistent dependence the task to Boisrond-Tonnerre Dessalines's authorial claims writing of others, however, surely diminishes were closely engaged and makes his secretaries less secretarial. If Dessalines writers but perthe text, he would not have needed to change with producing dictating exactly what he wanted. sisted with his original choice, with his secretaries to rework There is no record of Dessalines interacting Louverture is famously in the manner that his predecessor Toussaint read and prose 15 Nor would one expect it. Louverture could described as doing.' and he eventually owned a library. write by the early years of the revolution, his name late in life. Although Dessalines learned no more than to sign unlikely he could have could speak some French, it is highly he apparently ofthe language exhibited by Louverture. matched even the limited command owned by free blacks, some of Dessalines had been a praedial slave, long domestic servant with French whom were illiterate. Louverture was a former owner for some twenty masters who had lived as a freeman and property author of the declabefore the revolution." 16 One can call Dessalines over its years and he obviously had veto power ration in the sense ofi instigator, he would have struggled to contents, but as it was written in a language author in the sense of composer. understand, he seems unlikely to have been under is that the public documents produced Part of Jenson's argument of which of his secretaries Dessalines display a common style, irrespective "shockrhetorical and poetic ferocity," signed them. She points to a "singular established political tropes, such and a tendency to recast ing symbolism, She acknowledges that somewhat similar as the tree of liberty metaphor. of Boisrond-Tonnerre and might be found in the later publications passages written in a language author in the sense of composer. understand, he seems unlikely to have been under is that the public documents produced Part of Jenson's argument of which of his secretaries Dessalines display a common style, irrespective "shockrhetorical and poetic ferocity," signed them. She points to a "singular established political tropes, such and a tendency to recast ing symbolism, She acknowledges that somewhat similar as the tree of liberty metaphor. of Boisrond-Tonnerre and might be found in the later publications passages --- Page 43 --- 28 DAVID GEGGUS most talented writers, but then concludes Juste Chanlatte, the government's made them less able than Dessalines to that the two men's French education "challenge European logic. 17 who had written more than twelve Chanlatte Yet it was precisely Juste of the rebellion of the free people of earlier during the early months into years bloodied arms, avengers of perjury and perfidy, color "let us plunge our and, evoking the dechoukaj metathe breast of these European monsters" p18 An earlier its roots this tree of prejudice. phor, "let us tear up by deepest Freedmen" had described white colsupposed "Declaration of Confederate >19 Indeed, Boisrond- "this vermin that gnaws away at the colony." onists as of independence required a white Tonnerre's statement that a declaration him the job of writing it and the man's skin for a parchment famously got "Yes! That's exactly what we need. of Dessalines: enthusiastic approbation to think Dessalines had a moThat's what I want.' >20 Thus there is no reason and vengeful rhetoric. w21 nopoly on "insurgent of Madiou's rendering of inNor is there need to be especially skeptical His entire history oft the revday and Boisrond-Tonnerreés role. dependence memories and, in this case, we are concerned olution drew on participant witnesses that had a better events with multiple with unique, high-profile most of what he recorded. Ifthe story of chance of being remembered than strains credulity, we Boisrond-Tonnerre's writing the text in a single night secretaries, of which he was one, had already should note that Dessalines's Finally, Jenson's notion that been working on the project for several days. "impedescription ofthe January 1 ceremony was anachronistically Madiou's seems questionable2 rial" and, therefore, "propagandistic" historian, and no admirer of Beaubrun Ardouin, Haiti's other great Madiou's erto correct what he considered Boisrond-Tonnerre, was happy tale. The morning after combut on this topic he tells exactly the same rors, read them out to Dessalines and his offipleting the texts, Boisrond-Tonnerre them "immediately." Ardouin thought them and signed cers. They approved blame for the declaration's violent and vengeful Boisrond-Tonnerre deserved in blood-drenched terms character but he added that "He merely interpreted n23 of his chiefand of many of his contemporaries. the intimate thoughts in the 1840s, Jenson notes, no French or Before Madiou wrote his Histoire to Boisrondwriter had attributed the Declaration of Independence Haitian of French witnesses that survived Tonnerre. 24 This surely reflects the paucity unin Haiti, and also Boisrond-Tonnerres the transition to independence in 1806 in the wake of Dessalines's popularity. After his political murder But none has ever put few in Haiti wanted to sing his praises. assassination, for the declaration. Hence, it seems to me that, forward an alternative author , no French or Before Madiou wrote his Histoire to Boisrondwriter had attributed the Declaration of Independence Haitian of French witnesses that survived Tonnerre. 24 This surely reflects the paucity unin Haiti, and also Boisrond-Tonnerres the transition to independence in 1806 in the wake of Dessalines's popularity. After his political murder But none has ever put few in Haiti wanted to sing his praises. assassination, for the declaration. Hence, it seems to me that, forward an alternative author --- Page 44 --- HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 29 his message in a manner that would please the although he no doubt styled more than a mere amanuensis new head of state, Boisrond-Tonnerre was and translator of Dessalines's words. An Endpoint Not a Beginning declarations that marked the end rather Prior to the mid-twentieth century, were unusual, David Armithan the beginning of a revolutionary struggle of In Haiti's case this timing points to an important aspect tage tells us.5 colonial American struggles, in which its revolution. Unlike most other the central issue, this was not SO in independence quite quickly became free of color, the question Saint-Domingue. For slaves, whites, and people and slave subordinated to those of racial equality of secession was entirely emancipation. islands dependent on trade and with For easily blockaded Caribbean less viable proposition than independence was a much small populations, Most of Saint-Domingue's white revoluit was for the mainland colonies. and Revolutionary tionaries sought political autonomy, not independence; wanted. When the willing to grant a good deal of what they France proved a threat to white supremacy and revolution in France became in 1791-93 not independence, the white colonists who favored secession sought, slavery, but a British protectorate. rebelled in are more controversial, but The aims of the slaves who there was a huge incenended slavery in 1793-94, once the French Republic world to remain colonial subjects." Itis tive for the emancipated in a hostile suspected that the colony's true that, by the late 1790S, many commentators for and this Toussaint Louverture, was aiming independence, black governor, historians. It seems more likely, however, view is supported by most Haitian as Cyril James wanted a de facto, not de jure, independence, that Louverture his way toward a sort ofa associated and Yves Benot concluded; he was feeling more interested in statehood.? 28 The free men of color, too, were probably Whatever their sense of the substance of independence than its trappings. have attributed to them "Americaness," n only their most partisan historians autonomous fiefs, ambitions. 29 Although by 1792 they lived in secessionist against the white governor, increasand in April 1796 they launched a coup to the growing power ingly they came to need the French as a counterweight them in they ex-slaves. After fighting a bitter war with 1799-1800, of the expedition ofi802. participated in the French reconquest decision in 1802 to overturn both racial It was only Napoléon Bonaparte's forced former slaves and free men of equality and slave emancipation that iefs, ambitions. 29 Although by 1792 they lived in secessionist against the white governor, increasand in April 1796 they launched a coup to the growing power ingly they came to need the French as a counterweight them in they ex-slaves. After fighting a bitter war with 1799-1800, of the expedition ofi802. participated in the French reconquest decision in 1802 to overturn both racial It was only Napoléon Bonaparte's forced former slaves and free men of equality and slave emancipation that --- Page 45 --- 30 DAVID GEGGUS for independence to preserve the gains color into alliance in a joint struggle the Americas' revolution. The Haitian Revolution, therefore, produced ofthe was far from being its primary second independent state but decolonization goal. Political Content with which historians of all persuasions Truly remarkable is the frequency Anglophone in 1804 of the "Haitian republic." have written of the founding during the governorship writers had loosely used the term "black republic" meant to suggest Louverture, but it was in an informal manner state ofToussaint under the control of former slaves. The new the colony's autonomy called lÉtat d'Haîti (State of Haiti), that Dessalines proclaimed, however, was all power to himself, about it. Arrogating and there was nothing republican for life," with the right to name Dessalines took the title "governorgeneral Toussaint Louverture had aswhich had been the position his successor, constitution." 30 This status was replaced nine sumed under his 1801 (colonial) The officers who signed the third months later with the title of "emperor' obey the Laws Declaration of Independence swore "to blindly part of the >1 and the proclamation issued by his authority, the only one we acknowledge," "never to reject actually ends with a threat, an injunction to the populace 31 Freedom from about" whatever laws he will choose to make. or grumble the document, but the word "rights" appears slavery is asserted throughout nowhere. that tends to get obscured in recent studies This raises an important point "democratic ideals,' "citizenship," Revolution that link it with oft the Haitian the black revolution from the rights. n What characterizes and "republican Louverture's constitution of 1801 to slave uprising in 1791 through Toussaint absolute monarchy, is an Christophe, who in 1811 created an those of Henry 32 Freedom was construed in the profound but unabashed authoritarianism." it had nothing to do with liberalism. narrow sense of freedom from slavery; created a monarch or two, and Although the Latin American revolutions dictatorship, this autoFrench Revolution similarly ended in military the Revolution apart from the other Atcratic tradition tends to set the Haitian of Louverture's revolutions. In this context, the most radical aspect lantic Malick Ghachem proposes, the permanent constitution was arguably not, as before, and had been abolition of slavery, which had been ended eight years colonies in 1794, abolished in France in 1791 and made illegal in all French before Conseizure of dictatorial powers for life, a full year but the general's sul Bonaparte followed suit39 The revolution's earliest years Of course, it was not the whole revolution. to set the Haitian of Louverture's revolutions. In this context, the most radical aspect lantic Malick Ghachem proposes, the permanent constitution was arguably not, as before, and had been abolition of slavery, which had been ended eight years colonies in 1794, abolished in France in 1791 and made illegal in all French before Conseizure of dictatorial powers for life, a full year but the general's sul Bonaparte followed suit39 The revolution's earliest years Of course, it was not the whole revolution. --- Page 46 --- HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 31 representative and direct, the of a radical democracy, saw development settlers, but because of their hostility to raamong Saint-Domingue's white commissars sent from in the fall of 1792 by cial equality, it was suppressed color, until then excluded from politiFrance. It would be the free men of politics in Saintwho would develop a liberal republican cal participation, of the signatories of the Declaration of Domingue. They, including many the first Haitian republic, but only after Independence, would go on to found assassinated the emperor Dessalines in 1806. they had was addressed to the Haitian people, The proclamation of independence Powers," as the act of audience also included the "Foreign but its intended that the new state will not independence states. It assures Haitis neighbors before him, Dessalines its revolution. Like Toussaint Louverture try to export 7 because he had to assuage his British opted for a revolution "in one country,' controlled the sea-lanes. 34 In neighbors' fears of rebellion, as Britain's navy the strident tone of the rest that contrast with three conciliatory paragraphs slavery, Dessalines calls on of the document, and which avoid mentioning ' those breathe in peace. Remarkably, his countrymen to "let our neighbors claim from the authority that proislands are said to "have no vengeance to the Haitians had. 35 This suffered as tects them, > as their inhabitants had not the Haitian Revolution statement should give pause to those who interpret as in some sense universalist. forward in justification of indeSo should the particularist grounds put eschewed a lanpendence. In writing the declaration, Boisrond-Tonnerre Haitians to live inof rights and law for a heroic rhetoric. Calling on to maintain guage die, the document justifies secession as necessary dependent or the inhumane and duplicitous conduct ofthe freedom from slavery and from between France and Haiti, as the geographical distance French. Referencing French, their different skin color, and their well as the cruel character ofthe "they are not our brothers vulnerability to tropical disease, it concludes, they will never be." Retribution in which "the French name still haunts our Having noted the different ways of towns, and the physical presence country"--in laws, customs, the names that if French remain then states any of French people-1 Boisrond-Tonnerre will continue to be a source of division in Haiti after independence they takes about one and a half of the and troubles. In a lengthy section that up indictment of the former colproclamation's five pages, he elaborates this vultures, executiondescribed as barbarians, onizers, who are successively covered with [the] blood [of your wives, your ers, murderers, and "tigers still physical presence country"--in laws, customs, the names that if French remain then states any of French people-1 Boisrond-Tonnerre will continue to be a source of division in Haiti after independence they takes about one and a half of the and troubles. In a lengthy section that up indictment of the former colproclamation's five pages, he elaborates this vultures, executiondescribed as barbarians, onizers, who are successively covered with [the] blood [of your wives, your ers, murderers, and "tigers still --- Page 47 --- 32 DAVID GEGGUS brothers, and your sisters your children, your suckling husbands, your babies]." the Haitian Revolution from its Extraordinary violence had characterized climax during the final year, early stages, butit attained an almost apocalyptic strategy. The French comwhen the French army adopted a semigenocidal "I will need to wage a war of mander, Leclerc, informed the navy minister, all the blacks in the extermination." 7 To Bonapartel he wrote, "we must destroy only and half of those in the plains, sparing mountains, men and women, trauma was fresh in under twelve years old.' n36 In January 1804, this children the French for their past cruelty, their everyone's minds. After condemning Boisrond-Tonnerre made three interference, and their alterity, anticipated but just" act of retribution would send a message further points: a "terrible the Haitians would not surrender the to France and the outside world that should not to foreigners; had won; the fruits of their labor go freedom they and Haiti's dead needed to be avenged.7 several thousand French peoThe target ofthis call for vengeance was the remain behind after the by Dessalines, had chosen to ple who, encouraged in February, at least two weeks departure of the French troops. Beginning most were systematafter the declaration was published in Port-au-Prince, afterwards, in two waves ically massacred, men first, women and children and then back from the South of the country to the North that proceeded been building among the remaining again." Fear of a massacre had already before the declaration, French, and whites were prevented from emigrating lasted until increased their panic. The massacres but it must have greatly the number killed at about three Madiou reckoned late April or early May. much higher. 39 thousand; some eye-witnesses put it thus was not mere of Boisrond-Tonnerre's proclamation The language conflict, it prepared the ground rhetoric. Distilling the raw hatred ofan epic On hearing the decthat formed the revolution's epilogue. for the bloodbath ofthe independence day sentiments at a reenactment laration's Francophobe the French ambassador's wife ceremony in Gonaïves on its 15oth anniversary, 40 According to Madiou, Dessupposedly fainted into her husband's arms." the of writing the proclamation to Boisrond-Tonnerre salines had given job the act of independence we need the because he had declared, "To draw up inkwell, his blood for ink, for his skull for an skin ofa a white man parchment, and a bayonet for a pen. n41 echoed a decade later in tensions were Although such quasi-genocidal declaration that he would purge AmerNueva Granada and Simon Bolivar's character of the Haitian Revica of Spanish "monsters," the ethno-national violence that Leslie Manigat's phrase, and the dehumanizing olution, to use of its distinctiveness." 42 Despite accompanied it constitute another aspect "To draw up inkwell, his blood for ink, for his skull for an skin ofa a white man parchment, and a bayonet for a pen. n41 echoed a decade later in tensions were Although such quasi-genocidal declaration that he would purge AmerNueva Granada and Simon Bolivar's character of the Haitian Revica of Spanish "monsters," the ethno-national violence that Leslie Manigat's phrase, and the dehumanizing olution, to use of its distinctiveness." 42 Despite accompanied it constitute another aspect --- Page 48 --- HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 33 Blackburn, who minimizes the scale of retribution the objections of Robin description for Desseems to be the appropriate in 1804, "quasi-genocidal" intended to eliminate the French population from salines's actions: they were state's first acts of sovereignty." the former colony." It was one of the new French obviously killed the revolution, including its final phase, the During than did the insurgents. In discussion of postrevolutionvastly more people in the new Haitian elite opposed the move ary policy, several leading figures instead to deport them. Many more to massacre the French and preferred Dessalines spared a random few. later helped individuals to escape, and even Ardouin, obliquely-agree historians- Madiou, explicitly, and Yet the early had support in all social that the massacre of at least French men widespread classes. 45 with an AmThe decision to replace the European name Saint-Domingue unusually radical break underlines the revolution's erindian name similarly erased the period of European occupawith the colonial past. It symbolically state should include the ention and declared a determination that the new thus foreshadowed the island the Tainos supposedly had called Ayiti. It tire Santo Domingo in 1804-5 and Boyer's annexinvasions of Spanish-speaking Haiti was chosen remains unknown. ation ofiti in 1822. Exactly howthe name Declaration of Independence. without further explanation in the be It appears those nations who . . preferred to The document's injunction to "imitate meant to invoke the rather than lose their freedom is clearly exterminated" Tainos. But no one has ever credited Boisrond-Tonnerre fateofthe aboriginal the historian Madiou vaguely affirmed with specifically choosing the term; n46 that, by January 1, it was already "on everyone's lips." is also unorthodox French prose of Boisrond-Tonnerre The somewhat of the writer's disoften interpreted as a gesture ofa autonomy, an expression it is a singular language. Whether this is true or not, dain for the colonizer's nevertheless, to compose the felt compelled, irony that Boisrond-Tonnerre understood by the great majordeclaration in that language when it was not of Creole, the citizens, and he himselfhad a better command ity ofhis fellow state. Creole languages enjoyed very little indigenous language of the new and a cultural nationanywhere until the mid-twentieth century, recognition in Haiti long after a sense of racial and political identity.* alism developed The Other Declaration with writing It is well known that Dessalines entrusted Boisrond-Tonnerre earlier draft that he found unthe declaration of January 1 after rejecting an secretaries headed by Jeanwhich had been drawn up by his other inspiring, The text has been lost, but it was supposedly very literary Jacques Charéron. ity ofhis fellow state. Creole languages enjoyed very little indigenous language of the new and a cultural nationanywhere until the mid-twentieth century, recognition in Haiti long after a sense of racial and political identity.* alism developed The Other Declaration with writing It is well known that Dessalines entrusted Boisrond-Tonnerre earlier draft that he found unthe declaration of January 1 after rejecting an secretaries headed by Jeanwhich had been drawn up by his other inspiring, The text has been lost, but it was supposedly very literary Jacques Charéron. --- Page 49 --- 34 DAVID GEGGUS 48 Much less well known and based on the US Declaration of fIndependence. declaration of independence is the fact that Dessalines had already issued a withdrawal. Thomas 1803. following the French army's on November 29, his Histoire d'Haiti but dismissed it as apocMadiou printed the document in Beaubrun Ardouin does not ryphal, partly because no text survived in Haiti; and former president, mention it." Leslie Manigat, however, historian even that the document, which appeared in sevmade a convincing case in 2005 Deborah Jenson has must have been genuine." eral foreign newspapers, in the US In on press.1 details its publication provided extensive background Blackburn refers to the text, but confuses his recent American Crucible, Robin it with the January 1 declaration." and signed by only three Issued in the northeastern town of Fort-Liberté first declaration proand the little-known secretary B. Aimé, this generals The decision to rename claims the independence of "Saint-Domingue. therefore, until the following the island "Haîti" could not have been taken, Indian in the December 1803, even though a vogue for symbolism month, a year earlier, when the insurgents Armée Indigène had already appeared "children of the sun.' m53 Some evihad briefly called themselves "Incas" or racial descent, and that, then and later, Haitians of mixed dence suggests Étienne Gérin, and Nicolas especially southerners (like Boisrond-Tonnerre, SO it may thereGeffrard), were those most attracted to Indian symbolism, of who signed this first declaration fore be relevant that the three generals and all from the North.* independence were primarily of African descent doubtless helps explain character of the document The narrow, regional declarations In 1799why the country ended up with two ofindependence. North from the largely fierce civil warhad divided the black elite ofthe 1800, a South; the start of the war of independence in 1802 mixed-race elite of the their cooperation in defeating had found them on opposite sides, and despite delicate. One can understand the French, relations between them remained more inclusive documight have decided that a nationally that both parties the first declaration was intended from the ment would be desirable. Perhaps pending the gathering ofleadbeginning to be spontaneous and provisional, central location. The all regions for a ceremonial occasion in a more ers from New Year, which was a well-established holiday even upcoming start of the been the obvious choice for the event. 55 for most slaves, might have already reflect the inexperience Alternatively, the November document may simply the world had and the novelty of their situation-at that time, ofits authors Finally, the significant three other declarations of independence. seen only declarations suggest that changes in policy differences between Haiti's two have necessitated a revision of the original text. of might that the declaration begins, "In the name It is particularly interesting ers from New Year, which was a well-established holiday even upcoming start of the been the obvious choice for the event. 55 for most slaves, might have already reflect the inexperience Alternatively, the November document may simply the world had and the novelty of their situation-at that time, ofits authors Finally, the significant three other declarations of independence. seen only declarations suggest that changes in policy differences between Haiti's two have necessitated a revision of the original text. of might that the declaration begins, "In the name It is particularly interesting --- Page 50 --- HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 35 attention in this manner to the two the blacks and men of color." Drawing other was no doubt meant as an exrival factions thatl had recently fought each It contrasts sharply, however, with Boisrond-Tonnerres pression ofsolidarity. such terms in favor of the unitary indigenes (nadeclaration, which avoided which explicitly banned their tives), and with Dessalines's 1805 constitution, three times, and "rights" once, The brieftext uses the word "God" (Dieu) use. absent from the three January 1 documents. whereas those words are entirely is the attitude difference between the two declarations Yet the most striking colonists. The November text is in fact mainly they express toward the white to slavery and prejudice, directed to them. While it VOWS undying opposition killed during the revothat some "innocent inhabitants" were it apologizes and soldiers, " and it extends a fraternal hand to lution by "vengeful laborers and be part oft the new society. those willing to renounce their old prejudices with the later document could Iti invites their return from exile. The contrast about "the unity hardly be greater. It weakens Deborah Jenson's argument style of Dessalines's of content and the similarly distinctive and singularity proclamations," s and it is not easy to explain." early independence the first declaration a continuation of Toussaint Perhaps we should see in from the business skills of multiracialism and desire to profit Louverture's the document was specifically shaped by Henry white landowners. Perhaps two of its three signatories, whom whites Christophe or Augustin Clervaux, of the generals. 57 considered among the most approachable had previously meditating in November Conversely, it may be that Dessalines was already assurances he made to to come. This would mean that the the massacres urging them to stay, were the whites in his November 19, 1803 proclamation, for them. 58 sincere, and that he was in fact laying a trap never sealed is not entirely certain. Both Madiou Exactly when their fate was from the beginning. 59 and Ardouin depict Dessalines as intent on vengeance in the evacuation Dessalines had accepted responsibility Indeed, although and wounded troops the French convention for the eight hundred or SO sick later. 60 Yet Madiou behind, he discreetly had them killed a few days army left the elite, rising popular demand for a also depicts disagreements among advisors. 61 And Ardouin and the harmful influence of Dessalines's limmassacre, decree issued February 22, 1804, ordered only a thought (wrongly) that a of in previous killings." 62 that targeted those guilty complicity ited massacre in the matter, the two declarations Whatever role there was for contingency directions. The question is ofindependence obviously point in two different a longindicates a genuine change in policy or, rather, whether the difference massacre. term and covert preparation of the postindependence advisors. 61 And Ardouin and the harmful influence of Dessalines's limmassacre, decree issued February 22, 1804, ordered only a thought (wrongly) that a of in previous killings." 62 that targeted those guilty complicity ited massacre in the matter, the two declarations Whatever role there was for contingency directions. The question is ofindependence obviously point in two different a longindicates a genuine change in policy or, rather, whether the difference massacre. term and covert preparation of the postindependence --- Page 51 --- 36 DAVID GEGGUS Conclusion a metaphor, but in Atlantic World insurgents, slavery was primarily For most central issue in the revolution. The Haitian Saint-Domingue it became the colonial rulers, still less a conflict Revolution was not just a revolt against also a war against slave of a shared culture and identity; it was and among people most of the colonized as their own property owners who had claimed This basic fact imparted an extra degree treated them as less than human. its This disstruggle and shaped priorities. of bitterness to the fifteen-year of which was tinctiveness is reflected in Haiti's Declaration Independence, of the former coloand content, its treatment unusual in its timing political nizers, and in the fact it was not a single document. Notes at the Colegio de México version of a paper presented This essay is an expanded declaracion de independencia de Haiti," in September 2010 and published as "La de las declaraciones de independencia: los textos.j fiundamentales trans. Erika Pani, in Las Dym, Erika Pani, (Mexico: El americanas, ed. Alfredo Avila, Jordana independencias Nacional Autônoma de México, 2013), 121-31. Colegio de México, Universidad Democratic Revolution, 2 vols. (PrinceRobert R. Palmer, The Age ofthe the 1. Contrast 1964); Jacques Godechot, France and ton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959, (New York: The Free Press, Atlantic Revolution ofthe Eighteenth Century, 1770-1799 Trade and Revolution, 17131965);and Peggy K. Liss, Atlantic Empires: The Network of with Lester D. Langley, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983) 1826 (Baltimore: (New Haven: Yale University Press, Americas in the Age of Revolution, 1750-1850 Indians and Their The Atlantic World: Europeans, Africans, 1998); Thomas Benjamin, University Press, 2009); and (Cambridge: Cambridge Shared History, 1400-1900 Atlantic World: A Comparative History (New York: Wim Klooster, Revolutions in the New York University Press, 2009). La révolution française et la Most influential in this respect were Yves Benot, 2. and Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of fin des colonies (Paris: La Découverte, 1987); (London: Verso, 1988). Colonial Slavery, 1776-1848 Revolution and Slave Emancipation in Laurent Dubois, A Colony of Citizens: In3- Hill: Published for the Omohundro the French Caribbean, 1787-1804 (Chapel the University of North Carolina of American History and Culture by stitute Early Enlightenment: Rethinking the IntelLaurent Dubois, "An Enslaved Press, 2004); Atlantic, " Social History 31, no. 1 (2006): 1-14; Sibylle lectual History of the French Slavery in the Age of RevoluDisavowed: Haiti and the Cultures of Fischer, Modernity NC: Duke University Press, 2004). tion (Durham, The Haitian Revolution and the Radical Nick Nesbitt, Universal Emancipation: 4University of Virginia Press, 2008). Enlightenment (Charlottesville: inking the IntelLaurent Dubois, "An Enslaved Press, 2004); Atlantic, " Social History 31, no. 1 (2006): 1-14; Sibylle lectual History of the French Slavery in the Age of RevoluDisavowed: Haiti and the Cultures of Fischer, Modernity NC: Duke University Press, 2004). tion (Durham, The Haitian Revolution and the Radical Nick Nesbitt, Universal Emancipation: 4University of Virginia Press, 2008). Enlightenment (Charlottesville: --- Page 52 --- HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 37 ofthe New World: The Story ofthe Haitian Revolution 5- Laurent Dubois, Avengers R. Girard, The Slaves MA: Harvard University Press, 2004); Philippe (Cambridge, Louverture and the Haitian War of Independence, Who Defeated Napoléon: Toussaint 1801-1804 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2011). 11 in The At- "The Haitian Revolution in Atlantic Perspective, 6. David Geggus, Canny and Philip Morgan (Oxford: Oxford lantic World C. 1450-C. 1820, ed. Nicholas University Press, 2011). were discovered by Julia Gaffield the other a broadside, 7 Both, one a pamphlet, See the introduction to this volin The National Archives of the United Kingdom. Office in London via Jamaica on The pamphlet version reached the Colonial ume. The Times (London) published the proclamation, March 10, 1804: TNA, CO 137/m/1. the following year in translation, on April 28. This translation appeared in English Historical Account ofthe Black Empire ofHayti, Comprehending Marcus Rainsford, An Domingo (London: Albion Transactions in the Revolution ofSaint a View ofthe Principal used in David Armitage, The Declaration of which is the text Press, 1805), 442-46, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), Independence: A Global History (Cambridge, text is more accurate than the Gaffield's discovery reveals that the English Histoire d'Haiti 193-98. in 1848 in Thomas Madiou, better-known French version published 3:146-51 where the word Port-au-Prince: Henri Deschamps, 1989), (1847-48; repr. rendered idéaux (ideals), and postérité as prospérité. fléaux (scourges) is the declaration ceremony in Madiou, Histoire, 8. According to the account of began but it was read out after the act was signed before the ceremony 3:144-52, the proclamation. identified only as "secretary." The doc9. This is including Boisrond-Tonnerre, for as "the generals" describes those who took the decision independence ument held this rank. Two of the signatories were but only twenty-four of the signatories de camp were and ten of Dessalines's secretaries/aides chefs de brigade (colonels), No doubt Boisrond also held a courtesy listed as oficiers de Varmée (army officers). stated in Robin Blackburn, The commission. None were "lawyers or journalists," as (London: Verso, 2011), Crucible: Slaverg, Emancipation and Human Rights American 217. this only on May 21, almost a month after pub10. The Times (London) reported found a similar time lag in the US press: lishing the proclamation. Deborah Jenson in the Haitian Revoluthe Slave Narrative: Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts see Beyond Although the three-part docuLiverpool University Press, 2011), 133. tion (Liverpool: distributed piecemeal to before late January, it was apparently ment was complete an afterthought. See below, note the foreign press. The third section was perhaps Phistoire d'Haiti (Studies in Haitian According to Beaubrun Ardouin, Études sur signa30. Port-au-Prince: Fardin, 2005), 6:9, an eighteenth history), 11 vols. (1853-60; tory was accidentally omitted. Malick Ghachem, in his essay in this volume 11. Madiou, Histoire, 3:146. What but the s speech, is not the speech he actually gave proclamation terms "Dessalines's was perhaps Phistoire d'Haiti (Studies in Haitian According to Beaubrun Ardouin, Études sur signa30. Port-au-Prince: Fardin, 2005), 6:9, an eighteenth history), 11 vols. (1853-60; tory was accidentally omitted. Malick Ghachem, in his essay in this volume 11. Madiou, Histoire, 3:146. What but the s speech, is not the speech he actually gave proclamation terms "Dessalines's --- Page 53 --- 38 DAVID GEGGUS to what extent One can only speculate written and read out by Boisrond-Tonnerre. the two overlapped. see John Garrigus's essay in this 12. Above, note 7. On Boisrond-Tonnerre, volume. of Africans in the slave popula13. Historians have exaggerated the proportion and it would have fallen considtion. In 1789, it was probably less than 55 percent, erably during the revolution. Proclamations ofthe Haitian Inde14- Deborah Jenson, "Dessalines's. American Jenson, Beyond the 13 Journal of Haitian Studies 15, no. 1/2 (2009): 72-102; pendence," Slave Narrative, 86-90. d'un naturaliste, et ses observations (TraMichel-Étienne Descourtilz, Voyages 15- (Paris: Dufart, 1809), 3:245-46. vels of a naturalist and his observations) the Slave Narrative, chap. 1; 16. On Louverture's literacy, see Jenson, Beyond York: Oxford University Girard, The Memoir of Toussaint Louverture (New and Philippe when he was freed, see David Geggus, "Toussaint Louverture Press, 2014). On Journal of Caribbean History 20 (1985-86): the Slaves of the Bréda Plantations," "Dessalines esclave de Toussaint?" Outre30-48. On Dessalines: Jacques de Cauna, Mers: Revue d'Histoire 100, no. 374-75 (2012): 319-22. Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative, 89-9317. des gens de couleur de la Croix des Bouquets (Copy 18. Copie d'une lettre des chefs of color of Croix des Bouquets) (Portof a letter by the leaders of the free people Revolution: A Documentary History au-Prince, nd), in David Geggus, The Haitian (Cambridge, MA: Hackett, 2014), 70-71. Histoire d'un crime politique (History My translation. Cited in Gaétan Mentor, I that 19. Sogebank, 1999), 23. However, suspect of a political crime) (Port-au-Prince: than one private collection, belongs to this document, which can be found in more decades in Haiti and elsewhere. of forgeries that have circulated for several a group Ardouin, Études, 6:7. 20. My translation. 21. Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative, 94. in gold cloth," 5 rather drama87-88. The author's translation, "draped 22. Ibid., "couvert d'habits dorés, which I take to description of Dessalines as tizes Madiou's general's uniform. refer to his gold-braided My translation. Ardouin, Études, 6:7-9. earlier attribu23in this volume documents a slightly 24. Patrick Tardieu's essay tion, in the newspaper L'Union in August 1839. Armitage, Declaration of Independence, 111. Saint25War, and Revolution: The British Occupation of 26. David Geggus, Slavery, Domingue, 1793-1798 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982).46-78. Leaders, and the ConYves Benot, "The Insurgents of 1791, Their 27. Compare World the Haitian Revolution, ed. David Geggus cept of Independence," in The of Press, 2009), 99-110, with (Bloomington: Indiana University and Norman Fiering of Revolution," in The Age of Revolutions David Geggus, "The Caribbean in the Age eggus, Slavery, Domingue, 1793-1798 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982).46-78. Leaders, and the ConYves Benot, "The Insurgents of 1791, Their 27. Compare World the Haitian Revolution, ed. David Geggus cept of Independence," in The of Press, 2009), 99-110, with (Bloomington: Indiana University and Norman Fiering of Revolution," in The Age of Revolutions David Geggus, "The Caribbean in the Age --- Page 54 --- DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 39 HAITI'S ed. David Armitage and Sanjay Subramanyam (New in Global Context, C. 1760-1840, York: Palgrave, 2010), 95-97 and the Haitian Revolution, in Pro28. David Geggus, "Toussaint Louverture ed. R. William Weisberger, Denfiles of Revolutionaries in Atlantic History, 1750-1850, Columbia University Press, and David L. Anderson (New York: San nis P. Hupchick, Toussaint L'Ouverture and the 2007), 115-35; C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins: Yves Benot, La démence Revolution (1938; 2nd ed. New York: Vintage, 1963); La DécouDomingo colonial insanity under Napoléon) (Paris: coloniale souS Napoléon (The verte, 1992). and Identity on the Eve of the Haitian Rev29. John Garrigus, "Colour, Class, Colons Américains,' > Slavery and Free Coloured Elite as olution: Saint-Domingue's Abolition 17 (1996): 20-43. with national independence is The incompatibility of the title "governor" was 30. least the third section of the declaration accepted one reason to think that at who might have pointed rather than discussed by its signatories, as a fait accompli the problem out. below), I do not think this "elusively" Unlike Malick Ghachem (see pp.107-81 the 31. laws; it clearly is a threat regarding refers to past opposition to unspecified idea (P. 99) that this was a "temporary future. I see nothing to support Ghachem's necessity," some sort of emergency declaration. s "The Caribbean in the Age of Revolution," 97-98. 32. Geggus, 33- See pages 99-100 below. Haitian Revolution on Blacks in Latin David Geggus, "The Influence of the in Nineteenth34Caribbean," in Blacks, Coloureds and National Identity America and the Institute of Latin American StudCentury Latin America, ed. Nancy Naro (London: ies, 2003), 46. for convenience; the text uses the term "indigènes 35- I use the term "Haitians" d'Hayti." du Leclerc, commandant en chefdel Varmée 36. Paul Roussier, ed., Les lettres général of letters of General Leclerc, commandecin-chief de Saint-Domingue en 1802 (The Société de l'Histoire des Colonies of Saint-Domingue in 1802) (Paris: the Army Françaises, 1937), 238, 253written by Juste Chanlatte, Dessalines's well-known April 28 proclamation, 37of would function as a blood pact added a fourth factor: a collective act vengeance in act of national reconciliawould reunite former slaves and anciens libres an that Haitian Revolution, xxxi, 169, 180-82. the tion: Geggus, Madiou implies the killing began early in 38. Madiou, Histoire, 3:159-79month; other sources, later. Condy Raguet, who lived in Haiti at Madiou, Histoire, 3:179. The American twenty39. estimated that nine thousand were killed, the beginning of the massacres, "Memoirs of Hayti," " in The Portfive hundred of them in the city of Cap Haîtien: resident, Norbert Thoret, 1810), 209, 214; (April 181), 307. Another Cap Folio (March the killing began early in 38. Madiou, Histoire, 3:159-79month; other sources, later. Condy Raguet, who lived in Haiti at Madiou, Histoire, 3:179. The American twenty39. estimated that nine thousand were killed, the beginning of the massacres, "Memoirs of Hayti," " in The Portfive hundred of them in the city of Cap Haîtien: resident, Norbert Thoret, 1810), 209, 214; (April 181), 307. Another Cap Folio (March --- Page 55 --- 40 DAVID GEGGUS killed in the town alone: La vie avenclaimed more than forty-four hundred were adventurous life of Norbert Thoret, tureuse de Norbert Thoret, dit PAméricain (The Editions du Ported. Jean-Claude Nouët (Port-au-Prince: known as the American), that left Cap Haîtien around April 30 reau-Prince, 2007), 35-42. American ships had perished there, twoin New York that between one and two thousand Foche: ported Maurice Stanislas thirds ofthem women and children: Begouen-Demeaux, Foâche: Saint-Domingue mernégociant de Saint-Domingue, 1737-1806 (Stanislas Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon, 321, chant) (Paris: Librairie Larose, 1951), 252. Girard, town but notes that only sevestimate ofthree thousand killed in the cites a British there after the evacuation five months earlier. enteen hundred whites had remained d'Haiti: des préludes à la révolution de Éventail d'histoire vivante 40. Leslie Manigat, (A panoply of Haitis vibrant history: Saint-Domingue. jusqu'a nos, jours (1789-1999) time Revolution to the present [789-19991 from the eve of the Saint-Domingue (Port-au-Prince: CHUDAC, 2001), 420. sometimes translated as "desk," Madiou, Histoire, 3:145- I assume écritoire, referred 41. to the old écritoire à plumes, or inkwell. Média-Texte, 2007), Évolution et révolutions (Port-au-Prince: 42. Leslie Manigat, 87-88. Priests and doctors were generally 43- Blackburn, American Crucible, 210-15. credence to a February 22 (or 29) the revolution. Some give spared, as throughout suspected of complicity in mass killdecree meant to limit the massacre to persons aimed at international opinings, but it appears to be an after-the-fact justification American Proclamations," ion. See Ardouin, Études, 6:14n; Jenson, "Dessalines's 85-86. the massacres are attributed to neo44. In James, The Black Jacobins, 370-74 claims that British agents, and but misdated by a year. James colonial manipulation continuation of trade conditional upon masmade "the Americans probably." rejection of a British trade all the French. He was unaware of Dessalines's sacring treaty. Études, 6:17. Cf. Begouen-Demeaux, Madiou, Histoire, 3:165." 177-79:Ardouin. 45. Stanislas Fotche, 242-43. of Haiti," New West Indian Guide 71 (1997): 46. David Geggus, "The Naming renaming the colony "Aiti." lawyer had already suggested in 1788 43-68. A French Race, Colour and National IndeDavid Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier: 47. Cambridge University Press, 1979), 40-46, 130-36. pendence in Haiti (Cambridge: and Dessalines issued decrees Robin Blackburn errs in suggesting that Louverture Resistance and EmanciAmerican Crucible, 212; David Geggus, "Rights, in Creole: Human Rights and the Enlightenment, ed. pation," 1 in SelfEvident Truths? Essays on Kate E. Tunstall (New York: Continuum, 2012), 147. preserved by Haitian free48. Madiou, Histoire, 3:144- A portion, apparently de la veuve: histoire de la francin Gaétan Mentor, Les fils noirs masons, appears black sons: a history of freemasonry in Haiti) maçonnerie en Haiti (The widow's David Geggus, "Rights, in Creole: Human Rights and the Enlightenment, ed. pation," 1 in SelfEvident Truths? Essays on Kate E. Tunstall (New York: Continuum, 2012), 147. preserved by Haitian free48. Madiou, Histoire, 3:144- A portion, apparently de la veuve: histoire de la francin Gaétan Mentor, Les fils noirs masons, appears black sons: a history of freemasonry in Haiti) maçonnerie en Haiti (The widow's --- Page 56 --- HAITI'S DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 41 (Pétionville, Haiti: Gaétan Mentor, 2003), 168-69. Like Boisrond-Tonnerre and Chanlatte, Charéron (?-1810) had been educated in France and was a proponent of the massacres. 49. Madiou, Histoire, 3:125n1; Ardouin, Études, 6:6-7. 50. Leslie Manigat, "Une brève analyse-commentaire critique d'un document historique" (A brief and critical analytical commentary on a historical document), Revue de la Société Haitienne d'Histoire et de Géographie 221 (2005): 44-56; Times (London), February 6, 1804. In the 182os, however, the document was falsified by adding to it the signature of Alexandre Pétion, hero of the mulâtriste (promulatto) faction ofthe West and South. 51. Jenson, "Dessalines's American Proclamations, 82-85. 52. Blackburn, American Crucible, 212. 53- This may have been a reference to the Andean rebellions of 1780-81, but more likely it was due to a local belief that the Tainos were descended from the Incas. See Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 214; and the Times (London), September 1, 1804. 54. Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 214-15. The generals were the exslaves Dessalines (1758-1806) and Henry Christophe (1757-1820), and mulâtre libre (free mulatto) Augustin Clervaux (1772-1804). 55. January 1 was the Feast of Circumcision in the Catholic calendar. It was one of the religious holidays retained in Saint-Domingue after the Vatican agreed in 1786 to reduce their number to ten. Surviving collections of plantation papers suggest that most ofthese holidays were generally observed. 56. Jenson, "Dessalines's American Proclamations, 7 82. 57. For example, on the eve of the French invasion, General Leclerc's instructions had listed them among the "blacks well disposed toward the whites," and Clervaux had surrendered without fighting: Roussier, ed., Les lettres du général Leclerc, 90, 270. However, unlike some senior officers, Christophe did not oppose the 1804 massacres, and Clervaux in fact took a prominent part in them. 58. Madiou, Histoire, 3:120. 59. Ibid., 3:125, 141-42, 144, 162; Ardouin, Études, 5:99-100; 6:7, 12. 60. Madiou, Histoire, 3:129. 61. Ibid., 3:152, 159-60, 177. 62. See above, note 43- officers, Christophe did not oppose the 1804 massacres, and Clervaux in fact took a prominent part in them. 58. Madiou, Histoire, 3:120. 59. Ibid., 3:125, 141-42, 144, 162; Ardouin, Études, 5:99-100; 6:7, 12. 60. Madiou, Histoire, 3:129. 61. Ibid., 3:152, 159-60, 177. 62. See above, note 43- --- Page 57 --- "Victims of Our Own Credulity and Indulgence" Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre The Life ofLouis JOHN GARRIGUS little about the life of Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre (1776We know very written the Haitian Declaration of Inde1806), the man who is said to have was the intellectual pendence. The question of whether Boisrond-Tonnerre Jean-Jacques the amanuensis for his employer, author of this text, or merely and David Geggus in their conDessalines, is taken up by Deborah Jenson for the violence of its tributions to this volume. The document is notable animals to be expelled imagery and tone. It portrays the French as ferocious In the name of the deadfrom Haitian society, culture, and even history. children, husbands, your brothers, your sisters your "your wives, your calls Haitians to an everlasting vigilance against your suckling babies"-it these former oppressors. Madiou was the first Haitian historian to Writing in the 1840s, Thomas Boisrond-Tonnerre the task ofwritpublish the story of Dessalines assigning after hearing the secretary blurt ing a declaration that expressed his thoughts, need the skin of a white man for out, "To prepare the independence act, we for ink, and a bayonet for a pen." >1 parchment, his skull for a desk, his blood life before that night. But Madiou says little about Boisrond-Tonnerre's instead comes from Much of what is commonly cited about his biography historians publishing Saint-Rémy and Beaubrun Ardouin, Haitian Joseph native southern penin the 1850s, both of them from Boisrond-Tonnerre's 1804 Mémoires pour serinsula. Saint-Rémy's edition of Boisrond-Tonnerre's about the d'Haiti, published in 1851, included an introduction vir à Thistoire Beaubrun Ardouin published his elevenauthor with biographical details.? volume Études sur Phistoire d'Haiti starting in 1853document. In a For both historians, the declaration was an embarrassing relations with time when Haiti still had limited diplomatic and commercial the declaration as internationally minded Haitians saw the powers ofthe day, status. Its emotional, rather than philpartially responsible for this outsider violence Dessalines had ordered osophic, language was a reminder of the 'Haiti, published in 1851, included an introduction vir à Thistoire Beaubrun Ardouin published his elevenauthor with biographical details.? volume Études sur Phistoire d'Haiti starting in 1853document. In a For both historians, the declaration was an embarrassing relations with time when Haiti still had limited diplomatic and commercial the declaration as internationally minded Haitians saw the powers ofthe day, status. Its emotional, rather than philpartially responsible for this outsider violence Dessalines had ordered osophic, language was a reminder of the --- Page 58 --- OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 43 "VICTIMS OF OUR biracial Haitians in the months and years after proclaimagainst whites and and Ardouin both blamed Boisrond-Tonnerre ing independence. Saint-Rémy that generated mob such massacres in 1804 with proclamations for inspiring Haitians in Les Cayes in violence against the French and against prominent and other towns that in Cap Haîtien in April, and in Port-au-Prince January, Boisrond-Tonnerre was "full of vice, vanity, same month. For Saint-Rémy, bad counselor, he became, SO a treacherous informer and a have surreptitious, ' He admitted, "I would to speak, the lost soul of the new government." than useful. n3 silent about a man who was more deadly preferred to keep different Haiti from the isolated vengeSaint-Rémy envisioned a very "We proclaim, to the described in the declaration. As he explained, ful one archipelago that well-being only grows contrary, for the whole American through the exchange of through free trade, that knowledge only deepens through contact only become more civilized (poli] ideas, that populations declared Boisrondwith each other.' >4 In closing his introduction, Saint-Rémy now that the Mémoires "fit to read and discuss without danger" Tonnerre's character, his errors, and the reader understood the author's "tempestuous importance of avoiding racial categories. n5 seems to have crecharacter" Saint-Rémy To portray that "tempestuous associated with Boisrond-Tonnerre, ated the most famous biographical detail be of his last name. Sainthow the French word "thunder" came to part moment of Boisrondclaims that a lightning bolt struck at the very name. Rémy his father to give him this distinctive Tonnerre's birth, inspiring noir racial politics that afflicted Similarly, to downplay the mulâtre versus Mathurin Boisidentified the father, nineteenth-century Haiti, Saint-Rémy long out of slavery" that had "from a family rond, as a mechanic-builder obscured the fact that Boisrond-Tonnerre become rich. This description planter family. belonged to at least the third generation of a slave-owning Louisconnection to his uncle, Saint-Rémy did describe Boisrond-Tonnerre'se at the Council of Five François Boisrond, who represented Saint-Domingue little oft the family's social idenHundred in France after 1796. But he made connections mixed-race or "mulatto" class or of their tity as members of the Beaubrun Ardouin, publishing members oft this group. to other prominent rather than social portrait of Boisrondin 1853, also privileged a psychological and "dominated by a him as brilliant but unstable Tonnerre, describing n7 ambition that would later be his undoing. his deadly biography, or at least An attempt to reconstruct Boisrond-Tonnerres and may help us undertests these characterizations social background, the distinctive tone of the Haitian declastand how his experiences affected wrote little about Boisrondnineteenth-century historians ration. Although the Haitian Revolution, French colonial Tonnerre's life before or during in 1853, also privileged a psychological and "dominated by a him as brilliant but unstable Tonnerre, describing n7 ambition that would later be his undoing. his deadly biography, or at least An attempt to reconstruct Boisrond-Tonnerres and may help us undertests these characterizations social background, the distinctive tone of the Haitian declastand how his experiences affected wrote little about Boisrondnineteenth-century historians ration. Although the Haitian Revolution, French colonial Tonnerre's life before or during --- Page 59 --- 44 JOHN GARRIGUS deeds, reveal the social milieu the Boisrond records, especially notarized Those sources, combined with family occupied from the 1750S to the 1790S. from 1802 to 1804, supBoisrond-Tonnerre's published narrative ofthe years he wrote for that the incendiary tone of the declaration port the argument violence of those years. There Dessalines was a reaction to the extraordinary personality sources that would allow us to gauge Boisrond-Tonnerre's) are no about French colonialism before January 1, or reconstruct his political views close with Julien evidence does suggest that he had a relationship 1804. But free man of color in French Revolutionary Raimond, the most prominent antiracist legislation in 1791 and politics. Raimond, who inspired French father and oversaw his 1792, was roughly the age of Boisrond-Tonnerre's and Raimond were in education in the metropole. Both Boisrond-Tonnerre Boisrond-Tonnerre the first half of the Haitian Revolution. France through in 1796. From that probably accompanied Raimond back to Saint-Domingue in their politiprofound changes point on, I suggest, both men experienced cal loyalties to France. The Boisrond Family to the 1770S history of his family, Louis Félix BoisrondJudging from the socioeconomic indoctrination nearly identical to and social Tonnerre had an upbringing who became political and that of other wealthy free men of mixed ancestry the Haitian Revolution. That family background, intellectual leaders during Raimond and Vincent Ogé jeune, also seen in the well-known cases of Julien degree of poeconomic conservatism with a striking combined a successful 8 In four ways, the Boisrond famlitical self-confidence vis-à-vis white society." reached a notable level of wealth matched other families of color who had ily by the end of the eighteenth century. French colowere descended from early eighteenth-century First, they the Antilles at a time when racial categories were nists, men who came to For Marie Catherine nebulous than they were in the 178os. example far more Gelée, who by the 176os was a Boisron was the mother of Claude-Charles southern penwealthy planter in the Les Cayes Parish in Saint-Domingue's in the 1720S Boisron had married Gelée's father, from Normandy, insula. By the 176os, her son faced rumors when he first came to Saint-Domingue. the colony's mother was a woman of color. In a formal investigation, that his had been married in 1698 in the highest court found that Boisron's parents its earliest Caribbean colony. where France had island of Saint-Christophe, Gelée's grandmother, was a native of Boisron's own mother, Claude-Charles certificate, which Gelée's enemies that island with no surviving baptismal black. Gelée insisted that this undocused to support their claim that she was By the 176os, her son faced rumors when he first came to Saint-Domingue. the colony's mother was a woman of color. In a formal investigation, that his had been married in 1698 in the highest court found that Boisron's parents its earliest Caribbean colony. where France had island of Saint-Christophe, Gelée's grandmother, was a native of Boisron's own mother, Claude-Charles certificate, which Gelée's enemies that island with no surviving baptismal black. Gelée insisted that this undocused to support their claim that she was --- Page 60 --- OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 45 "VICTIMS OF OUR Indian-a strategy that according to Hilliard umented grandmother was an themselves of charges of wealthy families used to clear d'Auberteuil, many black ancestry" Catherine Boisron was related to BoisrondThere is no evidence that Marie of as his though she lived in the same region Saint-Domingue Tonnerre, origins and the undocugrandparents. But the story ofher Saint-Christophe deep roots in French mother there suggest the family's mented status ofher also came to Saintcolonization. Other Boisronds probably Caribbean colonists. In 1720, as this Domingue's southern peninsula as experienced officials made a detailed census region officially opened to settlement, local two Boisrond This document shows that there were already ofits residents. Boisrond-Tonnerre was born in 1776. Little is estates in Torbec Parish, where that one of them was half owner known about these early Boisronds except third largest estate in the entire ofa a sugar estate with ninety-nine slaves, the but it had eightypeninsula. The other Boisrond estate was growing indigo, workers just as the slaves. To have these large numbers of enslaved nine that these two Boisronds came peninsula opened for settlement suggests perhaps considerable wealth and/or colonial experience, to the colony with from Saint-Christophe: shared with other propertied characteristic that the Boisronds A second of marriage alliances with other properfree families of color was a strategy the Boisronds named in tied people of color. There is no document linking grandfather. census with François Boisrond, Boisrond-Tonnerre's the 1720 first in the surviving notarial recHowever in 1753, when François appears owned land in the town of ords, identified as a "free mulatto, he already not an that he was the child of a wealthy planter, Torbec, which suggests Marie Hérard, a free woman of color ex-slave.' 11 By 1762 he was married to among his five white father left his sugar plantation to be divided up whose Boisrond bought his sister-in-law's share in free mixed-race children. In 1761 the sugar estate. 12 Boisrond could have used that sum, for This was an expensive purchase, enslaved African workers. But thousand livres, to buy ten to twenty down twenty Julien Raimond like other free men of color in this region, including of improvBoisrond understood the importance the coast at Aquin, François their value. This was the third aspect ing plantation properties to increase investments in their estates. of the Boisrond family's success: long-term Parish not only as a planter, but also François Boisrond was known in Torbec and his slaves transformed skilled builder."' 13 In fourteen years, Boisrond as a the couple died, a white planter and royal his wife's sugar estate. In 1775.after thousand livres in 1761, together with judge bought their estate, valued at fifty Although Boisrond's enslaved workers, for five hundred thousand livres." its increase investments in their estates. of the Boisrond family's success: long-term Parish not only as a planter, but also François Boisrond was known in Torbec and his slaves transformed skilled builder."' 13 In fourteen years, Boisrond as a the couple died, a white planter and royal his wife's sugar estate. In 1775.after thousand livres in 1761, together with judge bought their estate, valued at fifty Although Boisrond's enslaved workers, for five hundred thousand livres." its --- Page 61 --- 46 JOHN GARRIGUS the from this sale helped launch creditors received substantial sums, profits lives and marof five Boisrond children into prosperous the next generation riages of their own. Boisronds shared with other established The fourth characteristic that the self-confidence vis-à-vis free families of color was a high degree of political with several other In February 1769, François Boisrond along white society. members of his extended family in Torbec Parish free colored planters and of the colonial militia. The local royal openly opposed a controversial reform planters, and the colony's commander had arrested one of the mixed-race "troublemakers" as ordered the punishment of the other governor general named in this account.' 15 Within a well. Boisrond and one of his sons were a raid that Torbec's men of color were planning few days, royal spies reported former officers was under arrest. 16 on the royal jail where one of their with many rich reform, which was also deeply unpopular The looming blow to the social status of wealthy and poor whites, represented a serious free men of color color. Since before the 1730S, Saint-Domingue's men of militia units, apart from ex-slaves and had mustered in their own separate select their own officers, subhad allowed them to whites. This separation administrators. This meant that respected men, ject to the approval of royal Boury, could hold command like Boisrond's free colored neighbor Jacques of the local white elite. The 1769 parallel to those held by members positions that. The Crown wanted to reserve all officer positions reform would change free colored units. After the reform, no for whites, including command of higher than sergeant of color would be able to serve in a position free man or quartermaster' sent from Port-au-Prince had conBy the end of March 1769, royal troops in and free colored rebels as well as their colleagues fronted Torbec's white executed a handful of white the West Province. Officials arrested and even however, for the govand free colored men. All of these men were poor, who were white or free ernment did not want to alienate wealthy planters elsewhere, despite Boisrond was not punished. As I have argued colored. mild reaction, the militia revolt was a its short duration and the authorities' and social history, with special sigmajor event in Saint-Domingue's political place in society now came nificance for elite men of color, whose respected authorities of public life.' 18 The fact that royal under attack in other areas his sons among the oppoFrançois Boisrond and at least one of identified by mid-century the family saw itnents of the reform suggests that already prosperity and the leaders of local society. Despite their growing self among not afraid to take a stance. careful strategies, the Boisronds were apparently ' and social history, with special sigmajor event in Saint-Domingue's political place in society now came nificance for elite men of color, whose respected authorities of public life.' 18 The fact that royal under attack in other areas his sons among the oppoFrançois Boisrond and at least one of identified by mid-century the family saw itnents of the reform suggests that already prosperity and the leaders of local society. Despite their growing self among not afraid to take a stance. careful strategies, the Boisronds were apparently --- Page 62 --- OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 47 "VICTIMS OF OUR Rising Prominence in the 1780s Boisrond-Tonnerre's Parents: was born in Torbec Parish, FranAbout 1776, the year that Boisrond-Tonnerre death and the profitable sale of his esçois Boisrond died. His grandfather's father of BoisrondTonnere's tate prepared the way for the rising prosperity aunt, Marie Françoise Mathurin and his four siblings. Boisrond-Tonnerre's man of color who married the planter Pierre Braquehais, a free Boisrond, with her brothers in the 1790s. 19 Another aunt, would be politically active Alexis Descoulbes." Boisrond, married a white planter, Marie Adelaide Boisrond's death, all three sons had moved Within five years of François That prosperity was planters in their own right. away from Torbec, becoming coffee that excited many of the Europenot based on the new profits from aspect of the 21 Coffee was not an important ans coming to Saint-Domingue Of forty-three contracts wealth of Boisronds or their free colored neighbors. only two mentioned members of the Boisrond family in the 178os, involving riches, but rather conservative coffee.2 The Boisronds were not nouveaux families who built their prosperity over generations. inherited money from father and his two uncles Boisrond-Tonnerre's Mathurin Boisrond had martheir father and married propertied women. around 1776, when Louis Félix ried Marie Louise Félix, a free woman ofcolor, his father their oldest child, was born. Just as François Boisrond-Tonnerre, to his wife's family, improved had done, Mathurin took lands belonging would them, and sold them at a profit. By 1780, when Boisrond-Tonnerre 23 Then, from Les Mathurin Boisrond had done this twice.? have been four, Parish. Cayes, he moved his family eastward to Aquin when that parish's free settled in Aquin at the very moment The Boisronds Raimond, were about to begin lobbying Vercolored planters, led by Julien of color. Mathurin's brother, sailles for racial reforms to benefit wealthy men he married Marie Rose Louis-François, had already made this move. In 1781 not far from widow who owned an indigo estate in Aquin, Boissé, a wealthy alliance had more than double Julien Raimond's land. The Boisrond-Boissé in this region.? This property of other free colored marriages the average also godfather. In Boisrond, was Boisrond-Tonnerre's uncle, Louis-François that led the local royal judge to sumAquin he enjoyed the kind of respect a for a young him with other free colored planters to nominate guardian mon orphan. 25 Boisrond, and his wife sold the second In 1784 another uncle, Claude Parish and bought slaves and prime of their two plantations in Cavaillon traded this property for a larger river land in Aquin.? 26 Within months they Mathurin Boisrond, plain. That same year, 1784, estate in the upper Aquin in Aquin. 27 Boisrond-Tonnerre's father, also purchased a plantation for a young him with other free colored planters to nominate guardian mon orphan. 25 Boisrond, and his wife sold the second In 1784 another uncle, Claude Parish and bought slaves and prime of their two plantations in Cavaillon traded this property for a larger river land in Aquin.? 26 Within months they Mathurin Boisrond, plain. That same year, 1784, estate in the upper Aquin in Aquin. 27 Boisrond-Tonnerre's father, also purchased a plantation --- Page 63 --- 48 JOHN GARRIGUS turned eight years old. As it turned In 1784, Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerret colleague of BoisrondRaimond, who became a close political out, Julien Louis-François, left Saint-Domingue for Tonnerre's uncle and godfather, free colored widow whose Raimond's new wife was a France that very year. in westhusband, a white man, had left her a seigneurial property had been previous of their children. Raimond himself ern France to sell on behalf he had been writing memoranda educated in France and for several years colonial laws to reduce at Versailles, arguing for new to the Naval Ministry 28 He had also been raising money racial discrimination in Saint-Domingue: including the "les trois frères for this cause from his free colored neighbors, in the metropole, p29 Raimond would educate his new stepchildren Boisrond." the French education of his nieces and and he would eventually oversee nephews as well. left the colony for France, ofwhen Boisrond-Tonnerrel There is no evidence the children who accompanied the but it seems likely that he was among would have been eight; Vincent Ogé Raimond family across the Atlantic. He for school.3 eleven years old when he traveled to France jeune was roughly education left almost no documentary evidence. Boisrond-Tonnerre's French surname came from this formaBut it seems quite likely that his distinctive would have been tive experience. On July 12, 1791, when Boisrond-Tonnerre Raimond asking him to send fifteen, his uncle Louis-François wrote to Julien Given the politthe Boisrond nieces and nephews back to Saint-Domingue. that started chaos of that year, and the slave revolt in Saint-Domingue ical his letter, it seems unlikely that Raimond a month after Boisrond posted children would have stayed in the complied with this request. The Boisrond the education of his own where Raimond was also overseeing metropole, nephews and stepchildren. Raimond, then in his midIn 1791 one of those nephews, Pierre Julien where he had married a twenties, was living in the village of Tonnerre home to Pierre The town, a day or two outside of Paris, was already in woman. from Torbec or Les Cayes Parish Simon Jacquesson, a former planter the lieutenant of the Tonnerre Saint-Domingue. In 1789 Jacquesson was this but they The Boisronds might have known Jacquesson, in Torconstabulary. who had been a notary certainly knew his kinsman Henri Jacquesson, family there. Parish and had drafted many contracts for the Boisrond bec Raimond installed the young Louis Félix What this suggests is that Julien school in a community Boisrond in the French town of Tonnerre to attend familiar names from home to Raimond's nephew and other that was already close to Paris to be convenient, yet it Saint-Domingue. Tonnerre was enough of the The young insulated from the revolutionary events capital. was largely himself Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre to distinman seems likely to have styled drafted many contracts for the Boisrond bec Raimond installed the young Louis Félix What this suggests is that Julien school in a community Boisrond in the French town of Tonnerre to attend familiar names from home to Raimond's nephew and other that was already close to Paris to be convenient, yet it Saint-Domingue. Tonnerre was enough of the The young insulated from the revolutionary events capital. was largely himself Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre to distinman seems likely to have styled --- Page 64 --- OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 49 "VICTIMS OF OUR Boisrond, who himself from his uncle and guardian Louis-François guish arrived in France in 1796. in France, was Boisrond-Tonnerre's During more than a decade, while he mediated through Juwith his family would have been largely brothers relationship closest contact among the three Boisrond lien Raimond. Raimond's Boisrond, who became an imuncle Louis-François was Boisrond-Tonnerre's Revolution. portant political figure during the French Raimond's advice from Paris, On March 15, 1789. probably acting on and others from Boisrond joined Raimond's S brother François Louis-François for the right to choose their own repAquin in petitioning the naval secretary Later that year, when Estates General. resentatives for France's approaching Raimond's free colGuillaume Labadie, one of angry whites tried to lynch Boisrond's in Aquin, a similar group visited Louis-François ored supporters Boisrond was not at home because he and François home, seizing his papers. from the provincial assemRaimond were in Les Cayes, answering questions whites there. 33 In 1790 he continued be a target as colonial grew had bly meeting to Boisrond, whites about Raimond's S actions in Paris. According angrier his letters and he was in danger of Farrest." Louisintercepted turned in favor of free men of color, In 1791, as political events of the town of Saint-Louis. The folFrançois Boisrond was elected president collect voluntary he was one of two men entrusted to Aquin's lowing year the French commissioner Sonthopatriotic contributions. 35 In October 1792 sit with other free colored repBoisrond and François Raimond to nax chose freed the slaves in the North resentatives in Cap Français. 36 When Sonthonax who owned dozens of Province in August 1793, he prevailed on Boisrond, the news to whites." In the region to announce slaves, to travel throughout the at a colonial assembly, Aquin chose Boisrond to represent parish in Paris at 1795, named him to represent Saint-D Domingue where other delegates 1796. He left his Aquin plantation the Council of Five Hundred in August head slaves. 38 cultivators in the hands ofhis two former with sixty-four arrived in Paris, his nephew Louis Félix About the time Louis-François around 1796 Louis Félix married Sometime was back in Saint-Domingue."s followed a pattern of interCatherine Lamoureux in Aquin. This marriage of color in the 1790S. The common among wealthy free people marriage than the and the couple were distant cousbride was ten years older groom, In their first child was born from the Félix family. 1798 ins, both descended in the town of Saint-Louis, not far from Aquin. in the colony suggests he The timing of Boisrond-Tonnerre's: reappearancei arrived back in the colony in May returned home with Julien Raimond, who commission to Saint-Domingue. 1796 as a member of third revolutionary tendered a bid on a sequestered planIn December 1798 Boisrond-Tonnerre were distant cousbride was ten years older groom, In their first child was born from the Félix family. 1798 ins, both descended in the town of Saint-Louis, not far from Aquin. in the colony suggests he The timing of Boisrond-Tonnerre's: reappearancei arrived back in the colony in May returned home with Julien Raimond, who commission to Saint-Domingue. 1796 as a member of third revolutionary tendered a bid on a sequestered planIn December 1798 Boisrond-Tonnerre --- Page 65 --- 50 JOHN GARRIGUS over by the colony's revolutionary government tation in Aquin, one taken 41 It is telling that this was because its owner had fled Saint-Domingue: because Raimond's work as his first deeds in the colony, one of surviving such leases. As Saint-Domingue's first commissioner was to orchestrate successful planter, commissioner and as a former nonwhite revolutionary leasing out abandoned plantaRaimond headed the Bureau des Domaines, needed the revenue. ofthe colonial government, which badly tions on behalf the best properties for himself, famHis enemies accused him of keeping nieces, 42 Indeed, many of Raimond's stepchildren, ily members, or cronies. residents of France, returned to Saintand nephews, who had been longtime Boisrond-Tonnerre was Domingue around 1798.0 By September 23, 1799, stationed at Jérémie, near in this branch oft the government, himselfworking southern peninsula.* the tip of Saint-Domingue's died in Paris in Boisrond-Tonnerre'st uncle and godfather, Louis-François, Amis des noirs in 1797, partici1800, where he had joined the reconstituted colonial order based on free labor pating in its meetings about a new French the rest of the Boisrond famracial We know little about how and equality." survived the end of all ofthem planters and former slave-owners, ily, nearly these events and the associated violence slavery in 1793 and 1794 However, who owned older and devastated the wealth of Raimond and his brothers, the Boisronds. 46 properties in Aquin Parish, often close to more productive how the Boisrond family fared under the govWe also know very little about who had worked closely with ernment of André Rigaud, the colored general When Raimond Boisrond in the early 1790S. Raimond and Louis-François mixed race, he refused to returned to the colony, although he was considered instead throwing Rigaud's authority over the southern peninsula, recognize rival, the black general Toussaint Louverture. In 1799 his support to Rigaud's Dessalines to invade the southern peninsula Louverture sent Jean-Jacques After a year of heavy fighting, the and destroy Rigaud's "separatist" regime. South came under Louverture's control. these events? He was working in Was Boisrond-Tonnerre caught up in to September for the Bureau des Domaines from September 1799 LouverJérémie client of] Julien Raimond, the armies of 1801. Ifhe were identified as a brother, Laurent Dessalines might have spared him. His younger ture and officer who did survive the war between Louverture Boisrond, was an army defeat, Laurent Boisrond had and Rigaud. By 1801, a year after Rigaud's commander of the Aquin Parish. with Louverture's formed a partnership would cut timber on Boisrond's lands The men agreed that their workers and the young officer would and haul it to town. In this case, the commander each provide one-half ofthe workers.7 brother, Laurent Dessalines might have spared him. His younger ture and officer who did survive the war between Louverture Boisrond, was an army defeat, Laurent Boisrond had and Rigaud. By 1801, a year after Rigaud's commander of the Aquin Parish. with Louverture's formed a partnership would cut timber on Boisrond's lands The men agreed that their workers and the young officer would and haul it to town. In this case, the commander each provide one-half ofthe workers.7 --- Page 66 --- "VICTIMS OF OUR OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 51 Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnere and Julien Raimond Given the paucity of sources on Boisrond-Tonnerre profitable to consider his in the late 1790S, it is carefully worded relationship with Julien Raimond. The older man's proposals for incremental social seem quite remote from the vivid change in the early 1790s Declaration of imagery and passionate tone of the Independence or of mond and Boisrond-Tonnerre Boisrond-Tonnerres Mémoires. Yet Raically conservative, were both a products of the same economithe legally minded, Francophile social milieu. nineteenth-century notion of Setting aside seems likely that this Boisrond-Tonnerre's stormy character, it French town, have young man, who had spent half his life in a may had a small to that of Raimond, who would perspective on political events that was similar have been his main connection Domingue until both of them returned home 48 with SaintDespite a thirty-year age difference, both similar shock and men would have as disorientation they reentered experienced how to survive in the highly colonial life and learned 1798 Raimond's letters charged identity politics of the late In to his fellow 1790s. with despair and disorientation, commissioner Sonthonax resonated correspondence, emotions that had never been a of even throughout his long part his of Terror. He begged imprisonment during the in Sonthonax not to return to France and leave him Reign alone Saint-Domingue, "isolated and surrounded enemies though I do not know how by men who have become my I caused this. 49 politics during the decade that first Absent from colonial generals like André saw the rise of influential mixed-race Rigaud and then even more Toussaint Louverture, Raimond powerful black leaders like tion himself politically. seems not to have understood how to posiAlthough in Paris he had been the Domingue's free colored class, in very face of SaintLouverture, who Saint-Domingue he eventually sided with appreciated his skill at made him Director of the National rebuilding émigré plantations and Domain in 1800.50 Boisrond-Tonnerre's men position was quite similar to that of possessed a level of literacy and French Raimond. Both them obvious candidates for cultural knowledge that made positions in the same European education raised colonial government. But that loyalty to questions about their cultural identity and Saint-Domingue's new black leaders. In a similar family experiences in plantation investment way, both men's suggested they could help rebuild and transatlantic commerce may also have produced doubts Saint-Domingue. But these credentials about their What we do possess is Boisrond-Tonnerre's long-term opposition to slavery. ten in the months after he wrote the 1804 Mémoires, probably writsalines. In the original 1804 Declaration of Independence for Desedition, the narrative section of the Mémoires alty to questions about their cultural identity and Saint-Domingue's new black leaders. In a similar family experiences in plantation investment way, both men's suggested they could help rebuild and transatlantic commerce may also have produced doubts Saint-Domingue. But these credentials about their What we do possess is Boisrond-Tonnerre's long-term opposition to slavery. ten in the months after he wrote the 1804 Mémoires, probably writsalines. In the original 1804 Declaration of Independence for Desedition, the narrative section of the Mémoires --- Page 67 --- 52 JOHN GARRIGUS and devoted almost entirely to the events of 1802 consists of ninety pages his subject as limited to "the brief 1803. Boisrond-Tonnerre described which these monsters were in Saintbut unfortunately too long period in to restore sent by Napoléon Domingue,' " a reference to the Leclerc expedition historical account with a control of the colony. He ended his at the metropolitan of Dessalines's victory over Rochambeau single-paragraph description city of Cap Français. describes the violence comThe bulk ofthe Mémoires, like the declaration, Boisrond-Tonnerre the French and their allies in 1802 and 1803. mitted by little about his sources. But SO much writes mostly in the third person, saying southern that it is narrative is built around events in the peninsula of his In 1802, when the French clear that he is drawing on his own experiences. administrator or chef de section expedition arrived, he was serving as the local sold valuable estates. AcParish, where his uncles had built and in Cavaillon French violence against the local populacording to tradition, in July 1803 as by the mixed-race general tion increased and a resistance force commanded left his post in Geffrard reached the southern peninsula, Boisrond-Tonnerre on the nearby and joined Geffrard's forces camped the town of Saint-Louis commanding officer, arrived at When Dessalines, Geffrard's Les Cayes plain. accepted a position as secretary of this Boisrond-Tonnerre the encampment, the French. former slave who was leading the fight against before his meeting with description of the months Boisrond-Tonnerre's under pressure from the French to help Dessalines suggests he was himself among the French maintain order. He describes a general hostility them including those who had become distinguished towards all former slaves, This resulted in mass merchants, or farmers. military officers, prosperous local officials- men like Boisrond-Tonnerre killings that eventually reached They had just hanged the comhimself. "In Les Cayes, there was killing daily. Bardet, who had been sent mander of Petit-Trou, a young man of color, and reward for in the same place as a down from battalion head to police captain of Les Cayes. [Note: attachment to the French, was drowned in the harbor his Beware the French, lovers ofthe whites!]"s of men who held ofthis section where he describes the execution Near inserted a pair of long footnotes that illusfices like his, Boisrond-Tonnerre in this era. The first note describes the trate how personally he was involved man charged with execution of Charlemagne Hérard, a young firing squad Hérard, who was likely Boisrondplaying a prank against a white planter. of Aquin, where Tonnerre's cousin, was executed in the central square ordered The execution was by Boisrond-Tonnerre had lived as a child.* would have been quite Nérette, a colonial officer of color whose aspirations fices like his, Boisrond-Tonnerre in this era. The first note describes the trate how personally he was involved man charged with execution of Charlemagne Hérard, a young firing squad Hérard, who was likely Boisrondplaying a prank against a white planter. of Aquin, where Tonnerre's cousin, was executed in the central square ordered The execution was by Boisrond-Tonnerre had lived as a child.* would have been quite Nérette, a colonial officer of color whose aspirations --- Page 68 --- OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 53 "VICTIMS OF OUR Raimond families in the 1780s. But now the sitfamiliar to the Boisrond and idea of heaven was to go to France and uation had changed. Nérette, "whose would have hanged his role there because of his wealth, play an important hands.' 55 Then, in the next footnote, now written in own father with his own described visiting a naval frigate in the the first person, Boisrond-Tonnerre local officials were brought on board and Saint-Louis harbor as twenty-two under Nérette's orders, a French chained in the ship's hold. A few days later, sulfur fumes and drowned suffocated the men with port official, Kerpoisson, with any specific crime. 56 them. None oft them had been charged who had sided with had a profound effect on many men Such experiences Pierre Cangé, a mulâtre landowner who the French. On November 13, 1802, about the atrocities had risen to general in the French army wrote a colleague thousands of black and red they both had witnessed: "Like me you have seen what have they women and children drowned and hanged; [mulatre) men, children of crimes deserving death? Such things done? How can they accuse n57 have never been seen under any government." that the events of 1802 and Boisrond's Mémoires reveal the deep effect identity. He expeand his sense of personal 1803 had on his psyche, perhaps official and aspiring rebuilder of rienced the war ofindependence as a minor might have made him whose education and family background was plantations the French, at least at first. What he discovered naturally sympathetic to victims, like those drowned in the Saintthat men like him would either be of these crimes, like Nérette. Louis harbor, or perpetrators Conclusion life before or during the revoThe little we know about Boisrond-Tonnerres his personality authors exaggerated lution suggests that nineteenth-century themselves from the his social status in order to distance and downplayed of the Declaration of Independence he wrote violent and isolating language for Dessalines. that Boisrond-Tonnerre was The history of the Boisrond family suggests conservative yet politically raised in an environment that was economically roots and saw itself as part of assertive; and that his family had deep creole connections with Julien the natural elite of its region. Boisrond-Tonnerres these influences. Raimond and his years in France might well have amplified have been trying to reWhen he returned to Saint-Domingue he appears to bidding on his family, activity that had distinguished turn to the planting At the same time he was taking his place plantations like Raimond himself. local service, as chef de section. in government politically raised in an environment that was economically roots and saw itself as part of assertive; and that his family had deep creole connections with Julien the natural elite of its region. Boisrond-Tonnerres these influences. Raimond and his years in France might well have amplified have been trying to reWhen he returned to Saint-Domingue he appears to bidding on his family, activity that had distinguished turn to the planting At the same time he was taking his place plantations like Raimond himself. local service, as chef de section. in government --- Page 69 --- 54 JOHN GARRIGUS died before the arrival of the Leclerc expedition, underRaimond, who he to the new racial and ecowent a kind of change of identity as adjusted decade in France, a change nomic climate of Saint-Domingue after over a and ambitious. former admirers to describe him as cynical that led many a similar shift, especially in 1803 Boisrond-Tonnerre may have experienced and its white supporters became as the radical aims of the Leclerc expedition had harobvious in the South Province. If Boisrond-Tonnerre increasingly the French colonial elite as a planter or official, bored any dream of joining executions of his colleagues seem to the massacres, arbitrary arrests, and convinced him that his mind. These events appear to have have changed loyalty, was shaping the new race, more than economic status or cultural to him that the French were French regime. He witnessed events that proved of who would rule Saintsolution to the problem applying a near-genocidal Domingue after Toussaint Louverture. experiences suggests of Boisrond-Tonnerre's) pre-1804 This reconstruction was probably not that the writer of the Haitian Declaration ofindependence historians, despite the the impetuous figure depicted by nineteenth-century describe the French. Instead, a dif almost racial language he used to strong, that of a young man from a privileged, slave-owning ferent picture emerges: who had nevertheless spent his forfamily, a figure with deep creole roots connection than previously mative years in rural France. He had a stronger and prominent with Julien Raimond, one of the more conservative believed elite. And the strong imagery of the declaration of the free colored political aspiring planter and reflect the traumas experienced by an upwardly had may official, who, despite his deep roots in Saint-Domingue, minor colonial racial violence that swept through the colony the kind of never experienced in 1802 and 1803. Notes David who helped me correct some important errors My sincere thanks to Geggus, in an earlier draft of this chapter. de a' (Port-au-Prince: Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti: Tome III, 1803 1807 1. Thomas translation used here is from Sibylle Fischer, MoHenri Deschamps, 1989), 145; the the Age of Revolution (Durham, Disavowed: Haiti and the Cultures of Slaveryin dernity NC: Duke University Press, 2004), 201. à Phistoire d'Haiti, by "Introduction," n in Mémoires pour servir 2. Pierre Buteau, Buteau (1804; repr. Port-au Prince: Editions Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre, ed. Pierre Antilles, 1991), 5. et critique,' in Mémoires pour servir à 3- Joseph Saint-Rémy, "Etude historique de diférents actes politiques dus à sa Phistoire d'Haiti, par Boisrond-Tonnerre, précédés Phistoire d'Haiti, by "Introduction," n in Mémoires pour servir 2. Pierre Buteau, Buteau (1804; repr. Port-au Prince: Editions Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre, ed. Pierre Antilles, 1991), 5. et critique,' in Mémoires pour servir à 3- Joseph Saint-Rémy, "Etude historique de diférents actes politiques dus à sa Phistoire d'Haiti, par Boisrond-Tonnerre, précédés --- Page 70 --- OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 55 "VICTIMS OF OUR Saint-Rémy (Paris: France Libraire, 1851), plume et d'une étude historique et critique par Phistoire d'Haiti (Paris: Dézobry Beaubrun Ardouin, Études sur vii, ix, xi, XV; see also et E. Magdeleine, 1855), 6:103, 119. " xxii. Saint-Rémy, "Etude historique et critique, 4. 5- Ibid. 6. Ibid., viii, notes 1 and 2. of BoisrondIt should be said that Ardouin's portrait 7 Ardouin, Études, 5:418. of the declaration. He describes BoisrondTonnerre is based on more than the text provoking massacres of Dessalines after independence, Tonnerre manipulating policies that would cause rebellions. See French colonists and even encouraging Ardouin, 6:42-43, 98, 103, 119, 225.264, 271. Raimond (1744-1801) and "Opportunist or Patriot?: Julien 8. John D. Garrigus, and Abolition 28, no. 1 (2007): 1-21; Garrigus, "Vinthe Haitian Revolution," Slavery Colored Mobilization on the Eve of Social Class and Free cent Ogéj jeune (1757-91): 33-62. While Vincent Revolution," " The Americas 68, no. 1 (July 201): the Haitian conservative, his family appears business strategies in the 178os were hardly Ogé's measured strategies outlined below. to have followed the more Description topographique, physique, Médéric Louis Élie Moreau de Saint-Méry, 2 vols. 9. de la partie française de l'isle Saint-Domingue civile, politique et historique d'Histoire d'Outre-mer, 2004), (Saint-Denis: Publications de la Société Française Michel Outre-Mer (henceforth ANOM)M F3273, p. 213; 1493; Archives Nationales Tétat de la colonie française de d'Auberteuil, Considérations sur présent René Hilliard 2:82. ouvrage politique et législatif(Paris: 1776), Saint-Domingue, 10. ANOM G'509, No. 17Notariat, Saint-Domingue, register des papiers publiques des colonies, 11. Dépôt 1600, July 26, 1784. (henceforth,. ANOM SDOM) 12. ANOM SDOM 54, September 13, 1787 parish paid one thousand livres 13- In 1764 a white planter from a neighboring in Torbec Parish with "Sieur to put a young man in a five-year apprenticeship his son both builders.' ANOM Boisrond and Claude François Boisrond François SDOM 130, July 29, 1764. ANOM SDOM 1601, January 11, 1785. 14. F3182, d'Argout to Rohan, February 4, 1769. 15- ANOM 16. Ibid. Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship This is the argument of John D. Garrigus, 17. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 109-40. in Saint-Domingue Before Haiti; for a more detailed ac18. See chapters four and five in Garrigus, of this standoff, see Charles less on the racial aspects count that places emphasis (Paris: l'École, 1975), 297-341. Frostin, Les révoltes blanches a' Saint-Domingue ANOM SDOM 54, September 13, 1787 19. Ibid.; ANOM SDOM 1601, January 11, 1785. 20. for the rise of free coloredwealth and self21. The importance of coffee profits Before Haiti; for a more detailed ac18. See chapters four and five in Garrigus, of this standoff, see Charles less on the racial aspects count that places emphasis (Paris: l'École, 1975), 297-341. Frostin, Les révoltes blanches a' Saint-Domingue ANOM SDOM 54, September 13, 1787 19. Ibid.; ANOM SDOM 1601, January 11, 1785. 20. for the rise of free coloredwealth and self21. The importance of coffee profits --- Page 71 --- 56 JOHN GARRIGUS confidence is the central argument of tem: Coffee, Color, and Slavery in Michel-Rolph Trouillot, "Motion in the Sys- (1982): 343-48, 354, 364; Stewart Eighteenth-Century King Saint-Domingue, Review 5 wealthiest free colored families in identifies coffee as the main crop of the Blue Coat or Powdered Wig: Free Saint-Domingue's North and West Provinces in People of Color in (Athens: University of Georgia Press, Pre-Revolutionary Saint Domingue 22. ANOM SDOM 2001), 123. 1465, July 27,1784. 23. ANOM SDOM 1596, November 20,1782. 21, 1780; ANOM SDOM 1598, December 24. ANOM SDOM 1464, April 25, 1781; ANOM ANOM SDOM 1465, December SDOM 1465, February 15, 12, 1785; ANOM SDOM 1784; See Garrigus, Before Haiti, 175-88 for a discussion 1464, September 28, 1780. 25. ANOM SDOM 1465, of these larger numbers. April 12, 1784. 26. ANOM SDOM 1465, July 27, 1784; ANOM SDOM 27. ANOM SDOM 1596, June 20, 1464, April 25.1781. ANOM SDOM 1600, 1780; ANOM SDOM 1600, April 12, June 28, 1784; ANOM SDOM 1784; SDOM 1465, April 19, 1784:ANOM SDOM 1600, July 26, 1784; ANOM July 27, 1784; ANOM SDOM 1465, April 9, 1784; ANOM SDOM 1465, 1784. 1465, May 23, 1785: ANOM SDOM 1465, October 14, 28. Garrigus, "Opportunist or Patriot?, " 2007, 5-6. 29. The money was initially to be used for a from Saint-Domingue's free patriotic donation to the Crown people of color. However this plicitly political once Raimond arrived in France. project turned more exnames of his donors in André See his 1789 explanation and the Maistre du léances des gens de couleur' Chambon, "Acte notarié relatif aux doet Historique de la Charente (29 juillet 1789), Mémoires de la Société Archéologique (1931): 137. 30. Garrigus, "Vincent Ogé jeune, n 43. 31. Archives Nationales (henceforth 1432, January 17, 1791; ANOM AN) Dxxv 111 dr 880 piece 3; ANOM SDOM SDOM 1596, March 20, 32. Gabriel Debien, "Gens de couleur libres 1780. Revue d'Histoire de lAmérique et colons devant la constituante," Française 4, (September 33- Françoise Thésée, "Les assemblées 1950): 223. Ogé jeune, n 43. 31. Archives Nationales (henceforth 1432, January 17, 1791; ANOM AN) Dxxv 111 dr 880 piece 3; ANOM SDOM SDOM 1596, March 20, 32. Gabriel Debien, "Gens de couleur libres 1780. Revue d'Histoire de lAmérique et colons devant la constituante," Française 4, (September 33- Françoise Thésée, "Les assemblées 1950): 223. (1774-1793)," - Revue de la Société paroissiales des Cayes à St. Domingue Julien Raimond, Haitienne d'Histoire et de aux Réponse considérations de M. Géographie 40, (1982): 29; Tassemblée nationale, surles colonies Moreau, dit Saint-Méry, député à 34. Julien Raimond, (Paris: Imprimerie du Patriote Français, 1791), 21. Domingue (Paris, 1794), Correspondance de Julien Raimond, avec ses fre'res, de Saint14, 25, 27, 39, 4435. ANOM SDOM 36, 8 ventôse, Year 3; Raimond, 36. ANOM SDOM 35, March 10, 1794; Correspondance, 54révolution de Haiti, ed. Pierre Pluchon François Joseph Pamphile de Lacroix, La mond, (Paris: 1819; Karthala, 1995), 153; Julien RaiMonoiresurlescaused des troubles et des désastres de la colonie présenté aux Comités de marine et des colonies de Saint-Domingue, par les citoyens de couleur. (Paris: --- Page 72 --- OWN CREDULITY AND INDULGENCE" 57 "VICTIMS OF OUR Michèle Oriol, Histoire et dictionnaire de la Impr. du Cercle Royal, 1793), 40, 47, 54; Fondation pour la d'Haiti, 1789-1804 (Port-au-Prince: révolution et de lindépendance 166. recherche iconographique et documentaire, 2002), "Etude historique, " in Mémoires, viii, note 2. 37. Saint-Rémy, Gainot, La société des amis des noirs 1788-1799: 38. Marcel Dorigny and Bernard (Paris: UNESCO, 1998), 333; cite contribution à Phistoire de Pabolition de lesclavage de I'Histoire de la RévoKuscinski, Dictionnaire des conventionnels (Société Auguste lution française, 1917). 1 in Mémoires, ix. 39. Saint-Rémy, "Etude historique," out that this information is contained Thanks to David Geggus for pointing Ge40. de Généalogie d'Haiti. "Boisrond-Tonnerre with the records of the Assocation Association de Généalogie d'Haiti, July 18, 2013, swape-afiadoechret and Race benealogy." of Property: Marriage John D. Garrigus, ""To Establish a Community Family 12, no. Haitian Revolution," " Journal of the History ofthe fore and during the 2 (2007): 142-52. ANOM SDOM 17 fructidor Year 7. 41. "Opportunist or Patriot?, " 12. 42. Garrigus, 43- Ibid.,1 12-14. Du Tonnerrel," 2006, www.roots Andrée-Luce Fourcand, "Un Autographe 44- -reasn in La Société des amis des noirs, ed. Bernard Bernard Gainot, "Introduction," Gainot 45- and Marcel Dorigny, 311-13, 317-18, 333. "Opportunist or Patriot?," " 13-14. 46. Garrigus, ANOM SDOM 354, 1 nivôse, Year 9. 43- Ibid.,1 12-14. Du Tonnerrel," 2006, www.roots Andrée-Luce Fourcand, "Un Autographe 44- -reasn in La Société des amis des noirs, ed. Bernard Bernard Gainot, "Introduction," Gainot 45- and Marcel Dorigny, 311-13, 317-18, 333. "Opportunist or Patriot?," " 13-14. 46. Garrigus, ANOM SDOM 354, 1 nivôse, Year 9. Third Com47. to France in late 1798 after the collapse of the 48. Raimond returned in June 1800 as part ofa Fourth Commismission. He then returned to the colony n 15. or Patriot?, 12-13,1 sion. He died in 1802. Garrigus, "Opportunist AN Dxxv45, dossier 424, pièce 10. 49. de Lacroix, La révolution de Haiti, 259. 50. Pamphile Mémoires pour servir a Phistoire d'Hayti. Par Tadju51. Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre, central du gouvernement, Boisrond-Tonnerre ((Haiti): De limprimerie dant général 90. 1804), Carc Henri Deschamps, 1989), Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (Port-au-Prince: 52. 3:63. 53- Boisrond-Tonnerre, Mémoires, 79. was a Hérard and in 1787 and Boisrond-Tonnerre's paternal grandmother living 54debts with Hérard descendants 1788 his uncles had settled some outstanding ANOM SDOM 55, August 8, 1788. in Aquin. ANOM SDOM 54, September 13, 1787; Boisrond-Tonnerre, Mémoires, 76, note 1. 55. 56. Ibid.,77, note 2. no. 1331. University of Florida, Rochambeau papers, --- Page 73 --- The Debate Surrounding the Printing of the Haitian Declaration of Independence A Review ofthe Literature PATRICK TARDIEU What happened the day after the victory of the Armée French troops on November Indigène over the script proclamations that 19, 1803? What happened to the three manucreated the Haitian state on essay traces the study of Haiti's Declaration January 1, 1804? This of riography in order to shed Independence in the histoNovember light on the events that transpired 1803 and the end of January between late Declaration of Independence 1804. Why is the January 1, 1804, the November considered to be the official document and 29, 1803 document? How was the not proclaimed, and publicized? By January document created, printing customs of the analyzing the different publications and the of the state in its period, we can better understand the infancy. development A key document from this time period allows damental philosophy of the new state. The some insight into the funprinted in late 1803 or early 1804 and "Hymne Haytiène" was a song performed on January 25, 1804: What? You are silent Indigenous When a Hero, through his exploits, People! Avenging your name, breaking your chains, And forever ensures your rights? Henceforth Jacques is the Protector Who rejects slavery, United under this good father, Forever united, Let us live, let us die, his true children. Free, independent.1 This unique song was sung on the battlefields in great national importance. The some insight into the funprinted in late 1803 or early 1804 and "Hymne Haytiène" was a song performed on January 25, 1804: What? You are silent Indigenous When a Hero, through his exploits, People! Avenging your name, breaking your chains, And forever ensures your rights? Henceforth Jacques is the Protector Who rejects slavery, United under this good father, Forever united, Let us live, let us die, his true children. Free, independent.1 This unique song was sung on the battlefields in great national importance. Could it be the November 1803 and is of Marseillaise noire? In this song, --- Page 74 --- THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 59 the father of the new nation; Dessalines is portrayed as being Jean-Jacques children. The creation of a singular family symbolically the people are his and the label The use of indigène (indigenous) united a diverse population. the national project; the land was "hero" for Dessalines give legitimacy to What is most interesting about rightfully theirs and their cause was justified. Rights are not dishowever, is the use ofthe term droits (rights). this song, Declaration of Independence of January 1, 1804. cussed at all in the Haitian within a hierarchical in this song, however, is subsumed The use of" "rights" indebted to Dessalines for the privilege family structure, and the people are ofhaving these rights. of the Armée Indigène were singing In November 1803, as the troops evacuated Saintpraises as a national hero, the French army Dessalines's after, Dessalines and two other revolutionary Domingue in defeat. Shortly Clervaux, issued a declaration of generals, Henry Christophe and Augustin "In the Name The three generals issued the proclamation independence. Men of Color of St. Domingo. >2 The first sentence of the Black People, and of St. Domingo [Saintannounced: "The Independence ofthe proclamation has not the This document, however, played Domingue] is proclaimed." January 1 document. Early on, its same role in Haitis national history as the existence was even called into question. November 29, 1803, or January 1, 1804? Symphore Linstant de PraIn his collection of Haitian laws, Jean-Baptiste His task Declaration of Independence. dine began with the January 1, 1804, and therefore the all of the laws ofHaiti, not Saint-Domingue, was to collect was the Declaration of Independence. first legal document, in his opinion, collective memory by declaring This decision laid the foundations for the Beaubrun Ardouin, HaiThomas Madiou and January 1 to be the beginning. would follow the same historians of the nineteenth century, tis preeminent 1, 1804. Pradine declared. "TJhe logic. "This collection begins on January children of Africa, chose the broken liberty of the heroes of Haiti avenging the renewal of the year, it would this date SO that when the sun illuminated Haitians, and their first steps the same time illuminate a new era for the at the leaders chose civilization." n3 According to Pradine, independence toward meaning; a new year, a new beginning. But while January 1 for its symbolic of the new beginning, he also emphaPradine recognized the symbolism and ofthe need to rememsized that the event was a reminder ofa tragic past "to burn into the ber the sacrifices. "It was a sublime way," Pradine argued, endured and children the memory of the struggles that they hearts of their to them a homeland." 4 the sacrifices that they made in order give civilization." n3 According to Pradine, independence toward meaning; a new year, a new beginning. But while January 1 for its symbolic of the new beginning, he also emphaPradine recognized the symbolism and ofthe need to rememsized that the event was a reminder ofa tragic past "to burn into the ber the sacrifices. "It was a sublime way," Pradine argued, endured and children the memory of the struggles that they hearts of their to them a homeland." 4 the sacrifices that they made in order give --- Page 75 --- 60 PATRICK TARDIEU Pradine's emphasis on the official uary 1 was also an attempt to dismiss Declaration of Independence on Janwhat he mors of a previous declaration concluded amounted to ruFort-Dauphin (today ofindependence on November 29, 1803, from a "proclamation" Fort-Liberté).5 He called this alleged other in order to differentiate it from the official document dépendance. This proclamation, he Acte de l'Inparticular those written by argued, appeared in histories of Haiti, in ofthe. Anglophone English-speaking authors. What were the motives the November historians on both sides oft the Atlantic to give credence 29, 1803 proclamation? to Pradine dismissed these rumors for two main thors of the alleged document, reasons: first, that the auand Augustin Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Henry Clervaux, were known to have been at Christophe, Haîtien) on that day, and not at Cap Français (now Cap does not seem reasonable to think Fort-Dauphin. Second, he argued that "it island to go to a secondary that these leaders left the capital of the this city, that is twelve miles importance. "6 In his opinion, away, to publish an act of therefore, the was of little importance to the November 29 proclamation the symbolic founding of the new nation. The date lacked importance, and the logistics of the event Pradine was entirely justified in were murky at best. (lois et actes beginning his collection of Haitian d'Haiti) on January 1, 1804, because it was laws marked the first law oft the new state: clearly this date that the 1st year of the "Done at Gonaives, this January 1st and the independence of Haiti. n7 Indeed it was name "Hayti" was used in official the first time that it was proclamations." 8 Pradine unnecessary to include any laws that preceded concluded that pendence because he wanted to follow the lead the Declaration of Inde1] proclamation." of the dating on the January More recently, however, the issue has been of Haitian historians who addressed by a new generation tion. In the see validity in the rumored November mid-twentieth century, the historian proclamato this question in his Henock Trouillot returned of Haiti. Trouillot chapter on Thomas Madiou and the recounted Madiou's declaration that the historiography fiction, but he also highlighted that other document was a disagreed. 10 Trouillot, however, historians, like Pauléus Sannon, thesis that a November provided convincing evidence to support the ber 29, 1803, document did exist 29 and before the proclamation because "after Novemdigenous generals addressed to the new nation, the inHistorian printed acts stamped: 'the first year of >11 Gérard Mentor Laurent, author of Six études independence." showed some of these documents sur J. J. Dessalines, with Laurent's to Trouillot. In the end, Touillot assessment that "this proves at least that agreed sidered themselves to be under a new the indigenous conHow then can we not administration." 12 agree with the historian and former president of before the proclamation because "after Novemdigenous generals addressed to the new nation, the inHistorian printed acts stamped: 'the first year of >11 Gérard Mentor Laurent, author of Six études independence." showed some of these documents sur J. J. Dessalines, with Laurent's to Trouillot. In the end, Touillot assessment that "this proves at least that agreed sidered themselves to be under a new the indigenous conHow then can we not administration." 12 agree with the historian and former president of --- Page 76 --- THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 61 Haiti, Leslie Manigat, who argues that there is port the existence of the November indisputable evidence to supno original or official 29 proclamation, despite the fact that copies exist? "I do not understand Manigat argues, "given that this foundational (the reluctance]," 4, 1804, in foreign newspapers. 13 text was published on January sion from the recent Manigat criticizes the document's exclu- "Calendrier historique. "14 The content Manigat argues, also provides clear evidence ofthe document, country's official declaration that it should be considered the begins, "The independence ofindependence; most obviously, the document of Saint-Domingue is ~15 Manigat also notes that the two documents proclaimed. and highlights that each reads differ significantly in tone ect, as ifi it stems from "a one that changed different political projthe November significantly just one month later. ~16 He suggests that 29 proclamation might have been tailored for sumption" since it was printed in "foreign conpendence. This conclusion, Philadelphia, the site of American indethat both documents circulated however, seems unconvincing since we know Historian Michel widely in newspapers around the Atlantic. vember Hector's research supports the conclusion 29 document did in fact exist, but hel that the Noceremonial aspects of the highlights the importance ofthe proclamation of Haiti's 1, 1804. Hector claims that the independence on January speech in Kreyôl by Dessalines, independence the day celebrations began with a however, has not yet been uncovered general-in-chiefofthe: army. This speech, notes, "that there in any archive. "We n was historic only know," Hector the waves representation of the barbarism endured ofcaptives under the colonial regime and by war against the reestablishment of especially during the last Félix slavery and for independence. >17 Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre, the secretary that write the document, then read the official Dessalines commissioned to tor describes the three texts as follows: Declaration ofIndependence. Hecto the people of Haiti; the proclamation by the general-in-chief "process-verbal" of the pendence of Haiti (also known proclamation of the indeination of the as the Acte de FIndépendance); and the nomgeneral-in-chief to the tails surrounding the middle government ofHaiti. Some of the desection, however are unknown. Was it (the procès-verbal or the spoken or written? The acte), can conclude that the November evidence suggests that the we not quite as clear with 29 document was written, but the issue is respect to the Januaryid deal of emphasis on the public document since there is a great Despite this newi interest in ceremony surrounding its proclamation. declaration ofi confirming the existence of the November independence and in ensuring its ogy of Haiti's history, no original rightful place in the chronolfound. The only evidence of copies of the proclamation have yet to be in the United its existence is found in States and the British Empire. foreign newspapers Marcus Rainsford, the British that the we not quite as clear with 29 document was written, but the issue is respect to the Januaryid deal of emphasis on the public document since there is a great Despite this newi interest in ceremony surrounding its proclamation. declaration ofi confirming the existence of the November independence and in ensuring its ogy of Haiti's history, no original rightful place in the chronolfound. The only evidence of copies of the proclamation have yet to be in the United its existence is found in States and the British Empire. foreign newspapers Marcus Rainsford, the British --- Page 77 --- 62 PATRICK TARDIEU Revolution, also printed the text in his An Historical chronicler of the Haitian Account ofthe Black Empire of Hayti (805)." in the Era of the Haitian Declaration Printing ofIndependence proclamations, and in The Haitian government was constantly publishing included specific instructions The documents often fact, they never stopped. and the printed copies. For example: to publish post of November 19, 1803, to the citizens a) Dessalines's proclamation ends with the following note: "Permis of the city of Cap Français and up). to print post d'imprimer et d'afficher" (permission the Conseil des Notables of Cap b) Similarly, the proclamation of être publié, December 1803, ends with: "Fait pour Français on 5, frimaire an XII (5 décembre 1803)" imprimé et affiché au Cap, le13 in Cap Français). (Made to be published, printed, and posted with up law No. 5 we see the same c) At the beginning of 1804, beginning of the departments to instructions: "Directs the principal administrators decree, which will be read, pubensure the execution of the present p20 lished, and posted up wherever necessary. The decree will law No. 6 reads as follows: "Art. 2. present d) Finally, and a copy will immediately be be printed, published, and posted up; sent to the United States.' p21 from the time can we discuss Only by taking into account other printings version of the January 1, 1804, Acte the issue of manuscript versus printed de T'Indépendance. her doctoral thesis, Julia Gaffield disIn February 2010, while working on three texts that make up the Haitian covered an official printed version of the The document was an eight-page pamphlet. Declaration of Independence. Archives of the United Kingdom, and Gaffield located it in The National Previous Haitian government there does not appear to be a copy in Haiti. copies of the had attempted to recover one of these printed for representatives celebrations. Researchers Declaration of Independence for anniversary were unanniversary of independence the centennial and sesquicentennial for the celebrations," In February able to find an official copy to be displayed from the same time peGaffield discovered a second printed version, 2011, riod, this time in broadside format. been able to find an official Haitian historians had not For over a century, or manuscript) of the Haitian Declaration of Independence (printed copy copy in Haiti. copies of the had attempted to recover one of these printed for representatives celebrations. Researchers Declaration of Independence for anniversary were unanniversary of independence the centennial and sesquicentennial for the celebrations," In February able to find an official copy to be displayed from the same time peGaffield discovered a second printed version, 2011, riod, this time in broadside format. been able to find an official Haitian historians had not For over a century, or manuscript) of the Haitian Declaration of Independence (printed copy --- Page 78 --- THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 63 in Haiti and abroad. despite the fact that the document was widely publicized publication, Ardouin described the process of the proclamation, Beaubrun "Nevertheless, the acts published in and distribution of the declaration: authorities, and and then printed, were sent to all the secondary Gonaives and the people, in all of the deoccasioned public celebrations: the army the actions of of the former French part of the island, applauded have partments of Haiti's independence would only their leaders. >23 The announcement within Haiti. "National inif the news had been publicized been important Ardouin concluded, "consecrated by the dependence was therefore ratified," and the new state.' n24 agreement and the union of all citizens aux Gonaives language that Ardouin used: actes publiés Note the specific and de suite (afterin Gonaives) on the one hand, imprimés (acts published Printed where? By whom? When? Manuscript ward printed) on the other. to all of the authorities of printed copy? The government sent copies and/or however, is less descriptive. "Dessalines the time. Thomas Madiou's account, the entire de to be published throughout ordered the Acte Mindépendance that he commis- " he reported, "as well as the proclamation Haitian state," and his nomination to the position of Govsioned from Boisrond-Tonnere have referred to an oral reading ofthe ernor General. 25 While publier might of the document's account also emphasizes the importance text, Madiou's dissemination throughout the country. of the printing presses in Saintstudy of the history In a preliminary in the Revue de la Société Haîtienne d'Histoire Domingue and Haiti, published were at the service of the governet de Géographie, I argue that the presses under the guise of ment. 26 They could be a tool of methodical repression local structures. and tool of defense for the interests of the power science, a however, "the presses became a powerful Very quickly during the revolution, libres." n27 Jean Fouchard has similarly weapon in the hands of the nouveaux the revolution. He argues for the importance of the presses during argued the presses because they that the leaders of the revolution never destroyed were too important." 28 fathers continued to make good use With independence, the founding printer from presses. The printer Pierre Roux, government of the printing Haïtien. On December 30 or 31, 1803, 1791 to 1815, lived in Cap Français/Cap for immediate pubDessalines commissioned a text from Boisrond-Tonnere ofthe The manuscript original lication by the government printing presses." the source for the printed of did it serve as only Declaration Independence, found evidence that there was a printing press copy? To this date we have not the declaration, before 1804. the site of the verbal address of in Gonaïves, document was public proof of a new law. During this period, the printed made known to the local and inThis is how new laws were published and Cap Français/Cap for immediate pubDessalines commissioned a text from Boisrond-Tonnere ofthe The manuscript original lication by the government printing presses." the source for the printed of did it serve as only Declaration Independence, found evidence that there was a printing press copy? To this date we have not the declaration, before 1804. the site of the verbal address of in Gonaïves, document was public proof of a new law. During this period, the printed made known to the local and inThis is how new laws were published and --- Page 79 --- 64 PATRICK TARDIEU This then begs the question: Was it necessary to ternational populations. document after the text had the manuscript version of the printed preserve press and publicized throughout been printed by the government printing doubt that the three texts were Regardless, we know without a the country? within a few weeks in Port-audrafted at Gonaïves. They were then printed documents note at the bottom "AU PORTAU-PRINCE, Prince; the printed De Mimprimerie du GOUVERNEMENT" that Edward Corbet, on a mission It was indeed a printed document of Jamaica, Lieutenantdelivered to the governor for the British Empire, this document, discovered Governor George Nugent. Gaffield, in uncovering foundational texts of the first the first of the three not only one oft printings documents relating to the diplomatic hisblack republic, but also the first documents in his history. In order of Haiti. 30 Ardouin mentioned these tory Dessalines undertook great of Haiti's independence, to obtain recognition of all texts (laws, decrees, and measures: not only did he order the printing the will oft the sovereign people proclamations), he also tried to make known certain documents to the nations of the world. He ordered that copies of to to the United States Congress: be sent immediately that provides a reward to the AmeriDECREE from the governor general who return Haitians to their homeland. can ship captains published and posted up; and a copy Art. 2. This decree will be printed, will immediately be sent to the US Congress." desire to print, from the very beginning, the We can clearly see a manifest in addition to the publication in official texts ofthe new government. Today, radio and television. Decree the Journal Officiel, the government also uses dated January 14, 1804, is a document number 6 in Pradine's compilation have to believe that the three and its text includes instructions to print; we well before the fourteenth.' foundational texts were printed author of Dictionnaire de According to Haitian historian Max Bissainthe, Aroudin wrote the bibliographie haîtienne, between 1837 and 1839 Beaubrun of Haiti. The of the articles in L'Union that pertained to the history majority L'Union adds a key piece of evidence August 4 1839. issue of the newspaper Ardouin, claimed that Desthe debate. 33 An article, assumed to be by to his council about the delays created by Jean-Jacques salines complained to leader whom Dessalines commismixed-race Charéron, a French-educated, The article recounts an alleged sioned to write a declaration ofindependence. in which they both interaction between Dessalines and Boisrond-Tonnerre to a declaration of independence. impatiently waited for Charéron produce key piece of evidence August 4 1839. issue of the newspaper Ardouin, claimed that Desthe debate. 33 An article, assumed to be by to his council about the delays created by Jean-Jacques salines complained to leader whom Dessalines commismixed-race Charéron, a French-educated, The article recounts an alleged sioned to write a declaration ofindependence. in which they both interaction between Dessalines and Boisrond-Tonnerre to a declaration of independence. impatiently waited for Charéron produce --- Page 80 --- THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 65 on the first day of the new year: Dessalines wanted to declare independence "The timing could not be better. n34 of Charéron's proclamaBoisrond-Tonnerre complained about the tone calculated, to write an unemotion, arguing, "He wants to create something instead, he "at the work of reflection. w35 What was needed argued, tional terrible, a devastating procpresent moment, was something spontaneous, task, the article lamation.' >36 To complete this important and tempestuous we declared that "to write this act, require reports that Boisrond-Tonnerre of the whites for paper, and their blood for a bayonet for the pen, the skin was the Dessalines that Boisrond-Tonnerre ink. n37 These words convinced man for the job. Dessalines, therefore, on the night of According to this article in L'Union, on January 1, 1804, in either December 30 or 31 wanted a text for publication and formality that Haiti's independence with the splendor order to proclaim this document full official weight the occasion merited. He wanted to give What then by having the text printed on the government printing presses. 1803? To write a task on the night of December 31, was BoisrondTonnerre's to have the text printed at the press? manuscript proclamation, or 2011, she discovered a Gaffield returned to London in February When Declaration of Independence. This format broadside printing of the 1804 document could for the time because the large, single-page was customary The broadside version of the Haitian be posted in public areas for all to see. ofthe senior officers had been acquired by one Declaration of Independence Thomas Duckworth. Duckworth of the British Admiralty in Jamaica, John then sent the document to his superiors in London." Haitian Documents in Foreign Archives ofthe United Kingdom in London are a treasure trove The National Archives Along with both copies of from this era of Haitian history. for documents the archives hold the only known copy of the Declaration of Independence, along with a printed copy of DesThis document, the "Hymne Haytiène." to be from the same printer as the salines's Journal de Campagne, appears What other surprises version of the Declaration of Independence. pamphlet find in the archives in London? will we copies of the Declaration of IndepenDo other yet-to-be-found printed of a library, in Haiti or buried in the archives or in the depths dence exist, A recent dissertation defended in Paris elsewhere? Nothing is impossible. for alternative sources. Aleand published in 2013 forces us to look in 2010 and Gran Colombia and allows us to jandro E. Gômez takes us to Venezuela the salines's Journal de Campagne, appears What other surprises version of the Declaration of Independence. pamphlet find in the archives in London? will we copies of the Declaration of IndepenDo other yet-to-be-found printed of a library, in Haiti or buried in the archives or in the depths dence exist, A recent dissertation defended in Paris elsewhere? Nothing is impossible. for alternative sources. Aleand published in 2013 forces us to look in 2010 and Gran Colombia and allows us to jandro E. Gômez takes us to Venezuela --- Page 81 --- 66 PATRICK TARDIEU influence of the Haitian Revolution on the former Spanish understand the on the collective memory of American colonies. 39 His research sheds light of the official history bethe nation and contributes to our understanding Bolivar's to liberate Simon Bolivar and Alexandre Pétion and promises tween the slaves in Latin America. Empire (and its soon-to-beHaiti was of great interest to the Spanish sometimes much more Furthermore, the connections were former colonies). both aid to the independence practical: Dessalines and Pétion provided in 1806 and to Bolivar in movements in Venezuela (to Francisco de Miranda American archives therefore cannot write off the Spanish and Latin 1816). We shunned at the 1826 Panama Congress (organized simply because Haiti was the leaders in Latin American by Bolivar). As Gômez's research suggests, stayed informed about events in Haiti. of Dessalines's 1804, the governor of Venezuela received a copy In April the declaration of the independence of January 1 speech, delivered during he state of Haiti. In a letter written to the metropolitan government, the new able to secure any more information on expressed frustration in not being and its inevitable return to the "the unfortunate colony of Saint-Domingue to that he ofthe Blacks. n40 There is nothing suggest monstrous domination a manuscript copy?). was not successful in obtaining a copy (maybe Conclusion Louverture defied Europe by giving the nascent On April 7, 1801, Toussaint Napoléon, at the peak of his glory, nation of Haiti a sovereign constitution. slavery in the Anreacted in defense of the Christian West by reestablishing but his leadrevolutionary was captured and deported, tilles. The betrayed At the congress of May 18, 1803, the ing generals reorganized the resistance. swore to fight (liberté ou la united and created a new flag; the generals army the French army from the island. The multinational mort) and to remove faced the Atlantic powers and a nineteenthgroup of former slaves now slave trade. Neverthethat was fueled by the transatlantic century economy 1803, and consecrated established independence on November 29, less they 1, 1804, by declaring war against slavery the event in a solemn act on January trade and slavery did everything territory. The defenders of the slave on their under and everywhere isolate the new country. Haiti was put quarantine, to of "Hayti" took hold. For over twenty years, in the Americas the syndrome and supported the peowithout fail our leaders stood firm; they proliferated Miranda and Bolivar by desire for freedom. Haiti, alone, dared to assist eastern ple's liberate Gran Colombia. The part supplying men and arms to help war against slavery the event in a solemn act on January trade and slavery did everything territory. The defenders of the slave on their under and everywhere isolate the new country. Haiti was put quarantine, to of "Hayti" took hold. For over twenty years, in the Americas the syndrome and supported the peowithout fail our leaders stood firm; they proliferated Miranda and Bolivar by desire for freedom. Haiti, alone, dared to assist eastern ple's liberate Gran Colombia. The part supplying men and arms to help --- Page 82 --- THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 67 ofthe island of Hispaniola-under the control of France until 1809 when it returned to Spanish control-was later incorporated into Haiti in 1822 and slavery was abolished forever. Could we ask the bossales, newly arrived from Africa, and the newly freed creoles to have a common goal in the construction of a new nation, of a country, or of a state? The abolition of slavery was enough to cement the new nation, both Haiti's children and the rest of the world saw Haiti as such. Notes 1. Hymne Haytiène [All spelling errors are in the original; the translation is mine.] Sur l'air: Allons Enfans de la Patrie. Quoi tu te tais Peuple Indigène! Quand un Héros, par ses exploits, Vengeant ton nom, brisant ta chaîne, A jamais assure tes droits? Honneur à sa valeur guerrière! Gloire à tes efforts triomphants! Offrons-lui nos coeurs, notre encens; Chantons d'une voix mâle et fière Sous ce bon Père unis, A jamais réunis, Vivons, mourons, ses vrais Enfans. Libres, indépendans. De nos droits ennemis perfides, Du Nouveau-Monde les tyrans, Déjà les Français homicides, Du Soleil frappaient les Enfans; O!du Ciel éclatans prodiges! Pour lever nos fronts abattus, Jacque parait, ils ne sont plus, Et l'on en cherche les vestiges. Sous ce bon Père unis, A jamais réunis, Vivons, mourons, ses vrais Enfans. Libres, indépendans. En mer, en plaine, et sur nos cimes Écoutez ce bruit, ces éclats; Amis, c'est le cri des victimes --- Page 83 --- 68 PATRICK TARDIEU Dénonçant leurs noirs attentats Du sang d'une horde cruelle, Oui, quand vous arrosez leurs OS, Elles font entendre ces mots Du sein de la nuit éternelle, Sous ce bon Père unis, A jamais réunis, Vivons, mourons, ses vrais Enfans. Libres, indépendans. Quel est cet indigène Insulaire, Ce lâche coeur, ce vil soldat Qui, désormais sous sa bannière N'affronterait point le trépas? Qu'il parle; au défaut du Tonnerre, Pour expier cet attentat, Nos bras levés contre l'ingrat, Sauront le réduire en poussière. Sous ce bon Père unis, A jamais réunis, Vivons, mourons, ses vrais Enfans. Libres, indépendans. Amis, que la reconnaissance Consacre ses faits, sa valeur; Nous servirons, sous sa puissance, Le ciel, la justice et l'honneur: Que nos enfans, dès le bas âge, Aiment à bégayer son nom; Désormais Jacque est le Patron De qui repousse l'esclavage, Sous ce bon Père unis, A jamais réunis, Vivons, mourons, ses vrais Enfans. Libres, indépendans. CH FIN The National Archives of the United Kingdom, (TNA) CO 137/111) 2. Marcus Rainsford, An Historical Account ofthe Black Empire of Hayti, ed. Paul Youngquist and Grégory Pierrot (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013), 260. 3- "Cette collection commence au premier janvier 1804, 7) Pradine declared, "Les héros vengeurs en Haîti de la liberté outragée en la personne des enfants de l'Af . Libres, indépendans. CH FIN The National Archives of the United Kingdom, (TNA) CO 137/111) 2. Marcus Rainsford, An Historical Account ofthe Black Empire of Hayti, ed. Paul Youngquist and Grégory Pierrot (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013), 260. 3- "Cette collection commence au premier janvier 1804, 7) Pradine declared, "Les héros vengeurs en Haîti de la liberté outragée en la personne des enfants de l'Af --- Page 84 --- THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 69 le soleil qui devait éclairer le renouvellement de rique, ont choisi cette date afin que les Haïtiens, et leurs prel'année, éclairât en même temps une ère nouvelle pour général des lois et actes du la civilisation." * M. Linstant Pradine, Recueil miers pas vers de son indépendance jusqu'à nosj jours gouvernement d'Haiti: depuis la proclamation (Paris: A. Durand, 1886), 1: X. Pradine "de graver dans le "C'était un sublime moyen, " Linstant argued, efforts 4des luttes qu'ils ont endurées et des qu'ils coeur de leurs enfants le souvenir Recueil 1: X. " Linstant Pradine, général, ont faits pour leur donner une patrie." see David Geggus' 's chapFor more on the November 29, 1803, proclamation 5ter in this volume. ces chefs laissassent la capitale de 6. "D n'est pas raisonnable d'admettre que de 12 lieues, publier un aller dans une ville secondaire, qui en est éloignée l'ile pour général, 1: ix. " Linstant Pradine, Recueil acte de cette importance." 1804 et le ler de lindépendance d'Haiti." 7 "Fait aux Gonaives, ce ler Janvier, Patrick "The Naming of 8. For more on the name "Hayti," see David Indiana Geggus, University Press, Studies (Bloomington: Haiti," in Haitian Revolutionary 2002). Linstant de Pradine, Recueil général, xi. d'Haiti. 9. Ernst Trouillot, and Henock Trouillot. Historiographie 10. Catts Pressoir, and History, No. 168 (México: Instituto PanPan American Institute of Geography americano de Geografia e Historia, 1953). adressée à la nouvelle le novembre et avant la proclamation l'in11. "(A]près 29 des actes qui portent: an premier de nation, les généraux indigènes posèrent ont surtout consulté la tradition dépendance." " Henock Trouillot, "Historiens qui Pressoir, and d'Haiti, ed. Trouillot, orale: Thomas Madiou," in Historiographie Trouillot, 151. les se considéraient sous une nou12. "ICjela prouve au moins que indigènes d'Haiti, ed. Trouil- " Trouillot, "Historiens," in Historiographie velle administration." lot, Pressoir, and Trouillot, 151. donné ce texte fondateur pas," ' Manigat argues, "étant que 13. "Je: ne comprends dans la presse. ' Leslie F. Manigat, dès le 4 janvier 1804 à l'étranger a été publié 1803 en quatre grands faits mar- "This Year, 2003, Is the True Bicentennial/t'années d'un politologue," ' Haiti Debrèves réflexions historiques de circonstance quants: mocracy Project, of the November 29, 1803, 222rn (accessed February 18, 2013). For more on the printing in this volume. proclamationi in the British newspapers, see David Geggus's chapter of the Haitian In- "Dessalines's American Proclamations See also Deborah Jenson, 72-102. dependence," " Journal of Haitian Studies 15 (2009): 14. Manigat, "Lannée 1803." Manigat, "Lannée 1803." "L'indépendance de St Domingue est proclamée. à 15. différent, significativement changé 16. "[I s'agissait d'un projet politique tard." Manigat, "L'année 1803." peine un mois plus the Haitian In- "Dessalines's American Proclamations See also Deborah Jenson, 72-102. dependence," " Journal of Haitian Studies 15 (2009): 14. Manigat, "Lannée 1803." Manigat, "Lannée 1803." "L'indépendance de St Domingue est proclamée. à 15. différent, significativement changé 16. "[I s'agissait d'un projet politique tard." Manigat, "L'année 1803." peine un mois plus --- Page 85 --- 70 PATRICK TARDIEU d'une évocation his- ' Hector notes, "qu'il s'agissait 17. "On en sait seulement," sous le régime colonial et plus de la barbarie vécue par les flots de captifs de torique contre le rétablissement l'esclavage particulièrement durant la dernière guerre in Dictionnaire n Michel Hector, "Actes de Tindépendance." Imet pour Tindépendance." ed. Claude Moise (Montreal: Les éditions historique de la révolution haitienne, Thomas Madiou's account of the ages/Cidihca, 2003), 23. Hector is drawing on Imprimerie Joseph CourThomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (Port-au-Prince: events: tois, 1843), 3:115. Dictionnaire historique de la révolution hai18. Text taken from Claude Moïse, 2003). (Montreal: Les éditions Images/Cidihca, tienne, 1789-1804 Account ofthe Black Empire oft Hayti, ed. Paul Marcus Rainsford, An Historical Press, 19. Durham, NC: Duke University Youngquist and Grégory Pierrot (1805; repr. 2013). des départements de tenir la main 20. "Enjoint aux administrateurs principaux oùr besoin sera. 79 du présent arrêté, qui sera lu, publié et affiché partout àl l'exécution Linstant Pradine, Recueil général, xii. publié et affiché; et copie en sera 21. "Art. 2. Le présent décret sera imprimé, immédiatement envoyée au congrès des États-Unis." Edmond Mangonès, DeLe Soir, 1903, no. 212 and 215; report by 22. Journal des Sciences Sociales Du Tricinquantenaire de cember 31, 1952, La Commission Haîtienne des Pères de Saint-Esprit. l'indépendance, located at the Bibliothèque ce sont les seulement l'Acte de l'Indépendance qui est introuvable; "Ce n'est pas notre Pacte Fondamental, l'Acte de lIndépentrois Actes qui font la synthèse de à laquelle le "Peuple d'Haiti" dance seul n'aurait pas de valeur sans la glorification confère la majesté à l'illustre fut convié et sans le serment solennel de fidélité qui forgeron de la Nation Haitienne.' 91 Gonaïves et imprimés de suite, "Quoiqu'il en soit, les actes publiés aux des 23. secondaires, et occasionnèrent réjouisfurent expédiés à toutes les autorités les de l'ancienne l'armée et le peuple, dans tous départements sances publiques: des chefs.' 5 de l'ile, applaudirent aux résolutions partie française fut ainsi ratifiée, " Ardouin concludes, "consacrée 24. "L'indépendance nationale du nouvel État. 77 Pradine, Recueil général, l'accord et l'union de tous les citoyens par 6:34l'État d'Haîti l'acte de Tindépendance," 91 he "Dessalines fit publier dans tout nomi25. rédigée Boisrond-Tonnère, et sa reports, "sa proclamation au peuple qu'avait Pradine, Recueil général, 2:119. nation à la dignité de Gouverneur Général." de Saint Domingue Patrick D. Tardieu, "Pierre Roux et Leméry, imprimeurs 26. d'Histoire et de Géographie d'Haiti 79, no. 218 à Haiti," Revue de la Société Haitienne (2004): 1-30. aux mains des nouveaux libres.' Tardieu, 27. "[EJe devint une arme puissante "Pierre Roux et Lemery," 6. also Jean Fouchard, Les marrons de 28. Tardieu, "Pierre Roux et Lemery," 6; see ieu, "Pierre Roux et Leméry, imprimeurs 26. d'Histoire et de Géographie d'Haiti 79, no. 218 à Haiti," Revue de la Société Haitienne (2004): 1-30. aux mains des nouveaux libres.' Tardieu, 27. "[EJe devint une arme puissante "Pierre Roux et Lemery," 6. also Jean Fouchard, Les marrons de 28. Tardieu, "Pierre Roux et Lemery," 6; see --- Page 86 --- THE PRINTING OF THE DECLARATION 71 1988; Jean Fouchard, Les marrons du la liberté (Port-au-Prince: Henri Deschamps), Jean Fouchard, Plaisirs de St. (Port-au-Prince: Henri Deschamps), 1988; syllabaire Henri Deschamps), 1988. Domingue (Port-au-Prince: given to printed documents see For more on the question of the privileges Natio29. L'art du livre à limprimerie nationale (Paris: Bibliothèque Raymond Blanchot, nale, 1951), 11, colo. 1. of the Early NineteenthGaffield, "Haiti and Jamaica in the Remaking 30. Julia William and Mary Quarterly 69, no. 3 (2012): 583-614. Century Atlantic World," accorde une récompense aux capit- "DÉCRET du Gouverneur général qui 31. ramèneront des Haitiens dans leur patrie aines des bâtiments américains qui publié et affiché; et copie en sera im- "Art. 2. Le présent décret sera imprimé, médiatement envoyée au congrès des Etats-Unis." 32. Pradine, Recueil général, 7-8. et littéraire, à Port-aun L'Union: Recueil commercial 33. "Anecdotes historiques," Prince, du 4 August 1839 #51, Srameetar (accessed February 18, 2013). choisi." "Anecdotes historiques." 34. "Le moment ne pourrait être mieux froide ceuvre de réflexfaire quelque chose de soigné, d'élaboré une 35- "Il veut ion." "Anecdotes historiques." chose de spontané, de terrible, une la conjoncture présente, quelque 36. "[D]ans " foudroyante." s "Anecdotes historiques." proclamation semblable, se servir de la baïonnette pour plume, 37- "Il faut pour écrire un acte encre." 11 "Anecdotes historiques." du corps des blancs pour papier et leur sang pour 38. TNA, ADM 1/256 and MFQ 1/184. noire. L'impact de la révolution Alejandro E. Gômez, Le spectre de la révolution de 39. (Rennes: Presses Universitaires haitienne dans le monde atlantique, 1790-1886 Rennes, 2013). du Venezuela se procura, grâce à 40. "Plus tard, en avril 1804, le gouverneur de Dessalines, prononcé à l'ocune copie du discours du ler janvier un particulier, du nouvel État d'Haiti. Dans une commucasion de la déclaration d'Indépendance central, il exprime sa frustration de ne pas nication qu'il envoie au gouvernement d'informations sur la malheureuse avoir été en mesure de se procurer davantage redevenue l'objet de la monstrueuse colonie de Saint-Domingue et la fatalité d'être de Saint-Domingue: perdes Noirs." * Alejandro E. Gômez, Le syndrome domination haitienne dans le monde atlantique, 1790ceptions et représentations de la révolution Sociales, 2010), 70; "Le Thesis, École des Hautes Études en Sciences 1886. (PhD ministre d'État (Caracas, 24/04/1804)." Archivo capitaine général de Caracas au General de Indias, Estado, 68, n'12. 'être de Saint-Domingue: perdes Noirs." * Alejandro E. Gômez, Le syndrome domination haitienne dans le monde atlantique, 1790ceptions et représentations de la révolution Sociales, 2010), 70; "Le Thesis, École des Hautes Études en Sciences 1886. (PhD ministre d'État (Caracas, 24/04/1804)." Archivo capitaine général de Caracas au General de Indias, Estado, 68, n'12. --- Page 87 --- Metaphor in the Haitian Living by Declaration of Independence Tigers and Cognitive Theory DEBORAH JENSON the first leader of a nation built on the ruins of Jean-Jacques Dessalines, cultural poles of violence and colonial slavery, emblematizes the contrary had been a French military hospoetics.' In 1804, Armand Levasseur, who (Thomme tigre), army camp, called him the "tiger-man" tage in Dessalines's the animal/man chimera and Antoine-Henri de Jomini further developed Dessalines as "the beast metaphor in describing or the anthropomorphized But was Dessalines, as tiger with a human face" (le tigre à figure humaine)2 or was he what we insinuated by his European critics, more tiger than man, "man of letters," 17 and cultural domain as a recognize in the Western print of this question more globally? how should we engage with the implications observers, without excepDessalines was acknowledged by contemporary magic that Stanislas Detion, to be unlettered. He did not have the alphabetic literacy." Yet as the absorption of language through haene has characterized of the compelling symbolism by Haitians Dessalines is the portal to much Anténor and independence eras. Haitian anthropologist in the revolutionary illiterate, it's true," yet he saw Firmin wrote that Dessalines was "completely for us, as the offspring of him as the voice of the nation: "Dessalines of slavery, remains the those who suffered the humiliating martyrdom of races, and the symbolic perofthe spirit oft the equality first manifestation [est), complètement illétré, sonification of that spirit in Haiti" ("Dessalines souffert les humiliations il est vrai, mais. Pour nous, fils de ceux qui ont la manide l'esclavage, nous ne pouvons y voir que première et le martyre des races, sentiment dont Dessalines est festation du sentiment de légalité Dessalines not only personresté la personnification: symbolique en Haiti"). collaborative cultural texts through ified symbolism but generated printed and other leaders. He was the producer redactive processes with secretaries significant proclamations, of letters: five enduringly of a body important national constitution, and a host of the strikingly innovative 1805 Haitian early poetic activFurthermore, he stimulated or solicited other documents. y voir que première et le martyre des races, sentiment dont Dessalines est festation du sentiment de légalité Dessalines not only personresté la personnification: symbolique en Haiti"). collaborative cultural texts through ified symbolism but generated printed and other leaders. He was the producer redactive processes with secretaries significant proclamations, of letters: five enduringly of a body important national constitution, and a host of the strikingly innovative 1805 Haitian early poetic activFurthermore, he stimulated or solicited other documents. --- Page 88 --- LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 73 Haitian state, such as the poem by the soldier Gautarel, ity around the new in Norman Shapiro's ex- "You, O Great Emperorl, " which begins as follows, pert translation: You, who laid low You, O great Emperor! restored abundance, let us know French power, whose fair grace Peace's delights once more; you, Floats you to noble heights to take your place With the immortals! Here, my halting verse praise; you, who cast off the curse Would sing your shrine Of France; you, who alone in memory's Flout the vile Frenchman's foul and fell design Ever to shackle you! Ah, but in vain His base desire! For, midst the bale and bane, Mars, god of war, chose you his favorite son! that formal education in Western alphabetic litI have argued previously the conditions for Dessalines's aueracy and putting pen to paper were not and ambitions of a corpus thorial role, but rather the shared characteristics and military colleagues under his direction by secretaries of work produced issued in his name. In this essay I explore Dessalines's engagement and culture in the Haitian Acte de Tindépendance, or with alphabetic and print of how, as George Lakoff and Declaration of Independence, as an example and how embodied have we "live by" metaphor, Mark Johnson postulated, appreciation of "unletmodels can facilitate the counter-intuitive cognitive tered" authorial models. "life by metaphor" is his metaMy point of departure for Dessalines's notably the colonist as "bloodphoric framing of death and death's agents, of late In the famous "I have avenged America" proclamation thirsty tiger." against agents of colonialism as a parallel April 1804, he justifies violence "Who is that Haitian SO vile, SO to reaction to the danger of a prowling tiger: that he has fulfilled that he does not believe unworthy of his regeneration, bloodthirsty tigers?" ("Quel est ce vil eternal precepts by exterminating these croit avoir rempli les de sa régénération, qui ne point Haîtien, si peu digne altérés de sang?") décrets éternels en exterminant ces tigres of the tiger in the Acte de lInDessalines had first used the metaphor fresh in his compatritraumatic memories of violence dépendance to keep ots' memories, and to steel resolve: and children, cast your gaze on every Native Citizens, men, women, girls husbands, your brothers, and part of this Island, look for your wives, your rempli les de sa régénération, qui ne point Haîtien, si peu digne altérés de sang?") décrets éternels en exterminant ces tigres of the tiger in the Acte de lInDessalines had first used the metaphor fresh in his compatritraumatic memories of violence dépendance to keep ots' memories, and to steel resolve: and children, cast your gaze on every Native Citizens, men, women, girls husbands, your brothers, and part of this Island, look for your wives, your --- Page 89 --- 74 DEBORAH JENSON what do I say, look for your children, your suckling babies? your sisters; I shudder to say it. the prey of these What has become of them . saddened eye only sees vultures. Instead of these precious victims, your blood, and whose atrothese tigers still covered with their their assassins; insensitivity and your culpable slowness cious presence reproaches your in avenging them. of recognition of the loss of a beIn this dramatic re-creation oft the moment infant, the community mother's loss ofher loved, such as the breastfeeding them the vision of the Dessalines presents to spectral unites in mourning. with blood. The term dégouttiger men still living in their midst, dripping the homophone gouttes, or for bloodthirsty tigers, suggests tants as a qualifier the French tigers are both disgusting, and "drips, in dégottant, "disgusting" : richness of the liquidity, the gouttes, reindripping, with blood. The sensory -dégouttants with one "t" or forces the processing of disgust. Both spellingsHowever, the specific documents. two-can be found in contemporaneous the conventional meaning of of dripping blood adds precision to symbolism "disgusting" and suggests explicit wordplay. ethical imperative to exterminate Dessalines's metaphor of the Haitians' audiences. An 1804 poem in a Britthe bloodthirsty tiger enraged European for letting the cat out of the blamed the French Revolution ish newspaper bag, unleashing Haitian tigers: St. Domingo's bloody journal Tells of those who would be free, Points to slaughter heaps diurnal, That is French fraternity. What has France for Europe, done, sir, Set a savage tyger free, Armed the father gainst the son, sir, That is-French equality.? her Mémoires used Dessalines's own metaphor to Laure Junot d'Abrantès in bloodthirsty that the man himself was a literal, not a metaphorical, claim "the tiger, and one can say that tiger: she identifies Dessalines as bloodthirsty etl'on peutl le dire sans métametaphor" ("ce tigre altéré de sang, without any that Dessalines was a bloodthirsty tiger phore"). 10 Of course one cannot say could say without metaphor anymore than Dessalines without metaphor, Abrantès simply reversed the directhat the French were bloodthirsty tigers. it to characterize the subject tionality of the metaphor in her allusion, using "the tiger, and one can say that tiger: she identifies Dessalines as bloodthirsty etl'on peutl le dire sans métametaphor" ("ce tigre altéré de sang, without any that Dessalines was a bloodthirsty tiger phore"). 10 Of course one cannot say could say without metaphor anymore than Dessalines without metaphor, Abrantès simply reversed the directhat the French were bloodthirsty tigers. it to characterize the subject tionality of the metaphor in her allusion, using --- Page 90 --- LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 75 oft the metaphorical speech rather than the "We're not tigers, object oft the subject's you are the tiger"), and further speech (i.e., of the tiger trope for synthesis of the legitimating the correctness is "no metaphor, 7 because it yields such colonial/anticolonial battle. The tiger the referent, creating, in Roland a perfect mimetic representation of de réel) in which the sign Barthes's terminology, a reality effect (effet nifier and appears seamless rather than divided signified. The tiger for Abrantès would be like between sigcategory of reality outside of human the tree in some is a contingent cultural product oft the cognition and history, not the tree that the abstract concept (signified). semiotic "sound image" (signifier) and Linguist George Lakoff and 1980 Metaphors We Live By that philosopher Mark Johnson proposed in the just in language but in metaphor "is pervasive in everyday life, not thought and action. "11 This has become conceptual metaphor theory. In conceptual known as constructed from metaphorical metaphor theory, knowledge is and perceptual simulations. mappings derived from sensory experience Metaphor may provide entation, as in "talking down" or spatial or temporal oritems that in turn conventionalize "falling behind. " It undergirds analogy systhe general metaphor that or cue interpretations and behaviors, as in "loses" or "wins" in debate; argument is war. (Claims are "indefensible"; one In one "attacks" a position; one "duels" in many ways, the "cognitive" approach to rap.) fied by "argument as war,' is old news. In the language as action, exempliliterary salons, yielded many ofthe classical era, battlefields, not tures. Quintilian, in Institutes parabolic explanations of rhetorical strucI am trying to form, too, if he of Oratory, says "Would not the orator whom soldiers were engaged in the field of required to be encouraged to be engaged, battle, and his exhortation from the most profound draw the materials for an could all the terrors of toil, precepts of philosophy? For how [else] breasts pain, and even death, be - p"12 In this war-sensitive banished from their the bar metaphorical rhetorical tradition, the fear of death is persuasion must lift. The secretaries and military would certainly have been colleagues with whom Dessalines worked warrior with rhetoric cued to the age-old Western association of the tions to capable ofhelping soldiers to turn advantage on the battlefield. But there is fight-or-flight reacthe Western tradition, or only to no reason to look only to of priming soldiers literacy and textual traditions, for to fight by using fighting words. examples specific to privileged literary Poetic rhetoric is not anthologies of poems), milieus personae (such as "authors"), products (such as or technologies of (such as literary "schools" or preservation (such as print "movements"), dition of "calling cadence," in which culture). The US military traleader and troops in a visceral a call-and-response song unites drill rhythmic dynamic, relies on poetics for syn- to look only to of priming soldiers literacy and textual traditions, for to fight by using fighting words. examples specific to privileged literary Poetic rhetoric is not anthologies of poems), milieus personae (such as "authors"), products (such as or technologies of (such as literary "schools" or preservation (such as print "movements"), dition of "calling cadence," in which culture). The US military traleader and troops in a visceral a call-and-response song unites drill rhythmic dynamic, relies on poetics for syn- --- Page 91 --- 76 DEBORAH JENSON often across social boundchronization of movement and morale-building, aries of refined speech." 13 of rhetoric has been assoThe motor, sensory, and perceptual viscerality of the soldier. Aristotle exciated since Aristotle with the tigerlike pounce like a lion, when Homer described the soldier Achilles pouncing plains that when the narrative says simply, "the lion he is using simile (or analogy); term, it becomes metaphor." pounced," removing the overtly comparative of rhetorical study, of Achilles, one of the inaugural images The "pounce" the listener's keen attention on the character invokes animal threat to focus of the hero's valor. visceral effects and of the battlefield recalls the somatosensory Poetry that Dessalines dictated to and edited motor priming in the proclamations salvo of the Declaration of Indewith his secretarial teams. In the opening turn on the he will his countrymen to group pendence, Dessalines prepares by evoking enslaved existence de-anthropomorphize as bloodthirsty tigers be roused from the stupor of state of torpor. The slaves must as a hypnotic that strongly evoke stillness and captivity by means of a series of metaphors that has for a long movement. Where an "inhuman government contrasting torpor" ("'gouvernement inhumain qui time kept us in the most humiliating la torpeur la plus humiliante"), the tient depuis longtemps nos esprits dans to the French factions who Haitians must put and end (put on "un frein") which France exposed to our eyes ("jouaient have mocked the phantom ofliberty France à VOS yeux"); they tour-à-tour du fantôme de liberté que la exposait In this passeize from the French ("ravir") any hope of resubjection. must of the Haitians reawaken, ready to sage, from a nearly zombified state torpor, teased a specter of freedom, perhaps like a dulled tiger in a cage, by lungeof the captor as the bloodthirsty tiger, stirred into action by the identification the visceral threat, the analogy to their own anger. One Declaration, Many Voices of the Haitian Declaration of Indepencopies As new, contemporaneous of a collaborative verbal transmisdence come to light, evidence emerges worked with Dessalines to and process in which citizens sion preservation ifit were a well-loved poem. Duke Univerdeclare Haitis independence as Declaration of Independence is sity's newly acquired copy of the Haitian hear a name, phonetic spellings- s-spellings as one might characterized by written in Frenchrather than how it would be conventionally for example, another in one long hybrid, rather than reand words that blend into one and different than separated by spaces." 15 Punctuation is minimal maining , evidence emerges worked with Dessalines to and process in which citizens sion preservation ifit were a well-loved poem. Duke Univerdeclare Haitis independence as Declaration of Independence is sity's newly acquired copy of the Haitian hear a name, phonetic spellings- s-spellings as one might characterized by written in Frenchrather than how it would be conventionally for example, another in one long hybrid, rather than reand words that blend into one and different than separated by spaces." 15 Punctuation is minimal maining --- Page 92 --- LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 77 text found by Julia Gaffield, and French in the government-issued printed A sentence is missing, and anaccents are rare and often wrongly applied. is phrased slightly differother phrase is repeated. A concluding sentence scribe's transcription a Haitian regional ently. Did this manuscript represent Such a possibility of a of a public reading of the declaration? from memory from memory by locally verbal dissemination of the text, transcribed contemlargely is supported by the existence of another educated people ofletters, set of irregularities of spelling, manuscript copy with a different French poraneous which was certified as a copie conforme by spacing, and inclusion, the other side of the island of Hispaniola and General Louis Ferrand from of declaring indepenBonaparte in 1804- A public process sent to Napoléon literary birth of former dence verbally, and copying it for the idiosyncratic example of the use of poetslaves turned nation builders, presents a moving with and contestation the unschooled (or the less schooled) in dialogue ics by discourses of Western Europe. of the revolutionary the evocation of the mourning Haitians In the Duke University copy, tigers documents a new naavenging the victims of the French bloodthirsty that one can almost tional "coming to writing, - SO orthographically irregular reading: intonations of an impassioned public hear in it the hypnotic femmes, filles, enfants, portés VOS regards Citoyens indigesnes, hommes, chercsé'y, vous VOS épouses, vous VOS sur toutes les parties de cette isle, cherese'z -y VOS hefants maris, vous VOS peres, vous VOS freres, quedije fremis deledire ala mamelle que sont ils devenus? Je VOS enfants inocentes votre oeil conaulieu de ces victimes la proie de ces vautours. des tigres degoutans encore de sterné napercois que des assassins que votre insensibilite et leurs sang et dons l'affreuse presence, vous reproche votre coupable lenteur ales venger ofthe bones of the ancesslide into the next image, The punctuation-free who would solicit their company in the unworthy Haitians tors repulsing any declaration's cultural alterity: crypt, serves as a reminder of the leurs masnes sonjé que vous avé voulus que que attendé vous pour apaiser vous avé chassé de ceux de VOS perres quans VOS restes reposans aupres dans leurs tombe sans les avoir vengés non la tyrannie; dessenderée vous les vostres. leurs ossements repousseraiens and the ancestors' ghostly agency, are The warriors' cult of the ancestors, that recall the "African charthe literary figures in the declaration among : crypt, serves as a reminder of the leurs masnes sonjé que vous avé voulus que que attendé vous pour apaiser vous avé chassé de ceux de VOS perres quans VOS restes reposans aupres dans leurs tombe sans les avoir vengés non la tyrannie; dessenderée vous les vostres. leurs ossements repousseraiens and the ancestors' ghostly agency, are The warriors' cult of the ancestors, that recall the "African charthe literary figures in the declaration among --- Page 93 --- 78 DEBORAH JENSON and Dessalines's own rumored African acter" of the Haitian Revolution, involved, despite the American origins." 17 Declaring independence in Haiti African "American" stance. textual model, a distinctly Anti-Colonial Tigers identifications, to "brand" insurgencies In the contest to control figurative were already circulating as violence, tigers against slavery as unredeemed William Blake's 1794 poem on the tiger critical, as well as colonial, motifs. allusion to the events in SaintExperience may make no direct in Songs of established that Blake in the 1790S was preDomingue, but scholars have notes in "Blake's Coded Designs occupied by slavery. As Christine Gallant in other colonies of the of Slave Revolts, n "Blake's familiarity with slavery Stedman's Narrative of Americas underlies his 1791-92 engravings for John Surinam." 18 Gallant asagainst the Revolted Negroes of a Five Years Expedition the Haitian Revolution, and that complex serts that Blake was "electrified" by the Middle Passage, and allegories of plantation agriculture, slave torture, Gallant does not inAfrican Vodou, ran through his oeuvre. Although > I even of Blake's "coded designs of slave revolts, clude "The Tyger" in the body which Michel-Rolph will that the poem expresses the leap of thought, argue cast as the unthinkable quality, of the Trouillot enduringly yet provocatively Haitian Revolution." Prometheus ("What hand, dare seize The poem's opening allusion to of the fire in the tiger's own eyes. the fire") is contradicted by the location which have for centuries from the "forests of the night," The tiger surges tigers themselves originated been the emblem of symbolic Africa. Although in human memory in of Asia and are not recorded among the megafauna the (chat-tigre), had been acrelative of the tiger, jaguar Africa, a perceived of in the colonial era.20 In cidentally unleashed on the island Hispaniola the capacity of stanza the arc of the tiger's leap challenges Blake's opening skies, to invent who reigns in distant (Western metaphysical) the immortal, locations of god and animal, the tropical it, putting to test the symmetrical divine fire, and human grasping: wilds ofthe night and winged heaven, Tygerl Tyger! burning bright In the forests of the night, What immortal hand or eye Could frame thy fearful symmetry? In what distant deeps or skies Burnt the fire of thine eyes? identally unleashed on the island Hispaniola the capacity of stanza the arc of the tiger's leap challenges Blake's opening skies, to invent who reigns in distant (Western metaphysical) the immortal, locations of god and animal, the tropical it, putting to test the symmetrical divine fire, and human grasping: wilds ofthe night and winged heaven, Tygerl Tyger! burning bright In the forests of the night, What immortal hand or eye Could frame thy fearful symmetry? In what distant deeps or skies Burnt the fire of thine eyes? --- Page 94 --- LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 79 On what wings dare he aspire? What the hand, dare seize the fire? flashes ofl heat, distance undone, surprise, and With almost adrenal impact, condensation of the leap as a vertical striping combine in Blake's poetic threatens to devour the reader: movement that, like the Haitian Revolution, in the Republic of white consumer of print messages the shaking, paltry, processed the winged spring, feels Letters. The reader, having perceptually the tiger's point of departure the adrenaline surge of the symmetry framing For Blake, the tiger is to the lamb and the point to which it "aspires:i its prey. for the reader, appedeath is to birth, as infant sorrow is to infant joy, as, as consumed. Jaws, fire, speed. The tiger tite for vicarious violence is to being of the threatening sensorial, perceptual, and cognitive processing represents ofi its travails in the New World. glory of Africa's vengeance extended their concept of lived metaphors to In 1999, Lakoff and Johnson that "abstract concepts are largely the notion ofembodied cognition, arguing "The same neural and metaphorical," " and that "we need a body to reason": around also create our systems that allow us to perceive and move we cognitive and modes of reason. Thus, to understand reason conceptual systems visual our motor system, and must understand the details of our system, n21 linguists' research mechanisms of neural binding. Cognitive the general for postcolonial or postslavery literary studon metaphor has the advantage, print culture personae ies, of not tying poetic rhetoric to specific, privileged schools); it ties products (books of poems), or milieus (literary is (authors), universalism issuing from cognitive studies rhetoric to cognition. This universalism that was the banner ripe for comparison with the humanistic unfurled, through Eurounder which both colonialism and anticolonialism rather than posiof the human and pursuit of negatively centric framing of brain science studies on tively defined universals. The recent progress brings us back to specific problems in figurative language understanding abstract humanism positing an "a priori" Jean-Paul Sartre's refusal of any fide potential for what Ralph whether this indicates bona world, although neurology" anchored in challenges James Savarese has called a "postcolonial A number of subsequent behavremains to be seen.22 to "neurotypicality" metaphor theory, notably through ioral studies have supported conceptual does indeed influence sensory percepconfirmation that rhetorical priming "hot-headed," for example, can raise tion. Metaphorical anger cues such as estimates of room temperature transition from conceptual metaphor theLawrence Barsalou developed a of the new millennium, theory in the early years ory to grounded cognition modal as distinct from amodal symfocusing on explanations for systems, James Savarese has called a "postcolonial A number of subsequent behavremains to be seen.22 to "neurotypicality" metaphor theory, notably through ioral studies have supported conceptual does indeed influence sensory percepconfirmation that rhetorical priming "hot-headed," for example, can raise tion. Metaphorical anger cues such as estimates of room temperature transition from conceptual metaphor theLawrence Barsalou developed a of the new millennium, theory in the early years ory to grounded cognition modal as distinct from amodal symfocusing on explanations for systems, --- Page 95 --- 80 DEBORAH JENSON and uses of knowledge. For Barsalou, simulation bols, in the constitution motor, and introspective states involving "the reenactment of perceptual, and mind" is a holistic experience with the world, body, acquired during states across the modalities and intestructure in which "the brain captures stored in memory. n24 Barsagrates them with a multimodal representation and other forms of modal symbollou argues that simulated embodiments words, are not causal roles in cognition; in other representations ism play but primary and foundational to cognition. secondary and epiphenomenal, which I will adapt in this essay to the Barsalou's grounded cognition theory, mimesis-which Erich Auerrhetoric, implicitly situates notion of grounded of reality"--not: as an aesthetic bach famously defined as the "representation mechanism of reflective modes, but as a fundamental product of specialized diverse sensory, percepthe brain's ability to synthesize and operationalize with the world.25 More recent tual, motor, and stored traces of the encounter of observation and as a basic alignment elaborations on grounded cognition Deborah Jenson and Marco Iacoaction execution in neuronal firing include biomimesis, " in which ontological representation boni's theory of "literary and artistic of literary representation.* in the brain models the engineering is certainly not the only Neuroscientific research on figurative language uniof thought as a cognitive discipline to lend itself to the study analogical culture. For example, of literary print versal rather than a particular product travel writing, and naturalist naranthropology, like its cousins ethnography, their rhetorical impact outside utterances and rative, also studies meaningful and coded in elite intellectual of the Republic of Letters as they are mapped with what the figAnd literary criticism at times has engaged communities. the " who could be Srinivas Aravamudan has defined as "tropicopolitan," ure inhabitant of the tropical cosmopolis, but also as understood not only as an within that liminal environment-incduding the troping persona/trajectory Yet research on metacareers in letters of the unlettered. the paradoxical look, a close-up, a reading at phor by neuroscientists allows a microscopic even when we die by the the neuronal level, of how we live by metaphor, against the demovements, but in movements sword, not only in literary and even when illiterate, which was anthropomorphizing system of slavery, arguably the level on which it interested Dessalines. Hemispheres of Cognition Republics of Letters, the "dread hand" and "dread feet" in the slave of The sensory apprehension rhetorical form in Haitian writer Ignace Nau's insurgency takes a visceral memories of an elderly mill 1837 account of the alleged early revolutionary "Le Lambi" Vieux Jérome). The short prose piece operator, "Old Jerome" (le only in literary and even when illiterate, which was anthropomorphizing system of slavery, arguably the level on which it interested Dessalines. Hemispheres of Cognition Republics of Letters, the "dread hand" and "dread feet" in the slave of The sensory apprehension rhetorical form in Haitian writer Ignace Nau's insurgency takes a visceral memories of an elderly mill 1837 account of the alleged early revolutionary "Le Lambi" Vieux Jérome). The short prose piece operator, "Old Jerome" (le --- Page 96 --- LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION (The Conch Shell), published in the Haitian Jerome opening up to his bon bourgeois newspaper L'Union, features startling acoustic poetics of the (good bourgeois) interlocutor on the had insurgency. 28 After conquered Port-au-Prince and chased Léger-Félicité Sonthonax black saliniers, when the away the colonist Borel and his recounts that country was trembling in a man six feet tall, and with the every member, Jerome Halaou. He divided his girth of two men, appeared: most ofwhom army into several sections, each with its were aligned with African communities own chief, One evening Halaou or "nations." had a caplata camped on the plantations Meilleur and Laserre, He (caprelata, a figure in the non-Catholic dain, bless, and make the soldiers priest corps) come to orgives a white cock for the invulnerable to their enemies. The caplata troops to exhibit and caress, which precious talisman and a banner, a would serve as a are instructed to run into battle coq merveilleux. All the soldiers of Halaou The whipping pigs' and horses' tails enemy canon fire would liquefy in in the air. their shelters, terrifying the response, and birds would flee from colonists. Then the seventy and eighty men assotor drums, caplata would give between cauldrons with which to conch shells, and the debris of sugar perform a frightful serenade all around Halaou. Halaou! tym, pan, dam! Canon cé bambou: tym, pan, dam! La poud cé dlau: tym, pan, dam! (Halaou! tym, pan, dam! Canons become bamboo: tym, pan, dam! Gunpowder becomes water: tym, pan, dam!) Halaou walks back and forth among this by this music. Then, to sonorous army, ravished to ecstasy and complete this scene, he orders the buildings to be torched. Amid the roar of the neighboring huts beat ofthe music! The French sentinel flames, men dance to the ofthe disquiet: "Captain, put your ear to the ground!" Croix-des-Bouquets listens with a truly strange sound! The earth is The captain responds, "What entrails." 77 churning a disturbing music deep in its Or as William Blake would put it: What the hammer? what the chain, In what furnace was thy brain? What the anvil? what dread Dare its deadly terrors clasp! grasp, . Amid the roar of the neighboring huts beat ofthe music! The French sentinel flames, men dance to the ofthe disquiet: "Captain, put your ear to the ground!" Croix-des-Bouquets listens with a truly strange sound! The earth is The captain responds, "What entrails." 77 churning a disturbing music deep in its Or as William Blake would put it: What the hammer? what the chain, In what furnace was thy brain? What the anvil? what dread Dare its deadly terrors clasp! grasp, --- Page 97 --- 82 DEBORAH JENSON beats and talismanic birds, canons magically becoming bamboo Cauldron becoming water through analogy to through analogy to bamboo, gunpowder to return to the lexicon of Lawater-these were "metaphors we live by," of the slaves' This "disturbing music" represents a poetics koff and Johnson. much later, and much less directly, processed insurgency that was only and transcription of an elder's through literacy, in the form of Nau's pursuit environment in which chanted story in the 1830s. The Halaou story shows an "instruments" available combined with musical rhythms using rhetoric was worlds, like horses' tails or fragments of sugar from the animal or industrial trance effect. "Tym, pan, dam!" cauldrons, to create a powerful incantatory that one can literally hear it by Rhetoric and musicality are SO "grounded" putting an ear to the ground. Illiterate Poets of the Western/Left Hemisphere? has been the provenance of the literate, In modern Western history, poetry salons and schools and manthe poet with quill or pen, connected to literary but that alphabetic terms, there is no question ifestoes. In neurobiological texts-bears a left-brain literacy-the capacity to read and write alphabetic even the malesions damage reading capacities; signature. Left hemisphere left hemispheric dominance for jority of left-handed people demonstrate of contralaterality)." reading (contradicting the physiological phenomenon the Wada test, or by a surgiWhen the left hemisphere is isolated through in the treatment of epilepsy, cal procedure called a commissurotomy, used scores on standardized patients can still produce normal verbal intelligence often has little impact neurological damage tests; likewise, right hemisphere and lexicon)" on syntax, phonology, literacy in print cultures has The left-brain correlation with alphabetic to a certain since the late nineteenth century, also extended more broadly, The French anthropologist and surunderstanding of language and logic. published 1888 articulated in his posthumously geon Paul Broca (1824-1880) we direct the movements of writing, Mémoires d'anthropologie that "Just as we speak with the left drawing, embroidery, etc., from the left hemisphere, >31 In the same era, Karl hemisphere"; as verbal beings, we are "left-brained." for the recepWernicke found another left temporal lobe region responsible Wernicke's area. rather than the production of language, now called tion like Dessalines, many of whom were How would anticolonial insurgents not only from oral from Africa in their youth, who transitioned kidnapped of knowledge (and from one set oflanto print systems of the preservation from freedom to enslavement, to another), but also (in most cases) guages 31 In the same era, Karl hemisphere"; as verbal beings, we are "left-brained." for the recepWernicke found another left temporal lobe region responsible Wernicke's area. rather than the production of language, now called tion like Dessalines, many of whom were How would anticolonial insurgents not only from oral from Africa in their youth, who transitioned kidnapped of knowledge (and from one set oflanto print systems of the preservation from freedom to enslavement, to another), but also (in most cases) guages --- Page 98 --- LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 83 rhetoric to harness poetics effectively in a discourse be sufficiently attuned to ofvengeance2t Savarese and Julie Kane, have recently argued But scholars, including processing dominance, is including left-brain language that neurotypicality, of writing and alphabetic literacy, not a partly determined by the privileging at least once they are acculturprecondition for it.33 People are left-brained, and scientific traated to writing and the texts ofthe rationalist philosophical didactic "On the Poetic ditions. Nicolas Boileau's seventeenth-century between poem, rational thought Arts" (1674) creates a kind of epigrammatic loop and its inscription in writing: Avant donc d'écrire, apprenez à penser Ce que l'on conçoit bien s'énonce clairement, Et les mots pour le dire arrivent aisément. (Before starting to write, learn to thinkWhatever is well conceived is clearly said, And the words to say it flow with ease.) differ from the "referential" or "techKane claims that poetry and poetics and that "the absence of associated with the left hemisphere, nical" speech in the brains of preliterate and illitleft-hemispheric dominance for language exhibit so-called 'magical' erate persons may explain why those populations n34 As Savarese summarizes: thinking rich in righthemispheric features. think of in precisely this way: as a stubKane proposes that we poetry and consumed born holdover from oral culture, a holdover now practiced and animals written form. "To view inanimate objects, plants, in private and will," she explains, "to grasp abas endowed with conscious agency which embody them, is to stract ideas in the form of concrete images Native Amerinhabit the mythic world of the ancient Greeks, Egyptians, of phonetic and countless other cultures prior to the introduction icans, right Investigating the role ofthe non-dominant alphabetic print literacy." Kane links poets (who, hemisphere in the production of poetic language, write),young inhibit the left hemisphere when they she believes, partially lateralized to the left), and pre-literate children (who have not yet fully peoples. 35 for the identification and cultural valPoetry is becoming a crucial portal Recent brain research inspired by orization of neurodiverse cognitive styles. have metaphor theory and grounded cognition the challenge of conceptual to the introduction icans, right Investigating the role ofthe non-dominant alphabetic print literacy." Kane links poets (who, hemisphere in the production of poetic language, write),young inhibit the left hemisphere when they she believes, partially lateralized to the left), and pre-literate children (who have not yet fully peoples. 35 for the identification and cultural valPoetry is becoming a crucial portal Recent brain research inspired by orization of neurodiverse cognitive styles. have metaphor theory and grounded cognition the challenge of conceptual --- Page 99 --- 84 DEBORAH JENSON recruitment of sensory and motor areas of the brain, focused precisely on the suggested by their bilateral distribution, and the interhemispheric activation and simulations in poetry. to account for complex metaphorical mappings Randall Stilla, and Krish SathIn 2012, Emory neuroscientists Simon Lacey, to better on the neural basis of metaphor processing ian published a study are not limited to classical language understand why lexicalized metaphors codes, distinct from the sensory in abstract areas. Is knowledge "represented was acquired, 7) or is it "represented through which the knowledge modalities 77 with cognition depending on in modal systems derived from perception, become a crucial arena for brain "perceptual simulations"2 Metaphor has stabilized, and research to determine how knowledge is constituted, science communicated. of metaphor by testLacey et al. sought to localize the sensory properties activmetaphors and their recruitment of domain-specific ing texture-based of having a "rough" day, does the ity in the sensory cortex. When we speak texture as well as the notion of unbrain react to associations with abrasive processed as unpleasant to the pleasantness2" Is a "slimy" person likewise cortex refers not only to The sensory touch as well as morally questionablezs- is the home for the primary somatosenthe bilateral postcentral gyrus that cortices of the senses in the left sory cortex, and to the primaryand secondary association cortex, hemisphere, but also to the somatosensory and the right information such that the object being sensed and which integrates sensory understood. Texture is perceived hapticallyperceived is an object being touch-and visually. involving the recognition of objects through of familiar texevent-related fMRI to compare the processing Using rapid of literal sentences conveying similar tural metaphors with the processing "preliminary evidence for the meanings, Lacey and his colleagues gathered activates texture-selective SOhypothesis that processing textural metaphors to described limited eviareas.' >39 This allowed the researchers matosensory of metaphors, indirectly supporting dence for the perceptual comprehension hypothesis that "knowledge embedded philosophy of cognition the culturally mappings derived from physical experiis structured around metaphorical Emblems of lettered vocations, ence.' >40 Anyone with a body can be a poet. and socially supfrom the quill to poetic languor, are historically contingent to the place of rhetoric in embodied cognition. plementary in "The Neural Career of Sensory-Motor Metaphors" Rutvik Desai et al. like "The daughter grasped have shown that neural responses to literal action, the idea," 71 like "The grasped > the flowers,' and to metaphorical action, involved public in action planning, but both activated the left anterior parietal lobule recruited from right hemispheric that the metaphorical action additionally have further41 Michele Diaz and Larson Hogstrom sensory-motor systems." or, are historically contingent to the place of rhetoric in embodied cognition. plementary in "The Neural Career of Sensory-Motor Metaphors" Rutvik Desai et al. like "The daughter grasped have shown that neural responses to literal action, the idea," 71 like "The grasped > the flowers,' and to metaphorical action, involved public in action planning, but both activated the left anterior parietal lobule recruited from right hemispheric that the metaphorical action additionally have further41 Michele Diaz and Larson Hogstrom sensory-motor systems." --- Page 100 --- LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 85 language engages the right inferior fronmore demonstrated that figurative influences and that the degree of novelty in metaphor especially tal gyrus recruitment of the right hemisphere." like Toussaint Louverture's parDessalines's lack of alphabetic literacy, be considered in the context alphabetic literacy, must tial or idiosyncratic and its fostering of collective speech of military culture in Saint-Domingue Should we be theorizwith varied educational training. acts among groups rather than the absence of ing a vicarious or cooperative alphabetization, borrowing the neuroscience metaphor alphabetization? Should we consider and areas ofthe brain to describe ofthe "recruitment" of different structures "recruitment" of the highly develDessalines's-and other Haitian leaders'- centers of their more sociooped alphabetic and printed cultural language to complement elite, Euro-educated, mixed-race confraternity, economically Beyond the obvious practical outsourcing their particular verbal strengths? had to have had a rhetorical education very oft the writing of texts, Dessalines verbal rhetor, or speaker, in that specifically different from that of a purely in the editing of his thinklettered interlocutors were trained and employed brain model behest. Vittorio Gallese's critique of the solipsistic ing, at his approach to theory of mind and intermental of an ultimately interpersonal of establishing impermeable walls and mind reading, suggests the naiveté in our social lives. and nonalphabetized cognition between alphabetized hemispheres to deconstruct models Even when we raise the issue ofbrain the notions of right hemisphere left-brain dominance, are ofl literacy-related the latest allegories of torrid zones and and left hemisphere in the brain biased relegations of magical Western metropolitan centers? Do we assign to the West? Should spheres and of rationalism thinking to non-Western hemispheres (currently "North" and brain and global we be considering hemisphere is to rationality as right hemi- "South") as analogical pairs-left racial divides of the "West Are the hegemonic sphere is to magical thinking? and the "Global South, analogical and the rest," ' or the northern hemisphere ofbiased and binaristic in the brain in a world to the politics ofhemispheres to contest literacy and literary achievement associations? Should we be ready as a "fearful symmetry" of colonial thought? to hemispheres is at the Intriguingly, the anthropological relationship Broca, the "discoverer" origins of what we now know as neuroscience. very who did some of his pioneerof Broca's area, was a physical anthropologist in the context of his exploration of ing neuroanatomical surgical research Haitian anthropologist presumed racial differences. The ninetenth-century Louis Joseph Janvier and Anténor Firmin, along with his Haitian colleagues milieu of Broca in Paris, inJ. B. Dehoux, shared the neuro-anthropological founded by Broca in 1859. Firmin refers cluding the Société d'anthropologie the "discoverer" origins of what we now know as neuroscience. very who did some of his pioneerof Broca's area, was a physical anthropologist in the context of his exploration of ing neuroanatomical surgical research Haitian anthropologist presumed racial differences. The ninetenth-century Louis Joseph Janvier and Anténor Firmin, along with his Haitian colleagues milieu of Broca in Paris, inJ. B. Dehoux, shared the neuro-anthropological founded by Broca in 1859. Firmin refers cluding the Société d'anthropologie --- Page 101 --- 86 DEBORAH JENSON des races humaines, sometimes posito Broca dozens of times in De légalité brains and other painful tively, but also in terms of the weighing of ethnic nineteenth-century scistate of many reminders of the racially inegalitarian references to Broca in Firmin's work, entific fields. 44 Of the eight or more deduct from this new systems: "What should we many contest classificatory Debates over the anatomy of the nervous foundation for classification2 fundamental preoccupafar-flung ethnicities are a system in geographically affirmed that Broca "was not always deaf to tion of Firmin's book. Firmin found himself pulled truth" and suggests that Broca only later, regrettably, the métissed offand polygenesis after studying into debates on monogenesis nevertheless, he is part of a key scientific obstacle spring of a rabbit and hare; of the equality of the races. to Firmin's goal Animals and A Prioris without a prioris contrasts starkly with The Sartrean ideal of a humanism epistemologies that attended the comparative evolutionary anthropological know it. It was in the context of this the genesis of neuroscience as we the author of De nineteenth-century culture of naturalism that anonymous in the the proliferation of animal analogies la gérontocratic en Haiti critiqued author complained that characterization ofl Haitian leaders. This anonymous abound between in the work of French writer Gustave d'Alaux, Dessalines "Affinities is like a lion, Chrisand wild beasts: Toussaint is fox-like, negroes the collection would be incomplete tophe is like a tiger, Riché is like a bull; the gorilla. 7 ("[EJntre les if Soulouque were not charged with representing du renard dans Touset les bêtes féroces, les affinités abondent: ilya dans nègres Dessalines, du tigre dans Christophe, du taureau saint, du lion dans si Soulouque n'était pas chargé de Riché. La collection ne serait pas complète but all the early Haitian leadreprésenter le gorille. ") Not just Dessalines, cerebral map of abstract, in their threat to a Eurocentric ers were tigerlike de Tussac in Cri des colons (1810) likewise rational man. François-Richard but also Louverture and Rigaud as separately describes not only Dessalines hand will obey nature's irretiger men: "[A] tiger unleashed by an imprudent obéit au " ("UJn tigre déchainé par une main imprudente, sistible penchant." Even the friends of blacks were considirrésistible de la nature. ")45 penchant to the Amis des noirs in a parliamentary ered tigerlike, as in this reference which he accused the abolitionist speech by the Earl of Westmoreland, in trade interests: "But is revolution in order to take over group of fomenting shall come, and this country it reasonable to suppose, that whenever peace in human frame shall every other trade, those tygers shall have engrossed have Furtherlucrative trade which we should relinquishedznot seize a irrésistible de la nature. ")45 penchant to the Amis des noirs in a parliamentary ered tigerlike, as in this reference which he accused the abolitionist speech by the Earl of Westmoreland, in trade interests: "But is revolution in order to take over group of fomenting shall come, and this country it reasonable to suppose, that whenever peace in human frame shall every other trade, those tygers shall have engrossed have Furtherlucrative trade which we should relinquishedznot seize a --- Page 102 --- LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 87 himself used the figure of speech to discredit Desmore, Henry Christophe salines after his death. force could have made both Thus when William Blake asked if the same Manichean and the lamb, he indirectly evoked the symmetrical, the tiger typologies ofracial species speculations: When the stars threw down their spears And water'd heaven with their tears: Did he smile his work to see? Did he who made the Lamb make thee? "Novel" Metaphors the brain's left hemisphere is commonly believed Kane argues that "though number of sub1 the right hemisphere possesses a to be the'seat oflanguage," a kind of cognitive synesthefunctions," n most of them linked to tle linguistic and perceptual recognition of evoked sia through the sensory apprehension by Lacey et al. of the textural properties material properties, as in the analysis of the motoric valences ofthe metaphor of a "rough" day: Some processing And there is evidence, action-related words also occurs in the right brain. to of Trimble, that "the links from the limbic structures according to Michael than those in the left to a greater degree the right hemisphere . developed precedes reason." >51 But Iain Mchemisphere, suggesting that "language is above all suited to nonfocal Gilchrist suggests that the right hemisphere or innoof related meanings and to novel figuration-unusual activations These all add up to a series of functions that are, n52 vative linguistic usages. with 'poetry' or poetic' speech. according to Kane, "virtually synonomous conventional or clichéd figures of There is a caveat, however: completely speech are still processed in the left hemisphere. of the brain is localization of cognitive function in a given part Rigid research on poetics. Epistemologies not the point of recent neurobiological hold increasingly little credmapped according to hemispheric localization cognitive specialties by ibility in neuroscience. Modulation of hemispheric by inwhich coordinates activity in one hemisphere the corpus callosum, makes the double negative of hibiting the activity of the other hemisphere, cerebral of than geographies disinhibition and inhibition more persuasive activation tells Recent neuroscience on right hemispheric poetic also reveals thought. not the prerogative of the educated. It us that poetry is absolutely which processes responses related that poetry stimulates limbic function, Dessalines's rhetorical desuch as fear and pain. The unlettered to survival serves as an iconic reminder that poetics are ployment of the pouncing tiger activity in one hemisphere the corpus callosum, makes the double negative of hibiting the activity of the other hemisphere, cerebral of than geographies disinhibition and inhibition more persuasive activation tells Recent neuroscience on right hemispheric poetic also reveals thought. not the prerogative of the educated. It us that poetry is absolutely which processes responses related that poetry stimulates limbic function, Dessalines's rhetorical desuch as fear and pain. The unlettered to survival serves as an iconic reminder that poetics are ployment of the pouncing tiger --- Page 103 --- 88 DEBORAH JENSON experience, as important of visceral sensoriperceptual in part a mastering as to the colonists trying to keep to former slaves in their military strategies African "tiger men" taboo. Notes called Dessalines the "African tiger" (tigre afric1. Michel-Etienne Descourtilz observations (Paris: Dufart, 1809) Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses ain). 3:268. Evénemens qui ont procédé et suivi lévacuation de Saint2. Armand Levasseur, de Varmée (Paris: Desprez, 1804), 30; Domingue, publiés par un oficier de Tétat-major militaire des guerres de la révolution Antoîne-Henri de Jomini, Histoire critique et (Paris: Chez Anselin et Pochard, 1824), 15:103. The New Science of How We Read See Stanislas Dehaene, Reading in the Brain: 3- (New York: Viking, 2009). humaines (anthropologie positive) (Paris: Anténor Firmin, De légalité des races 4Librairie Cotillon, 1885), 542. the November 29, 1803, preliminary proc5- Among Dessalines's legacy are: Clervaux, and Christophe, and lamation of Haitian liberty, signed by Dessalines, 1804; the January 1804 published in the United States in the first days of January third week of January first published in Haiti in the Declaration of Independence, in March 1804; the April 28 "I and in the US, not as a complete text but in parts, in the US in June 1804; the America" proclamation, first published Deshave avenged inhabitants of the Spanish part of Hispaniola; and May 8 proclamation to the nomination, first published in the salines's late August acceptance of his imperial poem that October 1804. As examples, see the apparently pre-independence US in National Archives of the United Kingdom; "Hymne Julia Gaffield uncovered in The " Gauterel, on and the poem signed by one of Dessalines's "grenadiers. in the Haytiène"; Dessalines's feast day, published August 1, 1805, the occasion of Emperor in Poetry of Haitian Inet commerciale d'Hayti. This poem appears Gazette politique trans. Norman Shapiro (New ed. Doris Kadish and Deborah Jenson, dependence, Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2015). Narrative: Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts 6. See Deborah Jenson, Beyond the Slave Press, 2011); and "Desin the Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: Liverpool University Journal of Haitian Proclamations of the Haitian Independence, salines's American Studies 15, no. 1/2 (2009): 72-102. match the appendix in The translations of the Declaration of Independence unless otherwise noted. Jean-Jacques this volume; all other translations are mine known by the phrase "I have Dessalines, "Aux Habitants d'Hayti," (Commonly avenged America"] April 28, 1804. or Declaration of Inreferences to the Haitian Acte de Mindépendance 8. All of Haitian Proclamations of the Haitian Independence, salines's American Studies 15, no. 1/2 (2009): 72-102. match the appendix in The translations of the Declaration of Independence unless otherwise noted. Jean-Jacques this volume; all other translations are mine known by the phrase "I have Dessalines, "Aux Habitants d'Hayti," (Commonly avenged America"] April 28, 1804. or Declaration of Inreferences to the Haitian Acte de Mindépendance 8. All --- Page 104 --- IN THE DECLARATION 89 LIVING BY METAPHOR Archives of the United Kingdom (TNA) version dependence are to The National unless otherwise noted, Colonial Office (CO) 137/m1/1. in The Patriot's Vocal "The British Lion, or the New Viva la," 9. Anonymous, Printed for the Booksellers ofIreland, 1804), 47. Miscellany (Dublin: Mémoires de madame la duchesse d'Abrantès (Brux10. Laure Junot d'Abrantès, elles: Société belge de librairie, 1837), 2:217. We Live By (1980; repr. Chicago: Lakoff and Mark Johnson, Metaphors 11. George The University of Chicago Press, 2008), 4an Orator in Twelve Books, Institutes of Oratory: or, Education of 12. Quintilian, Bell and Sons, 1903), book XII, chap. 1, trans. John Selby Watson (London: George 397-98. "Cadence Calls: Military Folklore in Action" (Missouri 13. See Kent Lineberry, Folklore Society, 2002), CEPSE (accessed November 1, 2013). Sxbolncaieru-oaiend D.A. Talboys, 1833), Hobbes, Aristotle's Treatise on Rhetoric (Oxford: 14. Thomas 223. Rubenstein Library copy of the Acte de lIndépen15- See the Duke University dance, - ration-efindgpendence/ and the "Era de francia" in what is now the Dominican 16. For more on Ferrand Ghetto, Ghettos of States: Haiti and the Republic, see Deborah Jenson, "States of The Global South 106, no. 'Era de Francia'i in the Dominican Republic, 1804-1808, certified by Ferrand is on the An image of the manuscript copy Univer1 (Fall 2012):156-71. The Haiti Issue (New Haven, CT: Yale cover of Yale French Studies, No. 107: manuscript copy of the ed. Deborah Jenson. I found the Ferrand sity Press, 2005), in the Paris National Archives in 2004: AN Haitian Declaration of Independence AF III 210. Dessalines and the African Character of 17. See Deborah Jenson, "Jean-Jacques 69, no. 3 (July 2012): 615-38. the Haitian Revolution,' William and Mary Quarterly Revolts, 17 Wordsworth CirGallant, "Blake's Coded Designs of Slave 18. Christine cle 42, no. 3 (Summer 2011): 211. Innocence and Songs of Experience William Blake, "The Tyger," Songs of www 19. States of the Human Soul (London: W. Blake, 1794), Shewing the Two Contrary manf-de-esre-ve the island of Hispaniola was the imported 20. The closest thing to a tiger on Histoire naturelle, générale See George Louis Leclerc de Buffon, jaguar, the chat-tigre. royale, 1761), 9:202. et particulière (Paris: de TImprimerie in the Flesh: The Embodied Mind Lakoff and Mark Johnson, Philosophyi 21. George (New York: Basic Books, 1999), 3-4and Its Challenge to Western Thought exhausts all possibility of relation with the Other is a priori, it thereby 22. "Ifi my and Nothingness (1943; repr. London: relation with others." " Jean-Paul Sartre, Being "Toward a Postcolonial NeurolRoutledge, 2003), 273; see Ralph James Savarese, : de TImprimerie in the Flesh: The Embodied Mind Lakoff and Mark Johnson, Philosophyi 21. George (New York: Basic Books, 1999), 3-4and Its Challenge to Western Thought exhausts all possibility of relation with the Other is a priori, it thereby 22. "Ifi my and Nothingness (1943; repr. London: relation with others." " Jean-Paul Sartre, Being "Toward a Postcolonial NeurolRoutledge, 2003), 273; see Ralph James Savarese, --- Page 105 --- 90 DEBORAH JENSON of the Body' 71 Journal ofLiterary and Tito Mukhopadhyay,. and a New Geo-poetics ogy: Cultural Disability Studies 4, no. 3 (2010): 273-89. The Emet al., "Hot-Headed' Is More Than an Expression: 23- B. M. Wilkowski in Terms of Heat,' ' Emotion 9 (2009): 464-77 bodied Representation of Anger Annual Review of Psychology 59 Lawrence Barsalou, "Gounded Cognition, 24. (2008): 618. of Reality in Western Literature, Erich Auerbach, Mimesis: The Representation 25. NJ: Princeton University Press, 1953). trans. Willard J. Trask (Princeton, Iacoboni, "Literary Biomimesis: Mirror 26. See Deborah Jenson and Marco ' California Italian Studies Neurons and the Ontological Priority of Representation, 2, no. 1 (2011), Srmasareomari Colonialism and Agency, 1688See Srinivas Aravamudan, Tropicopolitans: 27. NC: Duke University Press, 1999). 1804 (Durham, historiques (Le Lambi)," " L'Union no. 18, April 20, 28. Ignace Nau, "Souvenirs 1837. Instinct (New York: William Morrow, 1994). 29. Steven Pinker, The Language The Integrated Mind (New York: 30. J E. LeDoux and Michael S. Gazzaniga, Levine, Verbal ReaLI. Benowitz, K. Moya, and D. "Impaired s Plenum Press, 1978); with Right Hemisphere Damage," soning and Constructional Apraxia in Subjects Neuropsychologica 28, no. 3 (1990): 231-41. that yielded the conThe anatomical studies oft the brains of aphasic patients 31. portion ofthe frontal lobe ofthe left hemisphere cept of Broca's area in the posterior Broca, Mémoires d'anthropologie (Paris: began in 1861. Paul Broca and Auguste C. Reinwald, 1888), 5: 90. Dessalines and the African Character of the Hai32. See Jenson, "Jean-Jacques tian Revolution." framed as historically contingent Whether alphabets should be conceptually evo33crucial step in human cognitive epistemologies and technologies or as a single Stanislas Dehaene cognitive development, as argued by lution and in individual have elsewhere that Dessalines in The Reading Brain, is a vexed question. I argued the discipline (in a Foucauldian but unconditioned by was not only unalphabetized sense) of colonial educational systems. Language, 1 PSYART: A Hyperlink 34- Julie Kane, "Poetry as Righthemispheric Study ofthe Arts (May 3, 2007), wnnepyartjournal.com/ Journal for the Psychological Eatpmarinn 35. Ibid. Stilla, and K. Sathian, "Metaphorically Feeling: Com36. Simon Lacey, Randall Somatosensory Cortex,' " Brain R Language prehending Textural Metaphors Activates 120, no. 3 (2012): 416. 37. Ibid. 38. Ibid., 418. 39. Ibid., 417 link 34- Julie Kane, "Poetry as Righthemispheric Study ofthe Arts (May 3, 2007), wnnepyartjournal.com/ Journal for the Psychological Eatpmarinn 35. Ibid. Stilla, and K. Sathian, "Metaphorically Feeling: Com36. Simon Lacey, Randall Somatosensory Cortex,' " Brain R Language prehending Textural Metaphors Activates 120, no. 3 (2012): 416. 37. Ibid. 38. Ibid., 418. 39. Ibid., 417 --- Page 106 --- LIVING BY METAPHOR IN THE DECLARATION 91 40. Ibid., 416. 41. Rutvik H. Desai et al., "The Neural Career of Sensory-Motor Metaphors," Journal ofCognitive Neuroscience 23, no. 9 (2011): 2376. 42. Michele T. Diaz and Larson J. Hogstrom, "The Influence of Context on Hemispheric Recruitment during Metaphor Processing, Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 23, no. 11 (2011): 3586-97: Michele T Diaz, Kyle T Barrett, and Larson J. Hogstrom, "The Influence of Sentence Novelty and Figurativeness on Brain Activity," Neuropsychologia 49, no. 3 (2011): 320-30. 43. This would go two ways in colonial societies of slavery or revolutionary societies of decolonization. We note that Broca put embroidery in the language center, and despite the sensory and perceptual involvement of textile production and reception, textile and alphabetic literacies may yet be shown to have deep left hemispheric affinities. If this is the case, the textile (and even scarification and/ or tattooing) traditions among African populations could be seen as adding to the left hemisphere literacies of collaborative text production in emerging Haiti. Text/ texture/textile hold etymological overlap, with these words all further related to the notion of métissage as the genetic interweaving of recognizably different communities, which also deserves further analysis. 44. See, for example, Firmin's account of the early weighing ofbrain mass in De légalité des races humaines, 146. 45. Ibid., 87. 46. Ibid. 47. Anonymous, De la gérontocratie en Haiti (Paris: E. Dentu, 1860), 12. 48. François-Richard de Tussac, Cri des colons: contre un ouvrage de M. lévèque et sénateur Grégoire, ayant pour titre de la littérature des nègres (Paris: Chez Delauney, 1810), 121. 49. Earl of Westmoreland, July 5, 1799, The Parliamentary Register; or, History and the Proceedings and Debates ofthe Houses of Lords and Commons (London: J. Debrett, 1799), 583. 50. Kane, "Poetry." 51. Michael R. Trimble, The Soul in the Brain: The Cerebral Basis of Language, Art, and Belie(Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007), 198. 52. Kane, "Poetry." Paris: Chez Delauney, 1810), 121. 49. Earl of Westmoreland, July 5, 1799, The Parliamentary Register; or, History and the Proceedings and Debates ofthe Houses of Lords and Commons (London: J. Debrett, 1799), 583. 50. Kane, "Poetry." 51. Michael R. Trimble, The Soul in the Brain: The Cerebral Basis of Language, Art, and Belie(Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007), 198. 52. Kane, "Poetry." --- Page 107 --- --- Page 108 --- PART II Haitian Independence and the Atlantic --- Page 109 --- --- Page 110 --- Law, Atlantic Revolutionary and Exceptionalism, the Haitian Declaration of Independence MALICK W. GHACHEM One of the more remarkable images of Haitian painting by the Haitian artist Ernst independence is a 1999 "naif" style, Prophète's Prophète. Representative of the so-called of generals, great work shows Dessalines at the center of a standing on a stone platform in the town group reading the text of his square of Gonaives, their hands January 1 address to a throng of raised triumphantly above their heads cheering Haitians, right, Prophète depicts a in pride and joy. To the group representing the free Domingue, their reaction to the people of color of Saintleaves of the palm trees that tower announcement somewhat obscured by the scape that lies beyond. above the crowd and gesture to the seaI begin with Prophète's image because it about the Haitian captures two elemental truths Declaration of in tian Revolution more Independence particular, and the Haigenerally, that are sometimes to although one of the happier images of the easy overlook. First, painting also captures some of its grit and Haitian Revolution, Prophète's ambivalence seems characteristic sadness as well. An understated widge Danticat, he observed of his work. In a 1994 interview with Ed- "life in in connection with another Haiti is all about laughter and tears. ofhis paintings that people find a There is misery in Haiti but the way-and even have the nerve-to sing and dance and cry."2 There laugh. You see people who ingin The Haitian seems to be quite a lot of singing and dancDeclaration but a few tears as well, tears ofIndependence, also, ifone looks hard, not ifby we understand had to be made for something of the sacrifices that January 1, 1804, to come about. The Haitian ofIndependence was a triumphant and defiant Declaration spects, but it was also pervaded pronouncement in many reof loss, by a harsh and even tragedy, violence, and persecution. menacing awareness themes is not the same as Dessalines's rendition of these ofb both. Prophète's, but ambivalence is a common feature Second, Prophète's painting serves as a reminder that, in the beginning, to be made for something of the sacrifices that January 1, 1804, to come about. The Haitian ofIndependence was a triumphant and defiant Declaration spects, but it was also pervaded pronouncement in many reof loss, by a harsh and even tragedy, violence, and persecution. menacing awareness themes is not the same as Dessalines's rendition of these ofb both. Prophète's, but ambivalence is a common feature Second, Prophète's painting serves as a reminder that, in the beginning, --- Page 111 --- 96 MALICK W. GHACHEM IO Oml address, January 1, 1804- Painting by Dessalines reads the text of his of Jack Rosenthal and Holly Jean-Jacques (From the private collection Ernst Prophète, 1999- of Tequila Minsky) Russell; photo courtesy a text-or at least, it was was not originally the Haitian decthe Declaration of Independence British North American predecessor, oft these, not only a text. Like its document."' But more than either both an event and a an oral proclalaration was was, first and foremost, him in of Saint.Dominguey gathered around thei independence the of Haitians Dessalines to community In light of the clearly permation by depicted by Prophète. it as a "speech" the public space at Gonaives we might well describe with formative nature ofthe proclamation. things with words. 4 One contrast act," a way of doing the military action that gave or "illocutionary is that nearly all of declaration the American preceded its French raeentrrest independence that another rise to Haitian and justified fears of Haitians manifesto for the very real, persistent, This is, in significant part, a invasion would someday come. icted by Prophète. it as a "speech" the public space at Gonaives we might well describe with formative nature ofthe proclamation. things with words. 4 One contrast act," a way of doing the military action that gave or "illocutionary is that nearly all of declaration the American preceded its French raeentrrest independence that another rise to Haitian and justified fears of Haitians manifesto for the very real, persistent, This is, in significant part, a invasion would someday come. --- Page 112 --- LAW AND ATLANTIC REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 97 a cause that, while fragile, has already been the formal expression of Haiti's won. Another difference is that lamation rather than a written independence took the form of a live procof the original enactment, though Julia Gaffield's publication of the declaration discovery wished also to speak to the broader underscores that Haiti's leaders The Prophète Atlantic World via the medium of painting and others like it the print. lease on life, as art, and SO teach give Haitian declaration a third their us that, for contemporary Haitians founding-era ancestors, both the form and the as for dence canon are inherently content of the indepenplural. Is the declaration any less an act of"law" that it a discourse (to use the took the original form of memorably eighteenth-century French term) and today as an image? To answer persists most identification oflaw with written yes requires belief in a mistaken other. The modern or published instruments of one sort or anequation of law with print also literate slave populations of the early modern excludes the largely nonof legality and institutional New World from the province and others have justice, an exclusion that Natalie Zemon explored with great sensitivity and Davis of Flegal pronouncement describes insight. But what kind Dessalines's influence in fulminations against French Saint-Domingue, his emphatic was finally and forever over in Haiti? That insistence that the era of slavery seeks an answer. is the question to which this essay My answer turns on the relationship between made in the declaration, which two of the central claims of is more accurately understood as a pronouncements or acts, the centerpiece of which collection to the assembled people of Gonaives. is Dessalines's speech as the Haitian (I refer to these documents collectively independence canon and to Dessalines's declaration.") First, Dessalines insisted that discourse as "the an absolute rupture with the nation's independence would effectuate France in particular. Second, and less colonial slaveholding past and with lenged the transparently, the declaration chalEnlightenment belief that the period from constituted a symbiotic "Age of the 1770S onwards by the American and French (northern Atlantic) Revolution" dominated revolutions and Haitian Revolution. In both extending into the events ofthe contexts, Haiti's seems to stand for radical Declaration of Independence discontinuity: In no longer part of France and wanted announcing that "Haitians" were societies (the United States nothing more to do with slaveholding impliedly if not was also articulating an expressly included), Dessalines transformative independent status for the Haitian and foundational event ofthe Atlantic Revolution as a independence from colonial World. For the claim of lution did not and could slavery was also a claim that the Haitian Revonot share the means and ends (more particularly) the French revolutions. ofthe American and In this sense, 1804 marked the ouncing that "Haitians" were societies (the United States nothing more to do with slaveholding impliedly if not was also articulating an expressly included), Dessalines transformative independent status for the Haitian and foundational event ofthe Atlantic Revolution as a independence from colonial World. For the claim of lution did not and could slavery was also a claim that the Haitian Revonot share the means and ends (more particularly) the French revolutions. ofthe American and In this sense, 1804 marked the --- Page 113 --- 98 MALICK W. GHACHEM revolutions-and the beginning of end of the era of the northern Atlantic Latin American another that looks forward to the early nineteenth-century revolutions to the south. embedded in these claims. All sorts of fictions and compromises were the evidence that ran against Indeed Dessalines did not try to disguise all of influence, notably assertions of rupture. The traces of French the grain ofhis everywhere to be seen (hence everywhere French legal influence, remained of slavery were omnipresent he exclaimed. And the legacies to be eradicated), not simply in the form in Saint-Domingue on the cusp of independence, Louverture and Desenacted under both Toussaint of laws and regulations workers as harbingers of salines that struck many of the former plantation landscape, but also in the scars inflicted on the physical their servile past, world, and in countless other forms. Finally, in the hostility of the outside discernible impact on the Haitian Revalthough the American Revolution's could not be said of the French Revolution was indeed negligible, the same connected to parallel which, for much of the 1790S, was SO closely olution, to try to distinguish the events in Haiti that it becomes counterproductive two trajectories. truth in Dessalines's claims ofindeBy 1804, however, there was enough to sustain the declaration. pendence and Haitian revolutionary particularity remains a matter of contention. Exactly how we characterize those claims reflected in the contrischolarship (as In particular, Haitian revolutionary to this volume) continues to butions by David Geggus and Jeremy Popkin in terms that carry traces of frame the particularity oft the Haitian declaration the American The temptation to treat American and French exceptionalism. because it came first and embodDeclaration of Independence as normative declaration pointed forfuture, whereas Haiti's ied the Atlantic republican must be resisted. There was no single ward to Caribbean authoritarianism, one road out of slaverye in the Atlantic World nor any path to independence revolutionary America or France, was And Haiti's path, unlike that of either for the overwhelming a path out of racial plantation slavery this emphatically If we must say that Haiti has not managed majority of the population. we must also say that no other transition very well in the years since 1804, to do much better. faced with the same challenges, has managed nation, captures that mix of sentiments. Prophète's painting nicely OfLaw and Revolution documents, Haiti's declaration is not "about" any Like all complex historical most first reading this most subject. But what struck me upon one single unlike that of either for the overwhelming a path out of racial plantation slavery this emphatically If we must say that Haiti has not managed majority of the population. we must also say that no other transition very well in the years since 1804, to do much better. faced with the same challenges, has managed nation, captures that mix of sentiments. Prophète's painting nicely OfLaw and Revolution documents, Haiti's declaration is not "about" any Like all complex historical most first reading this most subject. But what struck me upon one single --- Page 114 --- REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 99 LAW AND ATLANTIC documents, aside from its obvious quintessential of Haitian revolutionary the cluster of references to and profound sense of grievance, was passion law and legality. Dessalines lamented that In his January 1, 1804, remarks at Gonaïves, retraces the memories "the French name still haunts our land. Everything habits, our towns, of this barbarous people: our laws, our of the cruelties 7These memories ofcruelty still carries the stamp oft the French." everything "with laws that will guaranmade it necessary to consolidate a new regime That last expression, ("votre libre individualité tee your free individuality" for it suggests that the crime of "free individuality," is especially revealing, freedom of a group of people, but slavery was not simply the negation of the unique attrialso the denial of their status as individuals, each possessing desire suppressed this aspect of the human personality-the butes. Slavery to lead a life that is truly one's to be different from all other personalities, of humanity. ("IA]m I not a own-while also violating the collective claims man and a brother?") declaration sounded very much like a (someFramed in these terms, the Elsewhere in his dismanifesto for the abolition of slavery. what abstract) that Haiti's Atlantic neighbors however, Dessalines noted pointedly course, under the aegis ofthe laws that they have made should be left to "live quietly with an awkward reference And he closed the declaration for themselves." for "laws that the spirit that watches over your to the temporary necessity The emphasis on law gave Haiti's destiny dictates to me for your happiness." character: the imperadeclaration at once a forward- and backward-looking with acknowlrupture with the colonial slave past competing tive ofabsolute shadows of the law of slavery would necessarily peredgment that aspects or law. sist at the level of both foreign and domestic recourse to a set of Dessalines resolved the tension by To some extent, what it meant for the new Haitian state to compromises and fictions about with, renunciation emphatFrance" at the level of law. To begin "renounce undermine slavery in other quarters of the ically did not entail a policy to (Alexandre Pétion's subsequent Atlantic World, as some have contended. abolition in Simon Bolivar on the condition that he support embrace of to create a space of asylum for the Spanish America, and his willingness 1804 assurances, but only Dessalines's enslaved inside Haiti, complicated the need to subordinate "insubsequently to the declaration itself.) Moreover, Louverture's to the demands of Haiti's "general liberty"-in dividual liberty" formal independence entailed in terms- meant that whatever guarantees phrase-would be conditional the way of "free indhidhaliny-Desalineis and the search for new legal From Louverture to Dessalines beyond, at best." to create a space of asylum for the Spanish America, and his willingness 1804 assurances, but only Dessalines's enslaved inside Haiti, complicated the need to subordinate "insubsequently to the declaration itself.) Moreover, Louverture's to the demands of Haiti's "general liberty"-in dividual liberty" formal independence entailed in terms- meant that whatever guarantees phrase-would be conditional the way of "free indhidhaliny-Desalineis and the search for new legal From Louverture to Dessalines beyond, at best." --- Page 115 --- 100 MALICK W. GHACHEM for the "rule of law" that, in foundations was embedded in a larger quest promise to the new seemed to offer only an illusionary the circumstances, nation. radical claims of the declaration as Yet to characterize some of the more in their own day. fictions is not to deny that they served an urgent purpose or other nature, can be highly consequential.o Fictions, whether of a legal existence of Haiti, the very Beyond this general consideration, the mere itself-all of these class, and the act of the declaration fact of its new ruling in the Atlantic World. It is easy to demonnovel forces were momentously from the beginning, a legal formalism strate that Haiti's independence was, to the control of forthat could not disguise the nation's acute vulnerability States above all. The AmeriFrance, Britain, and the United the same eign powersrevolutions clearly did not all act upon can, French, and Haitian ofthe Haitian declaration is, in a sense, world-historical stage. But the genius chain of events triggered that they did. Part and parcel oft the same to pretend revolutions became entities unto themby the Seven Years' War, the three delineated by the relationship selves after 1804, their characters more clearly boundaries stood to each other. In that process of demarcating in which they distinctive identities upon them, between revolutions and hence stamping the world stage fiction of Haiti as a sovereign nation acting upon the legal a central place, even as the nation itself as other sovereign nations occupied became an outcast in a world it had helped to create. Rule of Law Haiti's Revolutionary Haiti's status "among the Powers of the Dessalines's ability to announce Toussaint Louvercritically on the efforts ofhis predecessor" earth" depended first in a long line of Louverture's 1801 constitution-the ture. In particular, and the first document to codify the abolition written Haitian constitutions, and to guarantee equal of racial slavery, to prohibit racial discrimination, instrumental to the protection under the law in the Atlantic World-was 11 For it was the of events that culminated in Haitian independence." course the "war of independence" of 1802-3, whose 1801 constitution that triggered Dessalines's searing imagery in the raw memories SO transparently underlay familiar to historians of declaration. While the 1801 constitution is now quite and Haiti's its relationship to the tumult of 1802-3 the revolutionary period, rule of law should not go without comment subsequent efforts to institute a dedicated to the Haitian Declaration of Independence. in a volume that begins with Louverture's constiThe Haitian crisis of independence resemblance to and ends on New Year's Eve 1803 bore only a passing tution crisis of the 1770S. The most obvious similarity may the American imperial ly underlay familiar to historians of declaration. While the 1801 constitution is now quite and Haiti's its relationship to the tumult of 1802-3 the revolutionary period, rule of law should not go without comment subsequent efforts to institute a dedicated to the Haitian Declaration of Independence. in a volume that begins with Louverture's constiThe Haitian crisis of independence resemblance to and ends on New Year's Eve 1803 bore only a passing tution crisis of the 1770S. The most obvious similarity may the American imperial --- Page 116 --- REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 101 LAW AND ATLANTIC may well seem overstated in be one that, in light of the Haitian comparison, hesitance to seek and declare on the American Revolution: the recent writing in the Haitian case than independence until very late in the process-farlateri it could not have 12 Before the 1802-3 war of independence, the American.' would culminate in the complete sevbeen predicted that Haiti's revolution Napoléon Bonaof all ties with France for which Dessalines agitated. erance not the last person to construe Louverture's parte was the first but certainly a shot across the 1801 constitution as a de facto declaration of independence, and rules by which bow rather than a coherent attempt to state the principles seems to have would be governed. But Louverture the new Saint-Domingue and rules could and would operate within envisioned that those principles For him, and for most others at framework of some sort. a French imperial far from inevitable as of 1801, and may well have the time, independence was and deportation to France in June been unforeseeable. While his capture full thirteen years or SO after the 1802 put an end to that illusion, they did SO a after the uprising revolution, eleven years beginning of the Saint-Domingue at Bois Caïman. difference between the This chronology, in turn, points to a conspicuous extent the 1801 consticrises. To the American and Haitian independence but also the first governing tution was not simply a warning to Napoléon become Haiti, the Haitian path charter of the state that would eventually In British North the reverse of the American." to statehood was effectively amounted to announcing "statehood in America, the sequence of 1776/1787 has put it), followed by of independence" (as David Armitage the language of the state." 14 There is little in the constituting the union in the language materially from any asto suggest that Haiti borrowed Haitian experience Most superficially, the sequence of pect of this prior North American history. flipped the American 1801/1804 constitution followed by independencein 1801 head. In one of his supreme acts of statesmanship, example on its his rule over the fractured Toussaint Louverture attempted to consolidate over which he by promulgating a constitution territory of Saint-Domingue control. The entity to which this himself exercised more or less singlehanded "free a . French colony," not a constitution applied was, it bears emphasizing, declaration.' 15 state" in the manner of the 1776 and independent becomes what form ofcolonial That being the case, the operative question in light of the Louverture sought to institute in Saint-Domingue be governance Here again, the 1801 constitution can available models and precedents. American or French precedents. likened only in a very rough sense to either to divide authority the 1801 charter sought As was true of its predecessors, the "legislative, the "governbetween the three branches of government: did draw In this respect, Louverture's handiwork ment," " and the "tribunals." ofcolonial That being the case, the operative question in light of the Louverture sought to institute in Saint-Domingue be governance Here again, the 1801 constitution can available models and precedents. American or French precedents. likened only in a very rough sense to either to divide authority the 1801 charter sought As was true of its predecessors, the "legislative, the "governbetween the three branches of government: did draw In this respect, Louverture's handiwork ment," " and the "tribunals." --- Page 117 --- 102 MALICK W. GHACHEM and French notions ofthe separation of powers. And vaguely upon American of private property as "sacred and discrete provisions, such as the guarantee in the 1789 French Decinviolable, > echoed similar statements of principle more or of Man and the Citizen." But the analogies laration of the Rights less end there. to divided government, the new Notwithstanding a formal commitment of the colony (a post constitution clearly gave the top hand to the governor the power appointed himself for life), who possessed to which Louverture could adopt. And Louverture's all measures that the legislature to propose forms of jurisdiction that reflected Saintconstitution recognized two other militarized society of plantations: Domingue's distinctive character as a forces. Yet another pair of the municipal administration and the armed as they did plantitles confirmed this orientation, regulating constitution's of abandoned and confiscated trade, and the management tation cultivation, properties.' 17 toward its more conservative diIft these aspects of the constitution point forward-looking and bold in mension, other provisions were unequivocally of the document's the context of their times. This is true most obviously not exist Title II) to the abolition of slavery: "Slaves may commitment (in forever abolished. All men are there servitude is there on this territory, [and] French.' >18 In the very same phrase by which the born, live, and die free and continuity (in the announced an end to slavery, it also portended constitution with the imperial framework. A separate proviform of French civic status) of the laws: "The law something like the equal protection sion guaranteed *19 As David Brion Davis is the same for all, whether it punishes or protects." would not make their reminds us, abolition and equal protection principles The first Haitian constitution until 1865 and 1868.20 way into the American dramatic innovation at the level of doconstitution, in other words, coupled of the external with maintenance (or, at most, hedging) mestic legal principle framework that would oversee this new domestic regime. that made it difficult the to combine these two pursuits It was attempt adhere to either of them. for Louverture and his successors to successfully declaration were and fictions that appear in the text of The compromises of"general liberty," of which the 1801 already present in Louverture's project sandwiched in time beconstitution was only a part. That document came before and after that sharply curtailed (both tween two other proclamations liberty and equality. In his October the fact) Title Il's guarantees ofi findividual November 1801 proclalabor regulations and a subsequent 1800 plantation rules that would tie the formally freed slaves mation, Louverture set forth who refused to work the land, and to their plantations, punish "vagabonds" of which the 1801 already present in Louverture's project sandwiched in time beconstitution was only a part. That document came before and after that sharply curtailed (both tween two other proclamations liberty and equality. In his October the fact) Title Il's guarantees ofi findividual November 1801 proclalabor regulations and a subsequent 1800 plantation rules that would tie the formally freed slaves mation, Louverture set forth who refused to work the land, and to their plantations, punish "vagabonds" --- Page 118 --- REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 103 LAW AND ATLANTIC identification cards that could be held only provide for a system of municipal of a "recognized" status or position." by those possessed administrator of Saint-Domingue to insist Louverture was hardly the first and forced labor. The emansuch measures of plantation surveillance in upon Sonthonax and Étienne Polverel of Léger-Félicité cipation proclamations and indeed it is impossible and 1794 contained very similar provisions, without in Saint-Domingue in the 1790S to trace the history of emancipation that went along with liberty. The parallel attention to the coercive strictures been best by Claude combination of carrot and stick has captured resultant liberty" oft the freed slaves as a comMoise: in order to preserve the "general such Louverture Atlantic World resolutely hostile to liberty, munity in an the freedom that each oft the individuals making found it necessary to qualify of his own labor as each saw fit.22 that community enjoyed to dispose up references in Louverture's public pronounceAs Moïse sees it, the many for a "rule of law" in Saintto the need ments in these years (1800-1802) version of liberty, rather Domingue speak to this tragically compromised rule. 23 Others may be more inthan to an innate penchant for authoritarian individual liberty a contradicclined to call the tension between general and Louverture's policies tion in terms. Whatever the best way of characterizing American revolutionary be, it seems clear that he was following a North as may broadest of outlines. To the contrary, even insofar star only in the very was concerned, the conservative) dogma of "general liberty" the (arguably had come to upend the order of things as esHaitian revolutionary process the events of 1776. By 1802-3, a second tablished in the Atlantic World by but it would state in the Atlantic World was perforce on its way, independent different from those that had served to conbe organized on principles very of the questions of abolition and stitute the first-most notably in respect enshrined in the Haiequality:" This, too, is part of the exceptionalism legal tian independence canon. in the Declaration Law and Foreign Policy abstract references to liberty and to the equality Other than its powerful but in the American declaof all human beings at creation, there was nothing doctrines of the Haitian which to model these quintessential ration upon reflects that dissonance at several levRevolution. The Haitian declaration policy toward other its statement of the new nation's foreign els, including somewhat romantic effort to assimilate the Atlantic slaveholding powers. A continues to feed interest American and Haitian revolutions to one another modofthe Haitian declaration that was, supposedly, in an alleged first draft abstract references to liberty and to the equality Other than its powerful but in the American declaof all human beings at creation, there was nothing doctrines of the Haitian which to model these quintessential ration upon reflects that dissonance at several levRevolution. The Haitian declaration policy toward other its statement of the new nation's foreign els, including somewhat romantic effort to assimilate the Atlantic slaveholding powers. A continues to feed interest American and Haitian revolutions to one another modofthe Haitian declaration that was, supposedly, in an alleged first draft --- Page 119 --- 104 MALICK W. GHACHEM draft that itself underwent significant revision at eled on Jefferson's draft-a 25 Perhaps one day the manuscript the hands of the Continental Congress." there is certainly no draft will be recovered. In the meantime, of this alleged contained in a recent account of the diploevidence to support the assertion, declaration was American Revolution, that "the black republic's macy ofthe wrote in 1776. m26 modeled on the one that Jefferson Haiti was a highly elsewhere that abolition in revolutionary Ihave: argued achievement in its own time, depending as it did conflicted and ambiguous with the law and culture of slavery that and collaborations on compromises "abolition." n27 It is also true that the Amerby the label are not easily captured slavery in 1787 does not negate the potent ican founders' failure to abolish Revolution, tools that would later ideological tools generated by the American and others in liberation of African Americans, women, facilitate the actual these points, however, subsequent generations." 28 Even after acknowledging alone of the three it remains the case that the Haitian revolutionary northern process, Atlantic, posed a great revolutions of the late eighteenth-century between master and slave as it frontal challenge to the domestic relationship then existed on the territory of a major slave colony. slavery as a sysRevolution also directly challenged Whether the Haitian is a different matter. David commercial relationships tem of international Dessalines was not argues that, in declaring Haiti's independence, Armitage the end of slavery" but also "thereby simply "asserting firmly and clearly like the United States. n29 threatening the stability of remaining slave powers constitution expressly auThat last point is far less clear. Louverture's 1801 and indeed described thorized the continued importation of "cultivators" in another to the rebuilding of Saint-Domingue, them as "indispensable" liberty could be sacrificed manifestation ofl Louverture's belief that individual to general liberty where necessary of the Atlantic slave trade did not find It is true that this limited embrace speech or into the first postinits way into Dessalines's 1804 independence of 1805). But to describe Haiti's Decdependence Haitian constitution (that of the Atlantic World's laration of Independence as a threat to the stability in Desslave powers is to overlook a very conspicuous passage remaining Gonaives. "Let us ensure however that a prossalines's January 1 address at P he intoned. "[LJet our neighbors elytizing spirit does not destroy our work," the of the laws that they breathe in peace, let them live quietly under aegis firebrands promade for themselves, and let us not go, as revolutionary have of the Antilles, seek glory by disturbing the claiming ourselves legislators Islands. n Dessalines was undoubtedly speaktranquility of the neighboring audience in this passage. Gaffield's ing to both a domestic and international declaration canon is especially edition of the discovery ofthe original printed P he intoned. "[LJet our neighbors elytizing spirit does not destroy our work," the of the laws that they breathe in peace, let them live quietly under aegis firebrands promade for themselves, and let us not go, as revolutionary have of the Antilles, seek glory by disturbing the claiming ourselves legislators Islands. n Dessalines was undoubtedly speaktranquility of the neighboring audience in this passage. Gaffield's ing to both a domestic and international declaration canon is especially edition of the discovery ofthe original printed --- Page 120 --- REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 105 LAW AND ATLANTIC reasonable to infer from the Haitian govsignificant on this point. It seems and then circulate it to the ernment's decision to publish Dessalines's speech in World that Dessalines meant for this language particular greater Atlantic other New World slave powers. It was not to reach Jefferson's America and intended for foreign as well as dothat Dessalines the only pronouncement statement, and one that complicates mestic consumption, but it was a critical intervention into the politics the notion that Haiti's declaration was a radical of the Atlantic World. its emphasis on law. Dessalines Notice one other aspect ofthis language: of laws that institution was a function recognized that slavery as a domestic for itself. To respect those laws each slave society oft the New World developed nations and the juristic boundaries that separated sovereign was to recognize To seek to upend those laws would make the their colonies from one another. the Antilles," a role that Dessalines Haitian revolutionaries "legislators of Haitian state itself declined because it would endanger the new expressly to which that new state was now by violating the principle of sovereignty in this sense, entailed at formally committed. The logic of independence, elsewhere in the with the existing reality of slavery least some compromise of the law could be used to sever the ties that Atlantic World. The language not necessarily the effect) bound Haiti to France: that was the point (though discourse of the law of independence. But to participate in the of declaring that other societies remained nations also required an acknowledgement a cost of declaring slaveholding pasts: that was, arguably, bound to their independence. ofthe law of nations and the act of declaring Whether inherent in the logic Haiti from extera strategy to protect independence or merely precautionary antirevolutionary Dessalines's Gonaïves address struck a distinctly nal foes, of Haiti. This aversion to interslavery outside the boundaries note regarding states did not long remain a cenvening in the domestic laws of neighboring assumed of Haitian foreign policy, and its implementation tral component between Caribbean colonies that an ability to maintain sharp boundaries of President Pétion's use in often porous. Ada Ferrer's study were practice influence abroad, which of free soil principles to project Haiti's antislavery of Afro-Jamaican sailors focuses on his decision to grant asylum to a group and "forof "domestic" in 1817. offers a rich account of the inseparability also cite Pétion's insistence Caribbean." One could eign" in the post-1804 of the former's willingness to that Bolivar push for abolition as a condition As of the precursor of Latin American independence. shelter and support aspects of Haitian foreign policy 1804, however, these more interventionist remained several years in the future. Haiti's antislavery of Afro-Jamaican sailors focuses on his decision to grant asylum to a group and "forof "domestic" in 1817. offers a rich account of the inseparability also cite Pétion's insistence Caribbean." One could eign" in the post-1804 of the former's willingness to that Bolivar push for abolition as a condition As of the precursor of Latin American independence. shelter and support aspects of Haitian foreign policy 1804, however, these more interventionist remained several years in the future. --- Page 121 --- 106 MALICK W. GHACHEM A Domestic "State of Exception' "? has served as a touchstone for acGiorgio Agamben's book State of Exception in Italy in 2003 discussion of emergency law since it was published ademic The basic premise of the book is that, and in English translation in 2005.2 state to on an emergency the First World War, the claim of the govern since of"normal" government. While claiming the basis has become a paradigm other words, the state of exception oppower to suspend everyday law, in of law masks law's a form of the rule of law: the negation erates as itself This is the paradox that Agamben's work has reliance on its very negation. popularized in scholarly discourse. that Dessalines, again in sharp It is not too much of a stretch to suggest like a the Americans in 1776, was trying to declare something contrast to address at Gonaives. The rule of "state of exception" in his January 1, 1804, the world on that day was law that he created and announced to vulnerable: emergency because Haiti remained highly exceptional in significant part vulnerable also to the legacies of the and vulnerable to external aggression conflict between creole (New World- "war within the war" of 1802-3. The Trouillot SO insurgents that Michel-Rolph born) and bossale (African-born) Dessalines's own position analyzed in Silencing the Past threatened brilliantly Louverture: both were born in Saint-Domingue as successor to Toussaint from the rise of bossale militancy and both faced challenges to their authority of the conflicts beof 33 This is to say nothing during the war independence." creole or bossale) and free people of tween the recently enslaved (whether division of Haiti in 1806 (and make color that would eventually produce the free colored republic in the the divergent foreign policies of Pétion's possible black monarchy in the North until 1820). South and Christophe's that Dessalines would apSet against this context, it is hardly surprising both from within and withconditions facing Haitians peal to the emergency of facilitating Dessalines's out. Such an appeal served the obvious purpose But to be effective, the consolidation of his own power as the head of state. appeal to the effort along the lines of Louverture's strategy required some ofindividual and general libHaitian public interest: an attempted synthesis the conin precisely this direction by highlighting erty. Dessalines gestured nation's own domestic laws of slavery. straints imposed by the new themselves from their own hisHaitians needed urgently to emancipate of the colonial past circa tory, in effect. Dessalines evoked the persistence "Everything here recalls 1804 in the language of haunting and memory. our laws, our manof the cruelties of those barbarous people; n the memory still carries the imprint of the French.' What ners, our towns, everything and real was that they were made these memories all the more foreboding highlighting erty. Dessalines gestured nation's own domestic laws of slavery. straints imposed by the new themselves from their own hisHaitians needed urgently to emancipate of the colonial past circa tory, in effect. Dessalines evoked the persistence "Everything here recalls 1804 in the language of haunting and memory. our laws, our manof the cruelties of those barbarous people; n the memory still carries the imprint of the French.' What ners, our towns, everything and real was that they were made these memories all the more foreboding --- Page 122 --- REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 107 LAW AND ATLANTIC of actual French persons in Saintaccompanied by the lingering presence 17 said Dessalines, "and yet "There are Frenchmen in our Island," Domingue. of that Republic which fought every you think you are free and independent those who are deterother nation, it is true; but which has never vanquished mined to be free." immediate response. There was not An imminent threat required an call to eliminate all rethis statement from an explicit much that separated the soil of Haiti, and Dessalines notorimaining white French residents on months later, in a move that reously would make good on his threat several exploit as a justification actionary critics ofthe Haitian Revolution would long difficult to erase the Haiti's own right to exist. It would be more for opposing in the form of depersonalized specters: laws, traces of France that remained itself), the weight of signs, names, figures of speech (the French language oft the French."' ") Dessalines custom, and all else that "still carrie(d] the imprint met more that has still not been thereby raised a challenge to his countrymen of continued reliance later, as the single example than two hundred years and elite culture attests. 34 upon the French language in official fide in terms that Conceptualizing the task and goal of bona independence ofhand. But for Haitians to realize was not exactly sleight made it impossible the of law in a context that, use of concept it did rely on a very ambiguous of the war of independence, seemed flowing from the very anarchical period of the of law. Dessalines evoked the haunting presence the very antithesis referring to laws that order on the day ofi independence by French plantation of those barbarous people. Declining continued to embody "the cruelties well have been the exact laws he was describing, Dessalines may to specify But that edict had been impliedly repealed for referring to the Code noir. Most other elements of the the last time with Louverture's 1801 constitution. Haitian order remained in place in 1804, and postrevolutionary colonial legal based in measure on French legal law codes would continue to be significant including Napoléon's 1804 Code civil. nonetheless precedents, cruelties he had in mind, Dessalines Whatever the specific for emphasizing that the stricimmediate and personal reason had a more still echoed in the legal landscape of the new natures of the law of slavery awkwardly anticipated some of the tion. Near the very end ofl his speech, he that would soon arise from some ofhis very own policies: discomfort while receiving the laws that the spirit If you ever rejected or grumbled dictates to me for your happiness, you that watches over your destiny would deserve the fate of ungrateful peoples. of the liberty you this shocking idea; you will be the support But I reject you. 35 cherish, the support of the chief who commands still echoed in the legal landscape of the new natures of the law of slavery awkwardly anticipated some of the tion. Near the very end ofl his speech, he that would soon arise from some ofhis very own policies: discomfort while receiving the laws that the spirit If you ever rejected or grumbled dictates to me for your happiness, you that watches over your destiny would deserve the fate of ungrateful peoples. of the liberty you this shocking idea; you will be the support But I reject you. 35 cherish, the support of the chief who commands --- Page 123 --- 108 MALICK W. GHACHEM because the translation is inevitably Again, the reference is elusive (in part with and to laws that have been met rejection inexact): Dessalines points which laws he has in mind. This statement grumbling without telling us 1, 1804, as the origto refer to rules yet to be promulgated as of] January seems tense of"les lois que le génie . inal French speaks in the future conjunctive me dictera pour ton bonheur." to dictate to you in ways that will cause "Your happiness" will require me be found both the making if not defance: in this one sentence can Louverture's protest Dessalines's short reign. The passage echoes and unmaking of rule of law in 1800-1801 on at least two embrace of the a own ambiguous continued Louverture's hybrid policy of different levels. First, Dessalines formal combined with commitment to abolition and equality constitutional a series of plantation uprisings in draconian labor regulations that prompted in no small part on October 1801. Indeed Dessalines's rise to power depended of these Louverture with the brutal suppression his having been charged by time for him to assume conuprisings. 36 Not surprisingly, when it came same very Dessalines found himself in very trol ofthe northern insurgent camps, continued flow of money and goods from position of needing to guarantee a articulated this dilemma in the once thriving plantations. Second, Dessalines distinction between general terms that echoed very closely the Louverturian the latter with its emphasis on the need to subordinate and individual liberty, his followers to accept the demands of the former. Dessalines expected to would "dictate" to him "for with resignation the policies that a higher power could fail to see that in s Only an "ungrateful" people [their] own happiness." would be acting to "sustain" rather than unsol leading the nation, Dessalines every Januaryi 1in Haiti. dermine the liberty henceforth to be commemorated much as an Atlantic of sounds like nothing SO This vision governance version oft the state of exception. His colonial (and imminently postcolonial) all French influence from the scene protestations about the need to eliminate naïve about Dessalines cannot be accused of being overly notwithstanding, would work on Haiti's future. In contrast the legal fictions that sovereignty there is far less in the Haitian to the American Declaration ofIndependence, of sovereign declaration canon on the importance of joining a community declaration evokes the drama of "assumling) states. Where the American and equal station to which the among the Powers of the earth the separate United States, the and of nature's god entitled" the newly laws of nature ofany continued association with Haitian declaration dwells on the dangers declaration asserts title to the full or traces of France. 37 Where the American war, conclude peace, of "free and independent states" to "levy prerogatives commerce," n etc., the Haitian declaration emphacontract alliances, establish death to anyfree and independent" means "preferfring] sizes that "livling) the American and equal station to which the among the Powers of the earth the separate United States, the and of nature's god entitled" the newly laws of nature ofany continued association with Haitian declaration dwells on the dangers declaration asserts title to the full or traces of France. 37 Where the American war, conclude peace, of "free and independent states" to "levy prerogatives commerce," n etc., the Haitian declaration emphacontract alliances, establish death to anyfree and independent" means "preferfring] sizes that "livling) --- Page 124 --- REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 109 LAW AND ATLANTIC back under the yoke." Put simply, the Haitian thing that will try to place you of it burns with reads like an enactment of a state emergency; declaration compared to which studied consideration a sense of temporal immediacy, of statehood seems abstract and remote. of the international legal incidents Conclusion language of "liberty" and the What should we make of this compromised and of the short reigns of "rule oflaw" in the Haitian independence canon, to see both figures and Dessalines more generally? It is tempting Louverture dictators in their own right and precursors (and particularly Dessalines) as "authoritarianism" in the nineteenth and of modern Haitian and Caribbean much in their approach to govCertainly there was not twentieth centuries," principles of repubernance that reflects a commitment to revolutionary-era of powers) or at level (the separation licanism, whether at the institutional the thrust of the authoritarithe individual level (the rights of man). Indeed, Revolution, to discount the notion that the Haitian anism thesis is precisely radical form of politics committed to in its outcomes, represented a uniquely individualism. 39 At that level of generality, republicanism and modern liberal both tell us less than meets the eye. The however, the thesis and its antithesis whether the Haitian Revoluis true ofthe related contest over same arguably resulted in the resurrection of older tion in fact abolished "slavery" or simply practices of coerced labor under a different guise. from these deHere is where a work of art makes a difference. Missing ambivalence capversions, is the bates, especially in their more polemical rooted in the naïf painting. Perhaps it takes a perspective tured in Prophète's fact of Haitis existence as a separate tradition to remind us that the mere novelty, a revolutionary state in the Atlantic World of 1804 was a tremendous culture that of the character ofthe political act in its own right-independent is certainly on a par with the "momentous accompanied that act. This novelty of when he describes the American radicalism" that Gordon Wood speaks dominated by the "commonplace Revolution as having ushered in a new era people. n40 The very idea of a legitimate behavior" and concerns of"ordinary of African descent, was a deeply black state, a state led by and for persons 17 And the image and reality extension of the "Age of Revolution. revolutionary of this new state was inseparable from the novof Afro-Haitians at the head unprecedented, given elty of 1804, even though it was not, strictly speaking, as of the late Louverture's de facto leadership of Saint-Domingue Toussaint 1790S. of this radicalism consisted of the proviThe central legal embodiment 1805 constitution 1801 constitution and Dessalines's sions in Louverture's black state, a state led by and for persons 17 And the image and reality extension of the "Age of Revolution. revolutionary of this new state was inseparable from the novof Afro-Haitians at the head unprecedented, given elty of 1804, even though it was not, strictly speaking, as of the late Louverture's de facto leadership of Saint-Domingue Toussaint 1790S. of this radicalism consisted of the proviThe central legal embodiment 1805 constitution 1801 constitution and Dessalines's sions in Louverture's --- Page 125 --- 110 MALICK W. GHACHEM abolishing slavery "forever" and under the law,41 Dessalines's guaranteeing the equal treatment of all promise in the mulgate "laws that will guarantee independence discourse to prothis spirit, even though he your free individuality" should be read in until the leaders of the cautioned that such freedom had to be deferred revolution had our devotion.' That collectively given "the final of proof, an oath "to proof breath,' > was the military fight for independence until their last the insistence counterpart to the political and legal upon the necessity of severing all ties with promise. And Dessalines's vision of Haiti's future, France was, in commitment to ending equally inseparable from the bedrock crossed slavery-though it also over the line separating tragically and ominously remaining white French residents independence from the extermination of all in The snare in this vision is not that Saint-Domingue. Dessalines ined themselves to be and his fellow leaders assuming a fully and imagof eliciting the same 'separate equal station" capable recognition from "the Powers American republic would of the earth" that the salines's vision of eventually win after 1812. It is, rather, that DesFrance with renunciation independence, on the whole, conflated renunciation of of the legacies of the law tions ofmore than one hundred of slavery. The reverberayears of life were not available for "renunciation" under the rule oft the Code noir historical in this way, no more than legacy can be erased by a single any complex for that matter, by an ideology like the speech or stroke of the pen. Or, Louverture's and Dessalines's rule oflaw, SO prominent a thread in state and the society that would thinking about the nature of the new Haitian When it rise from the ashes of old came to the task of replacing the Saint-Domingue. set of new legal foundations for regime of the Code noir with a supremacy and the a Caribbean society that now rejected white little in the ofa ownership of persons as property, the rule ofl law way roadmap for practical reform. offered true of Haiti and the ideology of (To some extent, this is still To describe this democracy promotion today.) predicament in terms of either uniquely radical form of late authoritarianism or a human rights misses this cighteenth-century Atlantic republicanism and point. The emphasis on complicated and indeed profound human authoritarianism takes a complex legacies oft the law of dilemma-how to overcome the no other form of slavery in a society that had known government or social essentially question of political volition, i.e., the organization-and reduces it to a assume and carry forward the mantle willingness of Haiti's new leadership to struing Haiti's revolution ofi 1776 or 1789. The emphasis on conas a uniquely radical politics, for its part, gives rise to a different contribution to democratic divorcing political kind of distortion: language and constitutional rhetoric from effectively the intractable oft the law of dilemma-how to overcome the no other form of slavery in a society that had known government or social essentially question of political volition, i.e., the organization-and reduces it to a assume and carry forward the mantle willingness of Haiti's new leadership to struing Haiti's revolution ofi 1776 or 1789. The emphasis on conas a uniquely radical politics, for its part, gives rise to a different contribution to democratic divorcing political kind of distortion: language and constitutional rhetoric from effectively the intractable --- Page 126 --- REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 111 LAW AND ATLANTIC arrangements that, "thickness" of institutional and social arrangements, transform and difficult to in the Haitian case, have proven exceptionally overcome. therefore helps us to understand why it is diffiThe Haitian declaration authoritarian relapse from or cult to see the Haitian Revolution as either an The manifestation of the Age of Revolution. pronouncea uniquely radical succeed in constituting Haiti as a genuinely ments of] January 1, 1804. did not time. But they can be said to have sovereign nation in the hostile world of its movement in the era of constituted the Haitian Revolution as a distinctive (North) Atlantic revolutions. the late eighteenth-century drew boundaries between events as The Declaration of Independence it made clear that the American well as between nations. In its final version, the distinctive demands model would not suffice to capture comrevolutionary And, coming as it does at the very end of the of the Haitian situation. and revolutions plex chain of events that linked the French Saint-Domingue end to the idea that Dessalines's declaration put an throughout the 1790S, and ended at the same legal and constitutional these two movements started distinctive a form of social and popoints. Plantation slavery was simply too and to survive for that sense of shared endeavor purpose litical organization inevitable, the war of 1802-3 marks the moindefinitely. Though it was not and Haitian revolucustodians of the French ment at which the respective tions came to accept this truth. therefore permits us, in retroThe Haitian Declaration of Independence effect that bind the American, the chains of cause and spect, to disentangle successive phases of a single process iniFrench, and Haitian revolutions as by the Latin American revolutiated by the Seven Years' War and continued North Atlantic revolunineteenth century. That the three tions of the early ends particular to the respective to achieve distinctive tions were struggles the central teaching of the ansocieties in which they unfolded is perhaps much that announceof Haitian sovereignty in 1804, however nouncement fiction in its own time. The Haitian ment may have amounted to a legal between 1776, 1789, and all declaration of 1804 demarcated the boundaries thereafter. In SO doing, in Saint-Domingue in the years that had transpired not only to the Haitian Revolution, it gave a distinctive meaning and identity but also to the American and French revolutions. Notes for inviting me to the Many thanks to Julia Gaffield and Andrew O'Shaughnessy which an earlier draft of this gathering at Monticello in March 2013 at splendid time. The Haitian ment may have amounted to a legal between 1776, 1789, and all declaration of 1804 demarcated the boundaries thereafter. In SO doing, in Saint-Domingue in the years that had transpired not only to the Haitian Revolution, it gave a distinctive meaning and identity but also to the American and French revolutions. Notes for inviting me to the Many thanks to Julia Gaffield and Andrew O'Shaughnessy which an earlier draft of this gathering at Monticello in March 2013 at splendid --- Page 127 --- 112 MALICK W. GHACHEM fellow seminar participants for their stimuessay was first presented. I thank my for the of two and helpful comments and am grateful reports lating presentations of Virginia Press. anonymous readers for the University "Millenium" issue ofthe New York First in the November 29, 1999 1. published collection of Jack Rosenthal and the painting is now in the private Times Magazine, moved to Port-au-Prince in Russell. Born near Cap Haïtien in 1950, Prophète school Holly of the Duvalier era, to finish his high 1968 or 1969, amidst the persecutions he learned to paint in Port-au-Prince at education. An electrical engineer by training, ever since. In he began Eugène and has been doing SO 1978, l'École Privée Grégoire Haitian electric company). See the career with Electricité d'Haiti (the a very long Danticat in Jonathan Demme and Kirsten Coyne, interview of Prophète by Edwidge Ernst Prophète (New eds., Haiti, Three Visions: Etienne Chavannes, Edger Jean-Baptiste, selection of Prophète's This catalog includes a stirring York: Kaliko, 1994), 45-46. and culture. other representations of Haitian history many Demme and Coyne, Haiti, Three Visions, 45-46. 2. declaration also served as the beginning (or con3. Less clear is whether the has suggested of the Ameritinuation) of a new political genre, as David Armitage Independence: A Global History declaration. David Armitage, The Declaration of can (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007),. Skinner and His Critics Tully, ed., Meaning and Context: Quentin 4- See James Press, 1998), 8-9. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Diviners: Slaves' Experience of CrimNatalie Zemon Davis, "Judges, Masters, 5Suriname," " Law and History Review 29, no. 4 (2011): 925-84inal Justice in Colonial into the Latin American revolutions of 6. This essay does not attempt to reach here with respect to Haiti applies nineteenth century, but the point made the early and abolition processes equally to those movements. Latin American independence ofthe. American and French the tendency to read the normativity further complicate in im1 The Haitian Revolution contributed models into a larger "Age of Revolution." but should not be seen as providing portant ways to those Latin American processes a template for them. Dessalines at Gonaïves, January 1, 1804 (Port-au7 Speech of Jean-Jacques in The National Archives of the du Gouvernement, 1804), 3, Prince: LImprimerie [hereafter "Speech of Dessalines"]. United Kingdom (TNA), CO 137/m1/1 8. This translation differs from the appendix. and "general" liberty, see On Louverture's distinction between "individual" de 1801 9. national de Toussaint Louverture et la constitution Claude Moïse, Le projet (Montreal: CIDIHCA, 2001). Slave's Two Bodies: The Life of an American 10. Cf. Malick W. Ghachem, "The 809-42. Fiction, " William and Mary Quarterly 60, no. 4 (2003): of Legal rival for this status is the French constitution 1795, 11. The only plausible Convention's February 1794 abolition of the National which explicitly incorporates constitution also incorporates the 1789 slavery in the French colonies. The 1795 but that document cannot, in any Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, 1). Slave's Two Bodies: The Life of an American 10. Cf. Malick W. Ghachem, "The 809-42. Fiction, " William and Mary Quarterly 60, no. 4 (2003): of Legal rival for this status is the French constitution 1795, 11. The only plausible Convention's February 1794 abolition of the National which explicitly incorporates constitution also incorporates the 1789 slavery in the French colonies. The 1795 but that document cannot, in any Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, --- Page 128 --- REVOLUTIONARY EXCEPTIONALISM 113 LAW AND ATLANTIC as enacting a ban on race discrimination and straightforward sense, be described laws. I thank Jeremy D. Popkin for of the a guarantee of race-neutral application the constitution and slavery enpressing me on these points; see his essay on 1795 5 French Historical Studies "Thermidor, Slavery, and the 'Affaire des Colonies,' titled 38, no. 1 (2015): 61-82. within the Continental Congress to push 12. On the reluctance of moderates J. Ellis, Revolutionary during the early months of 1776, see Joseph for independence (New York: Knopf, 2013), 5- For more Summer: The Birth of American Independence National Politics: An Interpreanalytical detail, see Jack N. Rakove, The Beginnings of Continental Congress (New York: Knopf, 1979), 84-98. tive History oft the See generally Moïse, Le projet national. 13. Declaration of Independence, 23. 14. Armitage, of the French Colony of Saint-Domingue (Cap-Français, 15- 1801 constitution at [here1, available sensmodiniconuiudienade) Saint-Domingue: P. Roux, 1801), American Declaration of Indepenafter "1801 constitution of Saint-Domingue"l: the dence, July 4, 1776. V, Art. 12)- Cf. French Declara16. 1801 constitution of Saint-Domingue, 3 (Title the of Man and the Citizen, Aug. 26, 1789, Art. 17 (characterizing tion ofthe Rights right to property as "sacred and inviolable"). VI, X-XII). 1801 constitution of Saint-Domingue, 3, 11--15 (Titles 17. 18. Ibid., 1 (Title II, Art. 3). 19. Ibid., 2 (Title II, Art. 5). The Rise and Fall of New World Slavery 20. David Brion Davis, Inhuman Bondage: York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 167. (New in Moïse, Le projet national, 131-57. 21. These documents are reproduced 22. Ibid., 69. See generally Moise, Le projet national. Decla23and Equality: The Life and Times ofthe 24. Cf. Alexander Tsesis, For Liberty Press, 2012), which argues that (New York: Oxford University ration oflndependence declaration inspired a rhetoric of equal protecthe language of equality in the 1776 became the formal equal protection tion in the antebellum period that ultimately provision of the 14th amendment in 1868. Maier, American Scripture: Armitage, Declaration ofIndependence. 115; Pauline For an inci25- (New York: Knopf, 1997), chap. 3. Making the Declaration oflndependence and Dessalines roles ofl Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerres sive analysis ofthe respective Jenson, Beyond the Slave the final version of the declaration, see Deborah in crafting in the Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: LiverNarrative: Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts pool University Press, 2011), 86-91. the Earth: The American Revolution 26. Eliga H. Gould, Among the Powers of Harvard University Press, and the Making ofo a New World Empire (Cambridge, MA: ofthe 1801 constituaccompanying print depicting the promulgation 2012), caption between pp. 110 and 111. tion of Saint-l Domingue, , Beyond the Slave the final version of the declaration, see Deborah in crafting in the Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: LiverNarrative: Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts pool University Press, 2011), 86-91. the Earth: The American Revolution 26. Eliga H. Gould, Among the Powers of Harvard University Press, and the Making ofo a New World Empire (Cambridge, MA: ofthe 1801 constituaccompanying print depicting the promulgation 2012), caption between pp. 110 and 111. tion of Saint-l Domingue, --- Page 129 --- 114 MALICK W. GHACHEM and the Haitian Revolution (New York: Malick W. Ghachem, The Old Regime 27. University Press, 2012), esp. chaps. 5-6. York: Cambridge The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New 28. Gordon S. Wood, Revolution: A History (New York: Modern Knopf, 1991), 186-87; and The American Library, 2002), 57Independence, 16. 29. Armitage, Declaration of VI, Art. 17). 1801 constitution of Saint-Domingue, 4 (Title 30. and in the Revolutionary Atlantic," Ada Ferrer, "Haiti, Free Soil, Antislavery 31. American Historical Review 117, no. 1 (2012): 40-66. Kevin Attell (Chicago: UniAgamben, State of Exception, trans. 32. Cf. Giorgio versity of Chicago Press, 2005). the Past: Power and the Production of History Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Silencing 33- (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995), chap. 2. Ruggles, "A Creole Solution Michel DeGraff and Molly 34- On which see, e.g., York Times, August 1, 2014, mmungpimnuemn/oigoipedl for Haiti's Woes," New follows: jamais tu refusais ou recereads as "[Sji Darcrne 35- The original (French) text vielle à tes destins me dictera pour ton les lois que le génie qui vais en murmurant bonheur, tu mériterais le sort des peuples ingrats. le soutien de la liberté que tu "Mais loin de moi cette affreuse idée; tu seras cheris, l'appui du chef qui te commande." World: The Story of the Haitian RevoluLaurent Dubois, Avengers oft the New 36. MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 247. tion (Cambridge, July 4.1 1776. On the need that AmerAmerican Declaration of Independence, a period felt to make the new United States "treatyicans of the postindependence Gould, Among the Powers ofthe Earth. worthy" nation, see the brilliant work of of Revolution, in The Age of "The Caribbean in the Age 38. See David Geggus, ed. David Armitage and Sanjay SubrahRevolutions in Global Context, ca. 1760-1840, and Robert Fatton Jr., The (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 95-100; manyan (Boulder, CO: Lynne Riener, 2007), 60. Roots of Haitian Despotism The Haitian RevoluNick Nesbitt, Universal Emancipation: 39. See, for example, University of Virginia Press, 2008); tion and Radical Enlightenment (Charlottesville: New World, esp. 3, 6-7 and Dubois, Avengers ofthe 40. Wood, Radicalism, ix. 1-2 (Title II, arts. 3-5); 1805 constitu41. 1801 constitution of Saint-Domingue, Imperiale, 1805), 2-3 (Arts. 2-3), availtion of Haiti (Les Cayes, Haiti: L'Imprimerie able at swnedomncontinionde , for example, University of Virginia Press, 2008); tion and Radical Enlightenment (Charlottesville: New World, esp. 3, 6-7 and Dubois, Avengers ofthe 40. Wood, Radicalism, ix. 1-2 (Title II, arts. 3-5); 1805 constitu41. 1801 constitution of Saint-Domingue, Imperiale, 1805), 2-3 (Arts. 2-3), availtion of Haiti (Les Cayes, Haiti: L'Imprimerie able at swnedomncontinionde --- Page 130 --- Norbert Thoret, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Aftermath of the and the Violent Declaration of Independence Haitian JEREMY D. POPKIN personal memoir of Norbert Thoret, a Why should the recently discovered inspire a new tailor from the small French town of Bourbonneles-Bains, Although his consideration of the Haitian Declaration of Independence?' the detailed we have oft the events in Haiti during account is one ofthe most Thoret does not even mention the issuance first year after its independence, extensive information about of the declaration. He does, however, provide carried out on the orders of the massacre of the French white population from the point of view Dessalines in the early months of 1804, recorded Jean-Jacques survivors of that action. Among other things, he of one of the few from Saint-Domingue whose the sad fate of Louis Dufay, the white deputy had inspired the French 1794 (16 pluviose An II), speech, on February 4, decree abolishing slavery, and who National Convention to pass its historic killed.? Thoret's memoir resuicide rather than wait to be chose to commit was indissolubly that the of Haitian independence minds us proclamation violence and challenges us to explain the linked to an episode of shocking nature ofthat connection. fact that his tailoring skills made himself Thoret owed his survival to the of the Haitian Declaration the central figure in the story useful to Dessalines, these events and its aftermath. The two men experienced of Independence In Thoret's memoir, the Haitian Decin completely different ways, however. and the massacres did not even merit a mention, laration of Independence For Dessalines, the and unjustified. he barely survived were inexplicable ofhis was the great accomplishment achievement of Haitian independence of securing that indelife, and the massacres were integral to the process those who are eager to fit pendence. For present-day scholars, particularly narrative of the struggle for the story of the Haitian Revolution into a global of Dessalines is fully satisfacfreedom, neither Thoret's perspective nor that were cannot see the massacres as inexplicable: they tory. Unlike Thoret, we ofwhite violence that he essentially clearly a reaction against the long history unjustified. he barely survived were inexplicable ofhis was the great accomplishment achievement of Haitian independence of securing that indelife, and the massacres were integral to the process those who are eager to fit pendence. For present-day scholars, particularly narrative of the struggle for the story of the Haitian Revolution into a global of Dessalines is fully satisfacfreedom, neither Thoret's perspective nor that were cannot see the massacres as inexplicable: they tory. Unlike Thoret, we ofwhite violence that he essentially clearly a reaction against the long history --- Page 131 --- 116 JEREMY D. POPKIN On the other hand, however, no one would want excluded from his narrative. of defenseless men, women, and justify the killing oft thousands to explicitly basis of their ancestry and skin color. Historians children, simply on the the most sensitive and painful know that the 1804 massacres are among They have been cited ever episodes ofthe Haitian struggle for independence.1 of the black population and the barbarous nature since to prove supposedly do not want to provide ammunition for especially of Dessalines. Most of us were inextriNevertheless, these massacres the revival of these accusations. and no full evaluation cably connected to the Declaration of Independence, without taking them into of that document and its significance is possible account. about the 1804 massacres. The Few historians have written at length but by the ninehistorical accounts are not by white authors, most detailed who were critical of the first leader of teenth-century "mulatto" historians Alexis Beaubrun Ardouin, independent Haiti, particularly Thomas Madiou, scholars who want to underand Guy-Joseph Bonnet." Twenty-first-century modern ideas of freedom often line the Haitian movement's contribution to Dubois does not comment on give these events minimal attention. Laurent of the Haitian Revothe fact that the title of his widely read general history in which of the New World, is taken from the proclamation lution, Avengers The massacres have drawn justified the massacres." Dessalines publicly however. Philippe R. Girard's 2005 arincreased attention in recent years, because of his "Caribbean Genocide,' 77 has been highly controversial ticle, emotional label. Robin Blackburn has vigorapplication to them of that insisting that of the term "genocide, ously contested the appropriateness and explaining them as a reaction the massacres were not racially motivated scale," " and Girard has chosen to "French massacres on a considerably larger recent The Slaves Who to describe these events in his more other wording that book stresses the general violence of Defeated Napoléon, even though accounts." 5 Deborah Jenson the years from 1802 to 1804 more than previous for the language of the has insisted on Dessalines's personal responsibility Western cultural which she calls an "effort to replace in 1804 proclamations, and history as a slave hermeneutics with those from his own environment ofl Dessalines's Saint-Domingue: n She refers only briefly to the consequences violence and low which she calls a "traumatic repetition of the language, of human life that were hallmarks of colonialism." estimation of the value importance as a critic of colonialWhereas Jenson insists on Dessalines's whose justification of violence ism, Blackburn sees him as an isolated figure, that Blackburn of racial and civic harmony" "stimulated a counterdoctrine identifies as the real legacy of Haitian independence. memoir, ignore a source such as Thoret's Although historians can hardly Dessalines's Saint-Domingue: n She refers only briefly to the consequences violence and low which she calls a "traumatic repetition of the language, of human life that were hallmarks of colonialism." estimation of the value importance as a critic of colonialWhereas Jenson insists on Dessalines's whose justification of violence ism, Blackburn sees him as an isolated figure, that Blackburn of racial and civic harmony" "stimulated a counterdoctrine identifies as the real legacy of Haitian independence. memoir, ignore a source such as Thoret's Although historians can hardly --- Page 132 --- DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH OF THE DECLARATION 117 which provides many new details about the events tion as to whether introducing it into of 1804, there is a quesindependence risks a discussion ofthe Haitian struggle for distorting our too much understanding of that event emphasis on the sufferings of what by putting remaining whites.' " he Jenson calls "small groups of Thoret Although was not particularly well was literate and SO was able to leave a written educated, Norbert dured. The far more numerous black account of what he enHaitian struggle for freedom victims who lost their lives during the us to were not able to do the same imagine their thing, compelling often has to be combed experiences on the basis of fragmentary evidence that why the 1804 out ofhostile sources. There are a number of massacres are too important to be omitted from reasons consideration of the Haitian Declaration of any serious that the massacres had a high Independence, however One is price for the as the September prison newly independent nation. Just massacres in Paris in on the French Revolution and served 1792 left a long-lasting stain the 1804 massacres deterred to justify resistance to that movement, other countries from pendence and provided an emotionally recognizing Haiti's indedenounced its powerful argument for those who population as uncivilized savages. in argument to justify the massacres, the Second, laying out an also set up the framework for Haitian Declaration of a dictatorial Independence the individual rights of regime that would not any ofits citizens, whatever recognize reason for examining them is the fact that their skin color. A third make it clear that many blacks and sources such as Thoret's account sion to kill the whites and did what people of color disapproved of the decirecover these stories of moral they could to save some of the victims. To of the Haitian courage is to underline an past. Finally, the 1804 massacres important element tions about the legitimacy of bring into sharp focus quesbefore the Haitian Revolution anticolonial violence that were debated even and that continue to ophers today. preoccupy social philosIt is certainly appropriate to bear in mind the massacres of whites in throughout this discussion that in which black 1804 came at the end ofa long history of people had been far more often the violence trators. Slavery was an inherently violent victims than the perpeof the colony of Saint-Domingue, system, and throughout the history of life or death over their slave owners had insisted on their right ofa wholesale "property." Prior to the uprising of 1791, the idea massacre of the black slaves contradicted which depended on their labor, but whenever the logic of slavery, never hesitated to resort to whites felt threatened, they had about mass killings arbitrary killings. Whatever inhibitions whites rising, and there is disappeared completely in the face of the no doubt that, during the violent 1791 up1802-3, many times more blacks than whites periods of 1791-93 and were killed simply because slave owners had insisted on their right ofa wholesale "property." Prior to the uprising of 1791, the idea massacre of the black slaves contradicted which depended on their labor, but whenever the logic of slavery, never hesitated to resort to whites felt threatened, they had about mass killings arbitrary killings. Whatever inhibitions whites rising, and there is disappeared completely in the face of the no doubt that, during the violent 1791 up1802-3, many times more blacks than whites periods of 1791-93 and were killed simply because --- Page 133 --- 118 JEREMY D. POPKIN boasted of killing of the color of their skin. White military men routinely encounters. After thousands of "brigands" in their armed hundreds or even account My Odyssey cheerfully the author of the first-person one slaughter, within a circle of two "one could not find a living Negro reported to a friend, with their bloody remains. n7 The and a half miles, and the roads were strewn in 1802 and committed under Generals Leclerc and Rochambeau atrocities is to be held responsible for intro1803 are well documented. Ifany group into Saint-Domingue, the practice of racially motivated mass killing ducing it is certainly the whites. little about this history of violence. ThoNorbert Thoret's memoir says for whom the colony had owner, but rather a man ret was not a plantation had first gone there in 1790 at the age of 22. been a land of opportunity. He tailoring shopin Cap Français. he had opened his own Within a few months, the six workers he was soon employing were He does not specify whether establishments in the city slaves, although it is not unlikely: other tailoring violence unleashed by the labor. He was soon confronted by the did use slave National Guard unit maintained order at racial tensions in the colony. His colored leaders Vincent Ogé and execution of the free the gruesome public "I was SO shocked that I turned my Chavannes in early 1791. and Jean-Baptiste their horrible cries,' " he recalled. Illness head SO as not to see, but Il heard 1792. He had not given up exhaustion led him to return to France in August and in 1802 he and his of making his fortune in the colony, however, The hope with the French Leclerc expedition. family came back to Cap Français demand for his services, and officers in the French army provided a steady workers, this time all legally within a few months, he was employing forty France and having metropolitan free rather than slaves. Having grown upin was still intact, short time in the colony while the slave system spent only a feelings about the institution one way or Thoret probably did not have strong that he could make money there the other; what attracted him was the fact he would learn that even than in Europe. In 1804, however, far more easily like himself could not escape the conserelatively disengaged white colonists quences of the heritage of slavery. white civilians in Cap Français Thoret was one of the several thousand Haiti after the surthemselves trapped in the newly independent who found the end of 1803. They learned of the mortal render of the French army at who had witnessed the threatening them when a British ship captain ofdanger arrived in their city and secretly massacre of the whites in Port-au-Prince to take such a risk. When fered to help them escape, but most were unwilling assumed that only adult Dessalines and his troops arrived in the city, Thoret to find a SO he left his wife and child and attempted men would be targeted, and put to work sewhiding place, but he was eventually spotted, imprisoned, 1803. They learned of the mortal render of the French army at who had witnessed the threatening them when a British ship captain ofdanger arrived in their city and secretly massacre of the whites in Port-au-Prince to take such a risk. When fered to help them escape, but most were unwilling assumed that only adult Dessalines and his troops arrived in the city, Thoret to find a SO he left his wife and child and attempted men would be targeted, and put to work sewhiding place, but he was eventually spotted, imprisoned, --- Page 134 --- OF THE DECLARATION 119 DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH Once Dessalines moved on to Fort-Dauphin, ing trousers for black officers. to the other whites. Contrary servant told Thoret what had happened a black he learned that women and children had been to what Thoret had assumed, and marched to the city cemetery at La rounded up, separated from the men, whose hands had been tied Fossette, where they had been killed. "The men, refused to march. They behind their backs put up some resistance and been held), and as soon as forced out [oft the building in which they had w9 were slaughtered." Thothey! had passed through the door, they were immediately but he and his wife and daughter had managed to escape the massacre, ret's they were assisted by a number family were by no means safe, even though whites remained at the ofblacks and people of color in the city. The surviving who took it into his head to kill them. mercy of any mauvais sujet Dessalines him a certain protection; Thoret's close association with gave he heard the blacks say, according to his account, when he visited the palace, Desharm that white man, he's the tailor of the Emperor "Be careful not to remained precarious, and in his salines. >10 Nevertheless, Thoret's situation Thoret managed memoir, he did not hesitate to call it "slavery."u Eventually, him and his family to to find a black sailor with a small boat who smuggled under the control oft the former colony of Santo Domingo, then the Spanish Ferrand. Ferrand was as pleased as Dessalines French general Jean-Louis his service, and Thoret promptly went had been to have a skilled tailor at workers. Neveremploying as many as forty back into business, eventually the of what he had lived theless, he could not free himself from memory I couldn't sleep for a single night through in Cap Haïtien: "For many years, dreams in which I relived the without my rest being interrupted by horrible v12 dangers I had experienced." represent the 1804 massacres as an Whereas Norbert Thoret could only Jean-Jacques Dessalines unquestionably inexplicable outburst of violence, the assertion of Haitian indepenconsidered them as an essential part of Haitian Declaration of and the creation of a new society. To read the dence that the majority ofthe documentis devoted Independence is to be reminded French. Whereas the American and imprecations against the to menaces had been careful to lay the blame for oppresDeclaration of Independence indeed specifically on George III, the sion on the British government, and calling for "anathema to the Haitian document targets the French people, that "the French name French name, eternal hatred to France"; complaining Frenchmen in our Island, warning that "there are still haunts our country"; demanding to know "When and yet you think you are free and independent"; do?"; asking "What do we tired of the same air as they will we be breathing and announcing that "they are have in common with these executioners?"; and.. ifthey find asylum among us, not our brothers they never will be, calling for "anathema to the Haitian document targets the French people, that "the French name French name, eternal hatred to France"; complaining Frenchmen in our Island, warning that "there are still haunts our country"; demanding to know "When and yet you think you are free and independent"; do?"; asking "What do we tired of the same air as they will we be breathing and announcing that "they are have in common with these executioners?"; and.. ifthey find asylum among us, not our brothers they never will be, --- Page 135 --- 120 JEREMY D. POPKIN of our troubles and our divisions.' 7 "What they will again be the instigators souls of the 'indigenous' populafor before appeasing [the are you waiting "Let us frighten all those tion killed by the Frenchl?, " the proclamation asked. with the French," would dare to try to take it from us again: let us begin who "Let them shudder when they approach our the proclamation concluded. resolution that we shall enter into of putof] the terrible coasts . [because French, and who would soil with their who is born ting to death, anyone sacrilegious foot the territory ofl liberty." deterrence, and purificaThe leitmotifs of the declaration are vengeance, history" In the three common motives for mass killings throughout tion, calls for retribution against those name of justice, the declaration repeatedly the "indigenous citizens." ' Just responsible for the crimes committed against for destroying white colonists had denounced the black insurgents as the insists on the need to avenge the killing of wives, families, the declaration "infants at the breast' 71 In husbands, brothers, sisters, children, and even its calls for action however, the declaration also justifies addition to revenge, security. Ifany Frenchmen were the French in the name of national against to the document, "they will continue allowed to remain in Haiti, according divisions. s The danger was not the of our troubles and our to be plotters the might be taken in by the only a military one; it was also that population 1 Finally, the declara- "misleading eloquence of their agents' proclamations." of anything to purify the new country tion clearly reflects a determination that "the French name that might recall the French presence. The complaint still lingered, even in that a French spirit still haunts our country" suggests elimination of the remaining French the absence of French authority. The ritual intended to do away not just population would be a form of exorcism, a with their as well. of a group of people but spirit with the physical presence and of the two shorter documents pubThe content of the declaration was directly linked lished with it make it clear that the anti-French campaign head of state. Whereas of the absolute authority of the new to the assertion declaration speak of the people's common destiny, the first two-thirds of the repeatedly, as Dessalines the word "I" appears in the concluding paragraphs, fought, sometimes alone," reminds his audience that "I have stood guard, and insists that, as a result, they owe him unquestioning for their liberty, while receiving the laws that obedience. "If you ever rejected or grumbled for destiny dictates to me your happiness, the spirit that watches over your 77 In a separate document would deserve the fate of ungrateful peoples." you version of the declaration, the leading generals included with the printed Dessalines in the fight against the French who had participated along with issued by his authority, the only one signed an oath "to obey blindly the laws war, and to name we give him the power to make peace, we acknowledge: ing for their liberty, while receiving the laws that obedience. "If you ever rejected or grumbled for destiny dictates to me your happiness, the spirit that watches over your 77 In a separate document would deserve the fate of ungrateful peoples." you version of the declaration, the leading generals included with the printed Dessalines in the fight against the French who had participated along with issued by his authority, the only one signed an oath "to obey blindly the laws war, and to name we give him the power to make peace, we acknowledge: --- Page 136 --- AND THE AFTERMATH OF THE DECLARATION 121 DESSALINES, THORET, used the declaration and the oath accomhis successor." >14 Dessalines thus population to follow panying it to commit both the military and the general in the island. As whatever orders he gave regarding the French remaining volume, "The Haitian Ghachem has argued in his contribution to this Malick enactment of a state of emergency," an assertion declaration reads like an nation was SO precarious that its that the situation of the newly independent ofl law,15 safety could not be assured through ordinary processes French infludenunciation of all lingering In view of the declaration's document was written in French. ence in Haiti, it is of course ironic that the to the mass Whether and how the document's language was communicated is unknown. There has been considerable of the new nation's population about the process of the declaration's scholarly debate in the past few years conabout the extent of Dessalines's personal composition, and in particular had been preceded by an earlier victribution to its phrasing. The declaration and co-signed by Dessalines, dated November 29, 1803, tory proclamation, Christophe, which had had a very different Augustin Clervaux, and Henry whites during the fighting and tone: it apologized for the death ofinnocent be allowed to return to their promised that white property owners would the lawfulness of the cause plantations, provided that they "acknowledged these twelve years. >16 The Declafor which we have been spilling our blood alone, conveyed a radically attributed to Dessalines ration of Independence, different message. command of French. Mid-nineDessalines himself had at best a limited attributed the acwith Thomas Madiou, teenth-century authors, starting to Louis Félix Boisrondtual wording of the Declaration of Independence France. The most famous free man of color educated in Tonnerre, a young that "In order to draw up our act version of this story has him announcing white to serve as a parchment, his we need the skin of a >17 of independence, for ink, and a bayonet for a pen.' More elabskull as an inkwell, his blood of Ardouin and Bonnet, state that orate versions of the story, such as those declaration modeled after another man of color, Charéron, had composed a American document of 1776. According to Bonnet, the with dignity, the grievances we Charéron had taken pains to enumerate, the reasons why the France, and thereby to establish naturally had against Charéron's work was Haitian people was proclaiming its independence. suitable for us, Boisrondsubmitted to Dessalines: this manifesto is not his secsaid, and, with the authorization of the general-in-chief, Tonnerre the next day, the produced, in one night, the act that was published retary first of January 1804. 18 1776. According to Bonnet, the with dignity, the grievances we Charéron had taken pains to enumerate, the reasons why the France, and thereby to establish naturally had against Charéron's work was Haitian people was proclaiming its independence. suitable for us, Boisrondsubmitted to Dessalines: this manifesto is not his secsaid, and, with the authorization of the general-in-chief, Tonnerre the next day, the produced, in one night, the act that was published retary first of January 1804. 18 --- Page 137 --- 122 JEREMY D. POPKIN the words on paper, Deborah Jenson has Regardless of who actually put true author of the document. argued that we should regard Dessalines as the not Boisrond, was the "There is abundant literary evidence that Dessalines, voice of the document in the narrative proclamations 19 crucial conceptual months of 1804, > she claims. The docfrom late 1803 through the final revolutionary rhetoric than clearly owes more to French ument's language has to recall the words of the "Maracknowledges, however. One only Jenson ofhow violent the language of French revolutionary seillaise" to be reminded could be. The declaration also borrows calls for vengeance against enemies in their violent denunciations of from the tropes used by the white colonists against them in the early and free men of color who had risen up the blacks of victims in terms of their family re1790S. In particular, the enumeration powerful emotional lationships to the living, as a way ofi inciting particularly in the colonists' propaganda. responses, was a commonplace however, that the declaration Jenson is undoubtedly justified in asserting, in 1804 "are marked and the other documents issued in Dessalines's name for viorhetorical and poetic ferocity." >20 Dessalines's penchant for by a singular before 1804, he had made a name rhetorical. Long lence was not merely leader. His harsh treatment of the himself as a particularly brutal military earned André Rigaud in 1799-1800 supposedly enemy in the war against Louverture-"T told you to weed the field, him a rebuke from Toussaint Philippe Girard has docubut you tore everything out by the roots"2Land black rivals and the mented both the way in which he eliminated potential black guerrilla in the French campaign against extent of his participation before he somewhat belatedly changed resistance in the summer of 1802, violence that would not sides.2 The Declaration of Independence forecasts about assuming that for several months, and we must be careful take place massacres. As David Armitage has noted its phrasing led directly to the 1804 appear as ifthey were declarations ofi independence, its words in his book on but its elaborate French VOaddressed primarily to the Haitian population, of them and it is not clear cabulary would have been unintelligible to most subsequently yissued it circulated within the country2 Dessalines how widely the killing of the white population, several documents explicitly justifying himself from the it clear that he had no desire to distance however, making in French and circuThese proclamations, too, were published massacres. in the middle oft the killing campaign, he sent lated abroad. On April 1, 1804, he claimed that "the irrevocable resa circular letter to his generals in which needed any that we have taken to exterminate our oppressors" hardly olution could never equal the sum of injustices justification, since "our vengeance n24 and atrocities of our enemies. four weeks later, in Dessalines returned to the subject of the massacres however, making in French and circuThese proclamations, too, were published massacres. in the middle oft the killing campaign, he sent lated abroad. On April 1, 1804, he claimed that "the irrevocable resa circular letter to his generals in which needed any that we have taken to exterminate our oppressors" hardly olution could never equal the sum of injustices justification, since "our vengeance n24 and atrocities of our enemies. four weeks later, in Dessalines returned to the subject of the massacres --- Page 138 --- OF THE DECLARATION 123 DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH 28, 1804, and written, according to Ardouin, a proclamation issued on April Chanlatte. "The hour of venby another of his mixed-race secretaries, enemies Juste of the rights of man have geance has struck, and the implacable for their crimes," 77 this document suffered the punishment they deserved "I raised my arm, Although its wording had Dessalines proclaim, began. above their guilty heads,' it made which had remained too long suspended "you" and "we," " associating the other generals more use of the pronouns with the killings that had now been and indeed the whole of the population largely accomplished. torrent which roars, tears away, sweeps along, your Like an overflowing in its path. Where is there a vengeful fury has carried away everything who doesn't think he fulfilled vile Haitian, unworthy of his regeneration, blood-crazed tigers [] Yes, the eternal decrees in exterminating these crimes for crimes, outrages these real cannibals war for war, we have given I have avenged America." for outrages. Yes, I have saved my country, took special pains to associate the lighter-skinned peoThe proclamation "Blacks and yellows, whom the duplicity ofthe ple of color with the killings. who are today only the same Europeans has sought for SO long to divide, you reconciliation needed have no doubt, your perfect thing, only a single family, n The proclamation ended with a to be sealed in the blood of your torturers.' There is motto. Liberty, indecall for a "war to the death against tyrants! that could my have come directly pendence! There is our rallying cry!," a phrase but followed by a French revolutionary proclamations, from innumerable successors follow the line I have distinctively Dessalinian coda: "May my their it is the worthitraced for them! It is the best system to maintain power; >25 est homage they could render to my memory. of April 28, 1804, Like the Declaration oflndependence, the proclamation echoes of wellbut it also has unmistakable expresses a strong personality, have been familiar with the princiknown European texts. Its author might treatise on the law of nations, ple of retaliation outlined in Emer de Vattel's which noted that "when handbook respected throughout the world, a basic nation, who observe no rules, and never give we are at war with a savage ofany of their people we take them in the person quarter, we may punish to force them to respect the law and endeavour, by this rigorous proceeding, in conflicts with p26 Europeans had often cited this principle of humanity. ofthe Haitian combatants as pononwhites, and it might have struck many of Leclerc and Rochambeau. etic justice to see it applied to the countrymen closer relationship to the of April 28, 1804, has an even The proclamation inserted into the 1780 edition of Raynal's Hiscelebrated lines that Diderot people we take them in the person quarter, we may punish to force them to respect the law and endeavour, by this rigorous proceeding, in conflicts with p26 Europeans had often cited this principle of humanity. ofthe Haitian combatants as pononwhites, and it might have struck many of Leclerc and Rochambeau. etic justice to see it applied to the countrymen closer relationship to the of April 28, 1804, has an even The proclamation inserted into the 1780 edition of Raynal's Hiscelebrated lines that Diderot --- Page 139 --- 124 JEREMY D. POPKIN Indes asking, "Where is he, this great man that toire philosophique des deux tormented children?" This passage was nature owes to its vexed, oppressed, returned to the burned-out ruins of certainly known in the colony: when he somewhat improbably his home after the insurrection of 1791, one colonist of still on that he had found his "elegant in-quarto edition Raynal claimed this phrase: 'And if the blacks my acajou table, open to the page containing 1n27 Dessalines's procthe laws for the whites will be terrible.' take vengeance, a "torrent"; Diderot had lamation had referred to his followers as forming the 71 which of a movement "more impetuous than torrents," already spoken ineffaceable traces of their justified anger." The would "leave everywhere America; the Diderot passage had promised proclamation spoke of avenging by the blood that they have that "the fields of America will be intoxicated unfortunates, piled up for awaited for SO long, and the bones of SO many the homwill tremble with joy." n Dessalines had anticipated three centuries, Diderot had forecast that "the name future generations would pay him; blessed age the rights of the human race will be of the hero who reestablished to his glory." Finally, Dideeverywhere, everywhere they will put up trophies the Code blanc will be had written, "The Code noir will disappear, and . M28 rot only by the right of reprisal. Chanlatte terrifying, if the victor is inspired his justifiwell have had this specific passage in mind as he composed could cation of Dessalines's actions. proclamations was that of Whereas the polished rhetoric ofthese printed from educated secretaries, we get a sense of his own language Dessalines's Chazotte, which recount the memoirs of the white planter Peter Stephen whites in the southern HaiDessalines's supervision of the killing of the a 1804. Although Chazotte was undoubtedly: tian city of Jérémie on March 9, conforms his description of the events in Jérémie generally hostile witness, is with that in and his depiction of Dessalines congruent to other evidence, to Chazotte's narrative, Dessalines, other sources of the period. According assembled before him under after having the city's whites rounded up and harangued them in the guard ofh his own military unit, the 4th demi-brigade, hai moue, > he began. Creole. Wous blancs de Jérémie, moue conne wous reproached of Jérémie, I know you hate me. " Dessalines ["You white men ofslavery in 1793 and their supthe whites for their resistance to the abolition island. He claimed, howfor the British during their occupation of the their interests. port whites should have recognized his concern for ever, that the defender of rights for all, he reminded Rather than presenting himself as a of color and the blacks. the whites of actions he had taken against the people your Rigaud in 1799-1800, he had "passed through During the war against enemies.' s He also credited himself country, destroying the mulattoes, your avery in 1793 and their supthe whites for their resistance to the abolition island. He claimed, howfor the British during their occupation of the their interests. port whites should have recognized his concern for ever, that the defender of rights for all, he reminded Rather than presenting himself as a of color and the blacks. the whites of actions he had taken against the people your Rigaud in 1799-1800, he had "passed through During the war against enemies.' s He also credited himself country, destroying the mulattoes, your --- Page 140 --- OF THE DECLARATION 125 DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH of inspectors to compel les citoyens with having "formed black companies M29 to labor more than they did before. nègres Dessalines made against the whites, accordThe most serious accusation their wealth to corrupt the general's ing to Chazotte, was that they had used of the whom Dessalines had appointed as commander own cousin, Domage, Leclerc's forces land without opposition. region, and to persuade him to let shall pay for Domage's for this! The blood of all of you "I shall be revenged to Chazotte, "at this treacherous conduct," ' Dessalines concluded. According and himself to the extreme of a maniac's fury," moment he had worked up to calm him down." If Geffrard had to intervene the mixed-race general we can see that the theme of venChazotte's account is basically accurate, of Independence, was expressed in the Declaration geance, SO powerfully speech, and that his fear that the also the dominant note in Dessalines's cause was rooted in concrete whites could seduce blacks to betray their own his intentions We can also see that he had no hesitation in expressing events. and in front of numerous witnesses. in his own language, of Chazotte and Thoret, as well as other Survivors' accounts such as those testify to Dessalines's diBonnet's memoirs, documents such as Guy-Joseph also make it clear that many of involvement in the massacres, but they rect these killings. GenDessalines's fellow military officers and soldiers opposed intervened of the leading free colored officers, personally eral Geffrard, one ordered another officer of color, Colonel to save Chazotte. When Dessalines Gaston responded by apsome of the whites in Jérémie, Gaston, to execute house, in front ofa a large crowd, and telling pearing on the balcony ofhis own Dessalines that I rather die the spectators, "I order you to report to Governor of murder.' 77 He then hand than be concerned in, or be guilty any by my own memoirs mention the actions of General Diaquoi shot himself.31 Numerous to save as many white victims as (or Diakwé), a black officer who intervened also as a rescuer in Madame Dessalines, the dictator's wife, appears he could. blacks and people of color also helped a number of accounts. More ordinary those who aided him in one way white survivors on many occasions. Among official, and his wife and Thoret mentions Ferrier, a mixed-race or another, libre; two domestiques; a femme de couleur her mother, as well as a négresse later made the Comte de Limowho knew his mother-in-law; Julien Prévost, took Thoret and Christophe; and the black fisherman who eventually nade by thirst for violent vengeance was clearly not his family to safety. Dessalines's shared by the whole of the Haitian population. force behind the There is thus little doubt that Dessalines was the driving to the Haimassacres and that he saw them as a necessary complement had be1804 and as a demonstration that Haiti tian Declaration of Independence as well as a négresse later made the Comte de Limowho knew his mother-in-law; Julien Prévost, took Thoret and Christophe; and the black fisherman who eventually nade by thirst for violent vengeance was clearly not his family to safety. Dessalines's shared by the whole of the Haitian population. force behind the There is thus little doubt that Dessalines was the driving to the Haimassacres and that he saw them as a necessary complement had be1804 and as a demonstration that Haiti tian Declaration of Independence --- Page 141 --- 126 JEREMY D. POPKIN were not simply an extension of the come a sovereign nation. The massacres since its outset in August, violence that had marked the Haitian Revolution of slavery however. To be sure, violence against the white perpetrators in the 1791, against slavery. The participants was a central element of the uprising of changing understood that they had no other way August 1791 insurrection of the slave owners and the COtheir situation. The complete intransigence for "reform" of slavery, such lonial government in the face of any proposals resistance to even the the Castries edicts of 1784-85 and the ferocious as free of color during the first years slightest concessions to the island's people the whites had no intention of of the French Revolution, made it clear that peacefully yielding any oftheir power or privileges. the violence of the first On the whole, however, what is striking about limited call the Haitian Revolution is how relatively phase of what we now the burning of cane fields and it was. The destruction of property through itself deeply in the memplantations houses was spectacular and imprinted not, despite the whites who witnessed it, but the insurgents were ories of the wholesale massacre of the white accusations of the colonists, bent on eliminated the one mempopulation. Other black leaders themselves quickly and killing Bullet, whose behavior in torturing ber of their group, Jeannot and the members of the prisoners suggested a truly sadistic personality, the four months of extensive French First Civil Commission estimated that claimed only four hundred between August and December 1791 had Protesfighting the few days of fighting between white victims.7 (By comparison, the bloodiest episode and Catholics in the city of Nîmes in June 1790, tants Revolution, cost some three hundred lives.) in the early years of the French leader of the Haitian movement, Toussaint Louverture, the most important of unthinkhistorical record as an opponent first enters the documented the memoirist Gabriel Gros, when ing violence against whites. According to of negotiations Biassou, enraged by the breakdown the black leader Georges threatened to kill his white prisoners, with the whites in December 1791, he might have "braving all danger, attempted to save us, though Louverture, He represented to him, that been himself the victim to this monster's rage. not to be thus sacrificed, without being imprisoned, we could not, and ought >33 and calling a court martial upon us. ofhuman lives in the HaiThe episode that claimed the largest number of Français the burning Cap to the Leclerc expedition, tian Revolution prior violence, but rather was not the result of black revolutionary in June 1793, of free people: French sailors and white of a clash between rival groups and white of the refree of color supporters colonists on one side, people and Polverel on the other. Most of publican civil commissioners Sonthonax with their lives, whereas the the city's white residents managed to escape ofhuman lives in the HaiThe episode that claimed the largest number of Français the burning Cap to the Leclerc expedition, tian Revolution prior violence, but rather was not the result of black revolutionary in June 1793, of free people: French sailors and white of a clash between rival groups and white of the refree of color supporters colonists on one side, people and Polverel on the other. Most of publican civil commissioners Sonthonax with their lives, whereas the the city's white residents managed to escape --- Page 142 --- OF THE DECLARATION 127 DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH of the three thousand to ten thousand victims were overwhelming majority violence in Saintblack. 34 The worst episodes ofl fblack-on-white white undoubtedly 1802, such as the killing of over seven hundred Domingue prior to in July 1794 and that ofat least colonists in Spanish-occupied Fort-Dauphin rebellion in 1801, occurred not in several hundred whites during the Moyse their determination to when the slaves had to dramatize the early period after the French authorities had officially gain their freedom, but in the years triggered by rumors about recognized the end of slavery; they were usually Toussaint Louverture restoration of slavery, and, once he came to power, the whites in the Artibonite Valto them. 35 The massacres of acted quickly stop that took in the first weeks after the ley and other parts of the island place by Dessalines's ofLeclerc's troops in 1802, most ofthem perpetrated of the landing logic: whites in other parts troops, responded to a certain military and, as the black forces precolony had indeed welcomed the French troops, fifth column face the invaders, they did not want to leave a potential pared to differ from all previous episodes of blackin their rear. 36 The 1804 massacres Revolution because they were carried on-white violence during the Haitian constituted government, the orders of the head of the newly out on explicit and because there was an because their targets were completely powerless, would have been just as effeceasily available alimuhe-ipetulia-durs tive in purging Haiti of French presence. was pondered at length The moral problem posed by the 1804 massacres founders of Haitian revolutionary by the two great midninctenth-cemntury Beaubrun Ardouin. As Madiou wrote, historiography, Thomas Madiou and that the violence of our "these terrible measures horrify humanity. the Seeing whites to stay among us, they political passions made it impossible for of them had failed to leave should have been deported; if a large number we had officially with the debris of the French army, it was because "One along n37 Similarly, Ardouin wrote, promised them security and protection.' at a moment when the understand vengeance in the midst of fighting, can to intimidate one's enemy : : . But, after struggle requires extreme measures and sentiments moderation generous the victory, when justice triumphs, m38 Ardouin was particushould prevail over hatred, no matter how justified." that the massacres larly eloquent in underlining the negative consequences a reaffirmato had for the new nation. "It was . the only way guarantee harm the state it was against the black race, to tion of colonial prejudices in the eyes of the civilized world, as founding, by making its citizens appear, boundaries, of any sentiment barbarians, incapable of respecting any moral research has shown, the of pity, if not of generosity" *39 As Julia Gaffield's officials in Jamaica had disrupted the negotiations that British massacres Dessalines about a trade treaty and thereby helped been conducting with consequences a reaffirmato had for the new nation. "It was . the only way guarantee harm the state it was against the black race, to tion of colonial prejudices in the eyes of the civilized world, as founding, by making its citizens appear, boundaries, of any sentiment barbarians, incapable of respecting any moral research has shown, the of pity, if not of generosity" *39 As Julia Gaffield's officials in Jamaica had disrupted the negotiations that British massacres Dessalines about a trade treaty and thereby helped been conducting with --- Page 143 --- 128 JEREMY D. POPKIN that Haiti would achieve at least de facto recognition close off the possibility dominant maritime power." 40 from the world's ofits independence Madiou and Ardouin affirmed Even in condemning the 1804 massacres, and in the positive contheir belief in the justice of Haitian independence the history. "If Dessalines had made to country's tribution that Jean-Jacques consider the massacres, historians have been able to September French for the public security, should which make humanity shudder, as necessary veil over the memory of the with even more justification, throw a one not, that was then almost in a state massacres of 1804, committed by a people and intellectubarbarism, not only in a physical sense, but also morally of Ardouin went even further, insisting that since all ally?" Madiou asked, and definitive elimination ofwhite inHaitians had benefitted from Dessalines's their share of moral responsifluence in their country, they needed to accept in France actions. 41 Émile Bergeaud, whose Stella, published bility for these novel written by a Haitian author, went even in 1859, is considered the first with the Haitian people, rather than further in associating the massacres their ultimate justification. Acmerely with Dessalines, and in insisting on vivid and detailed fictional account, the European population cording to his thousand arms moved by fury." Neverthe- "perished beneath the blows of a that stained it with blood, concluded, "Despite all the crimes less, Bergeaud other. The people whom it emancipated this revolution was as great as any can now glory in it.' n42 however, Ardouin also Even as he wrote his justification of Dessalines, and of the that the most damaging effect of the massacres, acknowledged for them in the Declaration of Independence rationale Dessalines had given had laid the basis for a dictatoand his other proclamations, was that they been carried out, he wrote, "our rial regime in the country. If they had not toward our oppressors, would have reflected this generosity interior regime given a character of violence whose rapid instead of which it was immediately sacrifice ofthe chief who had SO many progression pushed the people to the declaration its open n43 As we have seen, the coupled rights to their gratitude." that the Haitian people give unthreats to the French whites with a demand the government's conditional support to their leader; instead of announcing the American Declaration of Independence dependence on the citizenry, as the citizens' obligation to their had done, the Haitian document proclaimed threatened not The violence to which Norbert Thoret was subjected leader. The Haitian Declaration of Indepenonly whites, but the entire population. that national independence was dence of 1804 was a landmark in asserting but it also foreshadowed the of of color as well as of whites, a right people rights that would often characterize the sacrifice of individual to national twentieth centuries. 44 movements of the nineteenth and revolutionary dependence on the citizenry, as the citizens' obligation to their had done, the Haitian document proclaimed threatened not The violence to which Norbert Thoret was subjected leader. The Haitian Declaration of Indepenonly whites, but the entire population. that national independence was dence of 1804 was a landmark in asserting but it also foreshadowed the of of color as well as of whites, a right people rights that would often characterize the sacrifice of individual to national twentieth centuries. 44 movements of the nineteenth and revolutionary --- Page 144 --- OF THE DECLARATION 129 DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH the Haitian Declaration of IndepenIn its vehemence and its violence, character of Dessalines. But reflected some aspects ofthe dence undoubtedly discourse about violence and vengeance its content also reflects a broader that some elements of the Atlantic revolutionary era. It is possible during traditions of political thought. In a widely the declaration reflected African that the myths of many African cited article, John Thornton has noted origin force and conquest, celebrated a "founder [who] ruled through kingdoms violence," 7 although there were also competing maintaining his control by forms nothat praised more moderate ofleadership."Ther African traditions his willingness to resort to violence tion that a leader needed to demonstrate limited to Africa. After order to establish his authority is, of course, hardly in three thousand Ottoman prisoners in March ordering the execution of some the remaining garrisons in Napoléon issued a proclamation urging what has just 1799, him, telling them that "the example of the region to yield to show that, although I am terrible to happened at Jaffa and Gaza should you most friends. s After this massacre, Napoléon's my enemies, I am good to my further need to show his comments, "He had no recent French biographer to deter many of his determination, since the memory of Jaffa was enough rivals and opponents." n46 actions was clear, but the tone of the The political logic of Dessalines's current of melodradeclaration probably owed most to a French Haitian in the "Marseillaise" and in innumerable matic political rhetoric, exemplified assemblies, clubs, and public festivals. speeches in the French revolutionary rhetoric made a In accordance with the logic of melodrama, revolutionary has argued in between heroes and villains. As Dan Edelstein sharp division this kind of binary thinking easily led his book The Terror of Natural Right, of the human species" and to the classification of opponents as "enemies the evil they that they merited exemplary punishment to avenge to claims from Saint-Domingue made their own had done. 47 White French colonists denuncicontribution to this rhetoric, through their impassioned distinctive and the officials they blamed for the collapse of ation of the "philanthropists" the slave regime in their island. world had inspired one of the As we have seen, slavery in the colonial kind anticipations ofthis ofvengeance-laden most powerful prerevolutionary: philosophe and dramatist melodrama. The famous lines the Enlightenment foreshadow the spirit Diderot contributed to Raynal's Histoire philosophique scenes that folDeclaration of Independence and the bloody of the Haitian ofirony in the relationship between Didelowed it. There are multiple layers of events in Haiti. As the French phiand the reality rot's prophetic passage of Caribbean slavery imagined how losopher who had never seen the reality Americas might end, he between whites and blacks in the an armed struggle aden most powerful prerevolutionary: philosophe and dramatist melodrama. The famous lines the Enlightenment foreshadow the spirit Diderot contributed to Raynal's Histoire philosophique scenes that folDeclaration of Independence and the bloody of the Haitian ofirony in the relationship between Didelowed it. There are multiple layers of events in Haiti. As the French phiand the reality rot's prophetic passage of Caribbean slavery imagined how losopher who had never seen the reality Americas might end, he between whites and blacks in the an armed struggle --- Page 145 --- 130 JEREMY D. POPKIN prose the warnings the no more than translating into impassioned was doing constantly issued in insisting on their need colonial slave owners themselves Dessalines authority over their chattels. And as Jean-Jacques for absolute America, > he was, wittingly or unembarked on his campaign to "avenge melodramatic vengeance all too operating within a framework of wittingly, and especially to the French revolutionaries. familiar to Europeans, aware of this Dessalines and his scribes were consciously Whether or not outlined in the Haitian Dectradition, it is clear that the policy of vengeance one, not an exwas a calculated and premeditated laration of Independence emotion. It is undoubtedly pression of primitive savagery or of spontaneous played a certain role Girard has emphasized, that greed true, as Philippe some of the white victims' propin these events; Dessalines appropriated 49 Nevertheless, the fundamental erty and let his soldiers engage in looting. more ideological than motivation for the postindependence massacres was violence Frantz theorist ofanticolonial pragmatic. Like the twentieth-century in violence was necesclearly believed that engagement Fanon, Dessalines from the shackles of oppression. "For the sary to forge a new people, freed of the rotting corpse of the settler," native, life can only spring up again out this violence - invests their Fanon wrote in 1961. "For the colonized people ofviolence binds with and creative qualities. The practice characters positive individual forms a violent link in the them together as a whole, since each which has surged upward great chain, a part ofthe great organism ofviolence In addition to giving to the settler's violence in the beginning." in reaction collective identity, "at the level ofindividuals, the colonized population a new from his inferiority complex violence is a cleansing force. It frees the native fearless and restores his and from his despair and inaction; it makes him selfrespect," " Fanon continued. the violence of the Algerian Fanon's book was written primarily to justify references to Haiti movement; his essay contains no explicit French independence he have been thinking of his own and only a few hints that might when he wrote, mention of Haiti Caribbean background. At the moment and undermined have evoked the excesses ofthe Duvalier dictatorship might in violence immunized assertion that collective participation his optimistic The subsequent evolution of acceptance of dictatorship. the masses against Fidel Castro, another of Fanon's inspirathe Algerian regime and of that of the evolution of the time, remind us that it is not SO easy to prevent tions at Nevertheless, the parmovements into dictatorships. violent revolutionary in 1804 and Fanon's philosophiallels between Dessalines's proclamations are So long as oppressed populations cal arguments in 1961 are significant. violence will continue to have a denied "the rights of man, " such appeals to real attraction and a certain undeniable logic. dictatorship. the masses against Fidel Castro, another of Fanon's inspirathe Algerian regime and of that of the evolution of the time, remind us that it is not SO easy to prevent tions at Nevertheless, the parmovements into dictatorships. violent revolutionary in 1804 and Fanon's philosophiallels between Dessalines's proclamations are So long as oppressed populations cal arguments in 1961 are significant. violence will continue to have a denied "the rights of man, " such appeals to real attraction and a certain undeniable logic. --- Page 146 --- AND THE AFTERMATH OF THE DECLARATION 131 DESSALINES, THORET, in Haiti are now at the center of broader discussions The 1804 massacres recent between the of historical violence, as a exchange of the meaning Zizek shows. Buck-Morss has philosophers Susan Buck-Morss and Slavoj Revolution's contribution influential about the Haitian written an argument but she is also critical of "defenders of Haiti, to modern ideas of freedom, [who] cite Dessalines's justheir moral sentiment ablaze with enthusiasm, [and] exonerate tification of racial slaughter, I have avenged America," as he Dessalines for setting out 'to give as good got.' the slaves, defending when intending to the dangers that result "imagination, She warns against virtue out of violence against the violator. If set the world aright, makes a itself behind a selfimposed enlightened critique stops here, it entrenches dismantled if humanity is to barrier, one that must be and selfdefeating cycle of victim and avenger. >51 Her position progress beyond the recurring who insisted on the need to "distinprovoked a furious reply from Zizek, of violence; radical emanciguish as clearly as possible between two types which serves the the ex-oppressors and the violence patory violence against of hierarchical relations of exploitation continuation and/or establishment the elimination of all whites in " Zizek would "condemn and domination." for the innocent among them, Haiti not out of humanitarian compassion of this process was to the that the true strategic goal but based on insight the remaining blacks, justified by establish a new hierarchical order among the ethnic ideology of blackness." >52 Zizek demonstrates, the issues between Buck-Morss and As the exchange and the massacres that posed by the Haitian Declaration of Independence in 1804. To ignore them in followed it remain as explosive today as they were ofthe Haitian movethe interest of celebrating the undeniable achievement and to obscure the would be to deny a very real aspect of that story, ment events of 1804 and the subsequent course of Haitian connection between the societies has shown, Too often, as the history of SO many postcolonial history. violence turn into dictatorships directed against regimes founded through The deprivation of rights they initially promised to liberate. the populations and the other French whites in Saint-Domingue suffered by Norbert Thoret foreshadowed the of the Haitian Declaration of Independence as a result in subsequent years. In the fate of many other members of the population the Haitian Declarapostrevolutionary era, the massacres that accompanied the outside world to deny would become a pretext for tion of Independence the status of civilized human beings. In ponHaitians, and blacks in general, declaration, we need to bear the historical significance of the Haitian and dering for the struggles against slavery in mind both its positive significance to vengeance that led to the colonialism, and the price of its troubling appeal depicted in Thoret's memoir. consequences SO graphically In the fate of many other members of the population the Haitian Declarapostrevolutionary era, the massacres that accompanied the outside world to deny would become a pretext for tion of Independence the status of civilized human beings. In ponHaitians, and blacks in general, declaration, we need to bear the historical significance of the Haitian and dering for the struggles against slavery in mind both its positive significance to vengeance that led to the colonialism, and the price of its troubling appeal depicted in Thoret's memoir. consequences SO graphically --- Page 147 --- 132 JEREMY D. POPKIN Notes a lecturer at Columbia, sent me a copy of the 1. In 2012, Heidi Holst-Knudsen, printed in France: Jean-Claude edition that Thoret's descendants had had privately aventureuse de Norbert Thoret Nicollier, and Yves Nicollier, eds., La vie Nouët, Claude Editions du Port-au-Prince, 2007). I am very gratedit TAméricain 1767-1850 (Paris: document available to me and for giving for making this ful to Ms. Holst-Knudsen scholars. I have not had the opportunity to see to share it with other me permission but Dr. Jean-Claude Nouët, one ofThothe original Thoret manuscript for myself, of it. The manuscript has kindly provided me with a photocopy ret's descendants, hand, with a certain number of corrections. is 173 pages long, all written in a single article on Thoret (Robert Duval, The printed edition also includes a genealogical Haute-Marne. Norbert Thoret et sa "Anciens colons de Saint-Domingue réfugiés en Cahiers Haut-Mamais no. 125 [2e " originally published in Les fille Françoise-Félicité the basic outline ofhis life story. The author ofthis trimestre 1976)), which confirms of the existence of" Thoret's memoir. article was unaware D. Popkin, You Are All Free: Thoret, Vie, 44. On Dufay's speech, see Jeremy 2. and the Abolition of Slavery (New York: Cambridge University The Haitian Revolution Press, 2010), 357-61. d'Haiti, 8 vols. (1847; repr. Port-au-Prince: Henri 3- Thomas Madiou, Histoire Beaubrun Ardouin, Études sur PhisDeschamps, 1987), 3:140-42, 160-79; [Alexis] (Paris: Dézobry et E. Magdetoire d'Haiti, suivies de la vie du général J.-M. Borgella ed.); Port-au-Prince: F. Dalencour, 1958), 6:10-17 (Dalencour leine, 1853-60; repr. de Guy-Joseph Bonnet, général de division Edmond Bonnet, ed., Souvenirs historiques aide de camp de Rigaud (Paris: Auguste des armées de la république d'Haiti, ancien Durand, 1864), 128-32. New World: The Story ofthe Haitian Revolution 4- Laurent Dubois, Avengers ofthe Dubois mentions the (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 299-301. America: The Polifamous phrase in his article, "Avenging context of Dessalines's Revolution," in The World of the Haitian Revolution, tics of Violence in the Haitian (Bloomington: Indiana University ed. David Patrick Geggus and Norman Fiering Press, 2009), 111-24. Genocide: Racial War in Haiti, 1802-4" Pat5- Philippe R. Girard, "Caribbean Robin Blackburn, The American Crucible: terns of Prejudice 39, no. 2 (2005): 138-61; Verso, 2011), 213; Philippe R. GiSlavery, Emancipation and Human Rights (London: Louverture and the Haitian War of rard, The Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon: Toussaint Press, 2011), 324. For a 1801-1804 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Independence, in his 2005 article, see Alyssa Sepincritique of Girard's use oft the word "genocide"i H-France Review, February 2013, wall, review of The Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon, HR Narrative: Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts in 6. Deborah Jenson, Beyond the Slave the Haitian War of rard, The Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon: Toussaint Press, 2011), 324. For a 1801-1804 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Independence, in his 2005 article, see Alyssa Sepincritique of Girard's use oft the word "genocide"i H-France Review, February 2013, wall, review of The Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon, HR Narrative: Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts in 6. Deborah Jenson, Beyond the Slave --- Page 148 --- OF THE DECLARATION 133 DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH University Press, 2011), 94 96; Blackthe Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: Liverpool burn, American Crucible, 215. Althéa de Puech Parham trans. and ed. (Baton 7- [Jean-Paul Pillet], My Odyssey, A complete critical edition of Louisiana State University Press, 1959), 32. which differs Rouge: revolutionary-era memoir, the original French text of this important in 2015: Anja Bandau and Jersubstantially from the English translation, appeared de par. Jeaneds., 'Mon Odyssée': lépopée d'un colon Saint-Domingue, emy D. Popkin, Siècle' (Paris: Société française d'Étude du DixPaul Pillet. Collection 'Dix-Huitième Huitième Siècle, 2015). 8. Thoret, Vie, 7,10, 12, 22-23. details of the massacre, written many years Ibid., 39. Thoret's account of the works 9. precisely to those given in most historical after the event, does not correspond of events in which the men were which usually describe a sequence on the subject, rounded up and killed some days killed first, with the women and children being and survivors are impossible later. The estimates he gives for the number ofvictims of his memoir, he says that and also somewhat contradictory: on page 38 at to verify survivors out of forty-five hundred whites in the city there were only twenty-three he mentions a larger number of victims the time of the massacres, but on page 43, one hundred nuns from killed some time after the principal massacre, including hundred, which It is not clear whether the estimate of forty-five the city's convent. casualties given in most other sources, includes these is higher than the figures for victims as well. 10. Ibid., 5311. Ibid., 56. 12. Ibid., 70. Chirot and Clark McCauley, Why Not Kill Them 13. See the discussion in Daniel Murder (Princeton, NJ: Princeton All?: The Logic and Prevention of Mass Political University Press, 2006), esp. 19-45in the printed version of Whether all the officers whose names appeared to 14In the memoirs attributed this document actually signed it is an open question. figure, writes, mixed-race military and political him, Guy-Joseph Bonnet, a leading la première fois, des offi- "Souvent à la lecture d'un acte public qu'ils voyaient pour Bonnet, qu'ils y avaient apposé leurs signatures." ciers étaient étonnés d'apprendre Souvenirs, 128. of Revolution': Law, Exceptionalism, Malick Ghachem, "The End of the "Age 15. Haitian Declaration of Independence," p. 109. and the American Proclamations of Haitian 16. Cited in Deborah Jenson, "Dessalines's Independence, 7) Journal of Haitian Studies 15 (2009):72-102. à Phistoire d'Haiti (1804; Mémoires pour servir 17. Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre, Études, 6:7; translation in Saint-Denis: Prévot et Drouard, 1981), ix; Ardouin, repr. Dubois, Avengers, 298. and the American Proclamations of Haitian 16. Cited in Deborah Jenson, "Dessalines's Independence, 7) Journal of Haitian Studies 15 (2009):72-102. à Phistoire d'Haiti (1804; Mémoires pour servir 17. Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre, Études, 6:7; translation in Saint-Denis: Prévot et Drouard, 1981), ix; Ardouin, repr. Dubois, Avengers, 298. --- Page 149 --- 134 JEREMY D. POPKIN 18. Bonnet, Souvenirs, 128. Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative, 89. 19. 20. Ibid. back to the French naturalist Michel-Étienne 21. This quotation appears to go observations (Paris: Dufart Père, Descourtilz's memoir, Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses 1809), 3:261. Dessalines and the Atlantic System, a Re22. Philippe R. Girard, "Jean-Jacques no. 3 (2012): 549-82. appraisal," ' William and Mary Quarterly 69, A Global History (CamDavid Armitage, The Declaration of Independence: 23. Harvard University Press, 2007), 116. bridge, MA: Études 5:342-43 (Dézobry, ed.). ArThe document is printed in Ardouin, or where 24. it, how Dessalines obtained a copy, douin does not specify who composed Ardouin himself found it. 25- Ibid., 6:66-69. Chitty (Philadelphia: T. and 26. Emer de Vattel, The Law of Nations, trans. Joseph J W. Johnson, 1854), 348. et détail de quelques événements qui ont 27. Le Clerc, "Campagne de Limbé, époque de l'incendie commune) jusqu'au 20 juin 1793, eu lieu dans ce quartier (ou (Aix-en-Provence), carton CC9 A 8, du Cap," n.d. Centre des Archives d'Outre-Mer Accounts ofthe Haitian Insurreccited in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution: Eyewitness University of Chicago Press, 2007), 104. tion (Chicago: des deux Indes, (Geneva: Pellet, 1780), 28. G.-T. Raynal, Histoire philosophique Ardouin noted the parallel between historian 3:204-5- The mid.tinetentlkcentury document in his comments on the passage and the Dessalines the Raynal/Diderot Ardouin, Études, 6:70. April 28, 1804, proclamation: Sketches ofthe Revolution and the Foreign 29. Peter Stephen Chazotte, Historical York: W. Applegate, 1840), cited in and Civil Wars in the Island of St. Domingo (New Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 348-49. Facing Racial Revolution, 349. Chazotte, Historical Sketches, cited in Popkin, 30. 31. Ibid., 355-56. as "Johnny" in the English version 32. For the execution of Jeannot (described Recital, ofthe Different Occurrences ofGros's memoir), see [Gabriel] Gros, A Historick and Others (Baltimore: Dondon, Sainte-Suzanne, in the Camps ofGrande-Reviere, Facing Racial Revolution, 127 For Samuel and John Adams, 1793), cited in Popkin, of the insurrection, see the estimate of white losses in the first four months the to the Minister of the Navy, December 23, 1791, letter ofthe First Civil Commission the same time estimated D XXV 1, d. 2. A white colonist writing at around in AN, insurrection at four thousand. "Evaluation de la the number of blacks killed in the AN, D XXV113, révoltés dans les dix paroisses en insurrection," quantité des nègres d. 897 cited in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 150. 33- Gros, Historick Recital, On the role of white sailors in the violence in Popkin, You Are All Free, 242. 34- Commission the same time estimated D XXV 1, d. 2. A white colonist writing at around in AN, insurrection at four thousand. "Evaluation de la the number of blacks killed in the AN, D XXV113, révoltés dans les dix paroisses en insurrection," quantité des nègres d. 897 cited in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 150. 33- Gros, Historick Recital, On the role of white sailors in the violence in Popkin, You Are All Free, 242. 34- --- Page 150 --- OF THE DECLARATION 135 DESSALINES, THORET, AND THE AFTERMATH of the revolution, see Jeremy D. Popkin, "Sailors Saint-Domingue in the early years French History 26 Naval Mutineers in Saint-Domingue, 1790-1793 and Revolution:1 (December 2012): 460-81. the vivid survivor account in Mon Odyssée, 35- On the Fort-Dauphin massacre, see and the forthcoming work of Graham in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 255-64, Revolution, Emancipation, and ReenslaveNessler, An Islandwide Struggle efor Freedom: of North Carolina Press, (Chapel Hill: University ment in Hispaniola, 1789-1809 rebellion, see the letter of the forthcoming). On white deaths during the Moyse December 5, 1801, in the Whitfield to Governor Nugent of Jamaica, British agent to this source, at least National Library, Nugent Papers, ms. 72. According Jamaican killed in the of the rebellion. two thousand blacks were repression 126-27 There is a vivid survivor's ac36. Girard, Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon, vols. (Paris: Dufort, Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, 3 count in Michel-Etienne Racial Revolution, 286-92. 1809), cited in Popkin, Facing 37 Madiou, Histoire, 3:177. 38. Ardouin, Études, 6:10 (Dalencour ed.). 39. Ibid. in the Remaking of the Early Nineteenth40. Julia Gaffield, "Haiti and Jamaica 60, no. 3 (2012): 607. Atlantic World," William and Mary Quarterly Century Ardouin, Études, 6:74 (Dézobry ed.). 41. Madiou, Histoire, 3:178; Paris, 1889), accessed via DLOC, Émile Bergeaud, Stella, 2nd ed. (1859; repr. 42. February 2013. ed.). 43- Ardouin, Études, 6:73 (Dézobry Human Rights in History (Cambridge, See Samuel Moyn, The Last Utopia: 44. MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 30. of Congo': African Political John Thornton, "I am the Subject of the King 45. Revolution, 1 Journal of World History 4, no. 2 (1998):190. Ideology and the Haitian (Paris: Gallimard, 2013), 419, 420. 46. Patrice Gueniffey, Bonaparte: 1769-1802 Republicanism, the Cult of Nature, Dan Edelstein, The Terror of Natural Right: 260. 47. University ofChicago Press, 2009), 17, 42, and the French Revolution, (Chicago: and the Haitian Revolution (New York: 48. See Malick Ghachem, The Old Regime Cambridge University Press, 201). Girard, Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon, 322. 49. Wretched Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (1961; 50. Frantz Fanon, The ofthe repr. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1963), 93-94. PA: UniHegel, Haiti, and Universal History (Pittsburgh, 51. Susan Buck-Morss, versity of Pittsburgh Press, 2009), 142, 144. 2nd ed. (New York: Verso, 2009), 52. Slavoj Zizek, In Defense of Lost Causes, for bringing these passages to my 472. I would like to thank Eric Brandom 471, attention. (1961; 50. Frantz Fanon, The ofthe repr. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1963), 93-94. PA: UniHegel, Haiti, and Universal History (Pittsburgh, 51. Susan Buck-Morss, versity of Pittsburgh Press, 2009), 142, 144. 2nd ed. (New York: Verso, 2009), 52. Slavoj Zizek, In Defense of Lost Causes, for bringing these passages to my 472. I would like to thank Eric Brandom 471, attention. --- Page 151 --- Did Dessalines Plan to Export the Haitian Revolution? PHILIPPE GIRARD was delivered by a Haitian, in The Haitian Declaration of Independence was not only Haibut its intended audience, arguably, Haiti, to Haitians, nothing," Jean-Jacques Destian but international. "You have accomplished assembled on January1,1 1804 salines admonished the revolutionary veterans of the vengeance "unless give to the nations a terrible, but just, example you the whole universe, to posterity, that must be wrought. ' "Let us swear before also read. name France forever," the text "My and to ourselves to renounce "1 In many ways, delivering has become a horror to all those who want slavery." of theater performed on a world stage. the declaration was an act political intended audience. "Dessalines Other clues point to the declaration's because he thought a word of French," noted a contemporary, never spoke for "white man. n2 And yet, to make it accessible this language was only fit a in Haitian Kreyol, the lanthe world's the declaration was not to diplomats, in Haiti, but in a form of French SO formal guage most commonly spoken Dessalines included, must have and legalistic that many contemporaries, in the US press it. Translated copies soon appeared struggled to understand world as well. to ensure its diffusion in the English-speaking who fully underHaitian revolutionaries, This was no isolated example. only successful slave revolt, stood the international implications of history's hostile accounts oft their eneto a counternarrative to the were eager present declaration of independence, delivered mies. An earlier and lesser known world that Haitian rebels would November 1803, warned the outside >3 on 29, taken by "any of the powers ofthe Earth.' never allow their rights to be away found its way into US Like that of January 1, 1804 this declaration quickly with our writings," We proved the legitimacy of our Rights newspapers." later boasted Dessalines's successor.' stood the international implications of history's hostile accounts oft their eneto a counternarrative to the were eager present declaration of independence, delivered mies. An earlier and lesser known world that Haitian rebels would November 1803, warned the outside >3 on 29, taken by "any of the powers ofthe Earth.' never allow their rights to be away found its way into US Like that of January 1, 1804 this declaration quickly with our writings," We proved the legitimacy of our Rights newspapers." later boasted Dessalines's successor.' --- Page 152 --- PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 137 DID DESSALINES A Call to Arms? was a message to the world, what If the 1804 Declaration of Independence obviously content? Declaring and justifying Haiti's independence was its black state was such a radical notion in a recame first, but the existence of a that a burning question dominated by colonialism, racism, and slavery to gion Atlantic World of 1804: Would the new regime try was preoccupying the societies? export its slave revolt to neighboring plantation most radical of Haiti's revBecause Dessalines has a reputation as the he viewed Haiti's scholars have concluded that olutionary leaders, many ambitious revolutionary project aimed independence as the first step of an of this theand white rule in the New World. Proponents at ending slavery Caribbean authors who want their hero to sis include Haitian and French US scholars who rely on black nationalist model, as well as modern fit a that Dessalines was actively sponcontemporary rumors in the US press to the framework overseas." Ultimately, according soring slave conspiracies From Rebellion to Revolution (1979), the proposed by Eugene Genovese in point in the history of revolutions "constituted a turning Haitian and French African rebellions to an era of slave revolts," from a period of short-sighted "resulted in efforts, often carried ideologically ambitious revolutions. They revolts and movements for French-speaking blacks, to encourage slave n7 by they became carriers of new doctrines." national liberation. everywhere hand, the Haitian Revolution's imFor David P. Geggus, on the other the Americas, slaves and than tangible. Throughout pact was more symbolic achievements and occasionally tried people of color celebrated the Haitians' Haitian involvement in slave upthem, but evidence for direct to replicate When such involvement was noticerisings was tenuous and inconclusive. with Genovese, "it was the able, Geggus further argues in contradistinction southern who of mixed racial descent [from Haiti's province] freeborn men not the former slaves" from the the revolution, sought to internationalize North and West like Dessalines." addressed this question, in The Declaration of Independence directly To those that must have surprised many of its contemporaries. the a manner his black legions across convinced that Dessalines would soon dispatch itself, his commitment Caribbean, he offered a two-pronged answer. In Haiti but he and individual freedom was uncompromising; to national sovereignty internal labor system. saw no reason to interfere with his neighbors' and emanin Haiti (by which Dessalines meant independence Liberty "We must forever cipation rather than democracy) was non-negotiable. 7 he explained of liberty in the country that gave us birth," ensure the empire meant killing "anyone who is in the Declaration of Independence, even ifit vinced that Dessalines would soon dispatch itself, his commitment Caribbean, he offered a two-pronged answer. In Haiti but he and individual freedom was uncompromising; to national sovereignty internal labor system. saw no reason to interfere with his neighbors' and emanin Haiti (by which Dessalines meant independence Liberty "We must forever cipation rather than democracy) was non-negotiable. 7 he explained of liberty in the country that gave us birth," ensure the empire meant killing "anyone who is in the Declaration of Independence, even ifit --- Page 153 --- 138 PHILIPPE GIRARD would soil with their sacrilegious foot the territory of born French, and who issued in ensuing weeks were in the liberty." 7 Proclamations that Dessalines French planters still residing vein. He then massacred most same jingoistic 28 that "the implacable enemies of the in Haiti before announcing on April of their crimes. >10 441 Break all suffered the penalty worthy rights of man have if do not want your blood to be mixed alliance with my enemy (France] you Santo Domingo (Dominican with his," " he warned the Spaniards of nearby Bonaparte, letter to Napoléon Republic)." Finally, in a possibly apocryphal French rival. Send along your sister he resorted to biting humor to taunt his her, and "this way CorDessalines suggested. He would then marry Pauline, blood." w12 sican blood would unite with negro France, Dessalines insisted And yet, even as he pledged eternal hatred to colonies and the United would not extend to European that his animosity have been missed by the scholars who States-a crucial point that seems to however that a proselyunderline his messianic ambitions. "Let us ensure of > he in the Declaration tizing spirit does not destroy our work," explained let them live quietly Independence. "Let our neighbors breathe in peace, themselves, and let us of the laws that they have made for under the aegis ourselves legislators of the firebrands proclaiming not go, as revolutionary the tranquility oft the neighboring Islands." Antilles, seek glory by disturbing Dessalines's radicalism would be purely defensive. issued after Destone, the proclamation of April 28, 1804, Despite its fiery embraced the same dichotmost of Haiti's white planters, salines massacred ifthe French ever invaded Haiti again, omy. He promised "a new holocaust" liberation, limiting himself to but he made no call for a hemispheric war of in the Lesser Antilles, lamenting the fate of the "unfortunate Martiniquais" offer little more than moral suphis own admission, he could to whom, by distance: "If only I could fly to help you and break port due to geographical a French colony, SO this show of ironsl"1s At any rate, Martinique was your posed no threat to non-French actors. sympathy Dessalines's policy of selfcontainment was merely One could argue that before he could to lull his enemies into complacency an empty promise declaration ofinstrike. After all, in their November 29, 1803, preliminary planters fellow had promised mercy to French dependence he and generals them a few months incite them to return from exile, only to massacre to Dessalines's stance on Actions louder than words, SO ultimately later. speak should be deduced from his actual policies exporting the Haitian Revolution rather than his speeches. Haitian meddling in There is still much research to be done regarding scholarly intersocieties, partly because widespread neighboring plantation is little more than two decades old (at least est in the Haitian Revolution ellow had promised mercy to French dependence he and generals them a few months incite them to return from exile, only to massacre to Dessalines's stance on Actions louder than words, SO ultimately later. speak should be deduced from his actual policies exporting the Haitian Revolution rather than his speeches. Haitian meddling in There is still much research to be done regarding scholarly intersocieties, partly because widespread neighboring plantation is little more than two decades old (at least est in the Haitian Revolution --- Page 154 --- PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 139 DID DESSALINES because of the field's intrinsic difficulties. For security outside Haiti), partly are unlikely to have been docreasons, secret plots against Haiti's neighbors did not exist, as this paper umented in detail. Proving that such plots largely absence of evidence, one can only point to the will argue, is also a challenge: yet remains the only way to which is far less compelling than positive proof Haitian Revolution's global about the correct a common misunderstanding meaning. policies of Haitian revolutionaries is also Researching the international multiarchival and multilingual research task that requires a backbreaking and North and South America. Haitian archival in the Caribbean, Europe, after independence due to political indeposits are notoriously incomplete the archives of potential target countries stability and poor recordkeeping; documents were authored by planters because many are equally problematic to slave conspiracies and who and officials who were unlikely to be privy evidence of Haitian involvewere prone to exaggerate or even manufacture Ada Ferrer, who made a ment to suit their agenda. For lack ofl better options, relied on ofa alleged Haitian plots in Cuba, extensively thorough investigation even as she lamented the fact that interrogations of suspected ringleaders, the threat of torture and that all of confessions were obtained under many mediated by the captors' scribes.' 14 them were revolutionaries take to export their revoluWhich steps, then, did Haitian is little" if we define tion? Based on the available evidence, the answer Toussaint "quite Louverture and revolutionaries as former black slaves like Haitian slave revolts or conspiracies were inspired by Jean-Jacques Dessalines. Many of the Haitian Revolution, but the Haitian Revolution or involved veterans and after Deswas exceedingly rare before, during, direct state involvement mixed-race Haitians were more entresalines's time. As noted by Geggus, white idealists (including preneurial than their black countrymen; SO were conclusion that will further complicate our understandJews), a surprising of the Haitian Revolution. ing ofthe racial dynamics the Haitian Revolution: Dominguan Precedents Exporting in Saint-Domingue (Haiti's name before Slave resistance had a long history rather than universal struggle. January 1, 1804), but it was an inward-looking aimed at getting their sovereignty Communities of slave runaways typically for a pledge of nonaggresrecognized by colonial authorities in exchange resistance that did not fundacalibrated act of sion.' 15 Theirs was a carefully of Saint-Domingue or that of its mentally challenge the plantation system neighbors. Revolution began in 1791, slave rebels concentrated When the Haitian ents Exporting in Saint-Domingue (Haiti's name before Slave resistance had a long history rather than universal struggle. January 1, 1804), but it was an inward-looking aimed at getting their sovereignty Communities of slave runaways typically for a pledge of nonaggresrecognized by colonial authorities in exchange resistance that did not fundacalibrated act of sion.' 15 Theirs was a carefully of Saint-Domingue or that of its mentally challenge the plantation system neighbors. Revolution began in 1791, slave rebels concentrated When the Haitian --- Page 155 --- 140 PHILIPPE GIRARD domestic white planters, not task of defeating their efforts on the daunting There has been considerable debate on launching a hemispheric revolution. but worldwide revolution the aims of the rebel leaders in 1791, concerning foreign involvement during the early was clearly not on the list. If anything, white begged Revolution went from the outside in because planters Haitian which ultimately led to British and their neighbors for military assistance, The only plan to export the Spanish invasions of Saint-Domingue in 1793.6 Jean-Pierre Brissot conflict came from France: in 1792, French abolitionist thousand free people of color from Saint-Domingue proposed to employ ten American revolutionary Francisco invade colonies. But the South to Spanish the expedition, declined the offer."7 de Miranda, when asked to command in Saint-Domingue but The 1790S was a most eventful decade, not only where the number throughout the Caribbean and the Western Hemisphere, fact that such revolts were and size of slave revolts suddenly spiked. But the that they origiwith the Haitian Revolution does not prove contemporary for this restlessness range Possible explanations nated in Saint-Domingue. rebels to a recent influx of African-born from the example set by Dominguan in the context of the wars of the slaves to divisions within colonial powers Revolution to a decline in the size of European garrisons." French difficult to detect before 1798. ReDominguan involvement is particularly involved people who in Pointe Coupée (Louisiana) in 1791 and 1795 bellions but there is no evidence that they were acting had lived in Saint-Domingue, slave revolt-most of whom did not orders from leaders of the Haitian on until 1794." 19 Cuba was hit even embrace the ideal of general emancipation 1796 (one case), and or actual revolts in 1795 (two cases), from by conspiracies though they often expected help 1798 (five), but suspected conspirators, 20 Three slaves involved in the received no such assistance.? Saint- Domingue, had apparently served the rebellion in 1796 in Santo Domingo Boca Nigua but they denounced the plot to Dominguan general Jean-François Papillon, overanalyzing this revolt as authorities, sO Antonio Pinto has argued against reached a similar conAda Ferrer of the Haitian Revolution." an offshoot which Cuban authorities clusion in the case of the 1806 Gûines conspiracy, planter cruelty, had tied to Haiti to hide the fact that local factors, namely prompted slaves to revolt.22 in the United States in the Suspected or actual plots were numerous is again lacking. In 1793 1790S, but proof of tangible Haitian involvement refugees and their after the arrival of numerous Dominguan in Charleston, "French negroes, " but evidence on the slaves, a plot was blamed on so-called is conflicted. Rather than ofthe revolt's backers (or even its existence) ideidentity have originated with French-American black Frenchmen, the plot might whose nephew Isaac the merchant Abraham Sasportas, alists such as Jewish in the United States in the Suspected or actual plots were numerous is again lacking. In 1793 1790S, but proof of tangible Haitian involvement refugees and their after the arrival of numerous Dominguan in Charleston, "French negroes, " but evidence on the slaves, a plot was blamed on so-called is conflicted. Rather than ofthe revolt's backers (or even its existence) ideidentity have originated with French-American black Frenchmen, the plot might whose nephew Isaac the merchant Abraham Sasportas, alists such as Jewish --- Page 156 --- PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 141 DID DESSALINES involved in another conspiracy in Jamaica. Alternatively, French later became fabricated the plot to discredit their republican oppomonarchists may have southern planters." 23 nents by tying them to a cause sure to upset such as slaves, repubThe presence of various groups of French refugees and Coand royalist émigrés in New Granada (Venezuela licans, prisoners, worrisome to local Spanish authorities, but these lombia) in 1793-95 was of revolutionary ideas in the creole groups "took no part in the development 24 The Coro revolt of 1795 has been population," n concluded Angel Sanz Tapia. Leonardo Chirinos, but only because its leader, José tied to Saint-Domingue not because he was acting on orders from had spent time in the colony, white and free conspirators Dominguan rebel leaders. In 1797 in Cartagena, French revolutionary ideals, of color planned to found a republic modeled on A clearer example of a from was not forthcoming. but help Saint-Domingue that still involved enterprising individDominguan connection, though one took place in 1799 in Maracaibo uals rather than formal top-down planning, crews was uncovand Cartagena, where a plot by Dominguan privateering ered before it could be set in motion. took decade's largest slave revolts outside Saint-Domingue One of the inspired by French colonial policies: place in 1795 in Curaçao. It was clearly blacks have been given their freedom one rebel explained that "the French Holland has been taken over [under the 1794 French law abolishing slavery), n25 A leader even took on the name by the French, hence we too must be free. Louverture) while the other of Toussaint (after the black general Toussaint André Rigaud). Whether called himself Rigaud (after the mixed-race general issue. There is no trace nominal homage reflected actual ties is another this Rigaud's involvement is more credible of any involvement by Louverture. and Curaçao commercial ties between southern Saint-Domingue since to the Dutch prosecution, had and rebel leaders, according were extensive, Frenchman named Rigeaud [sic] was going to told the slaves that "a certain should ready themselves to fight the come to set them all free and that they that they were not imagined whites.' p26 But Rigaud's reassurances (assuming did not mean active rebel leaders to encourage their troops) by Curaçaoan and the Curaçaoan support: no material help came from Saint-Domingue revolt was brutally suppressed. 1798 in Bahia, Brazil, made Similarly, members ofthe Tailors' conspiracyin: that Napoléon Bonaideals and hoped references to French emancipationist was in Egypt at the time (where, parte would send some help; but Bonaparte which is revealing of the extent to incidentally, he did not abolish slavery), could be wishful thinking. 27 which talk of French or Dominguan support involvement was unlikely until More generally, large-scale Dominguan Spanish and British was too busy repelling 1798 because Saint-Domingue was brutally suppressed. 1798 in Bahia, Brazil, made Similarly, members ofthe Tailors' conspiracyin: that Napoléon Bonaideals and hoped references to French emancipationist was in Egypt at the time (where, parte would send some help; but Bonaparte which is revealing of the extent to incidentally, he did not abolish slavery), could be wishful thinking. 27 which talk of French or Dominguan support involvement was unlikely until More generally, large-scale Dominguan Spanish and British was too busy repelling 1798 because Saint-Domingue --- Page 157 --- 142 PHILIPPE GIRARD encouraged the French invasions to go on the offensive. When a subordinate of in Sonthonax to mount an invasion Jamaica commissioner Léger-Félicité would have to be put on hold until the 1796, he replied that this project abated.25 Only in 1798 did Louverture nemilitary crisis in Saint-Domingue He then expelled or margingotiate the departure of the last British troops. himself as the leading and established alized French colonial representatives first in the northern and political and military figure in Saint-Domingue, and eventually through- (1798), then in the South (1800), western provinces was free from foreign invaders (1801). Once Saint-Domingue out Hispaniola former slave, it now became theoretically possible for and under the rule ofa Haitian slave revolt to take a proactive the leaders who had emerged from the role overseas. Revolution: The Louverture Precedent Exporting the Haitian foreign policy would have Toussaint Louverture to embrace a messianic For from Paris. After the National Convention abolbeen consistent with orders when the Directory took over ished slavery in 1794 (a policy that was upheld beyond its empire as a way in 1795), France saw the spread of emancipation blow at its enemies, its ideals, but also to strike a mortal not only to export in Jamaica. "Let's toss liberty at the Great Britain and its colony most notably boasted the deputy Georges Danton colonies; today, the English are dead," from Europe the abolition law was passed." 29 Unable to ship troops on the day France also found it convenient to rely on due to British naval blockades, ofthe Caribbean population. 30 black freedmen, who formed the vast majority accordingly began similar to the one first floated by Brissot in 1792 Plans in Saint-Domingue to as Paris instructed French commissioners to multiply black freedmen. Abolish slavery in Santo go on the offensive by employing "the Blacks most fanatic about libDomingo (Dominican Republic) and use in 179631 "You must wrote the minister of the navy erty" to attack Jamaica, and abolish slavery in the Antilles,' think ofattacking [the English]in Jamaica initially emhis successor a few years later.' 32 Napoléon Bonaparte in repeated policy after seizing power 1799 braced the Directory's emancipationist than they did as slaves but because "Iblacks] will make less sugar, maybe, n33 a Soon, he instructed Louverture they will serve us, ifneeded, as soldiers." will help enlarge in March 1801, "a division of the army of Saint-Domingue n34 and of the Republic. in your climates the glory possessions during the tenParisian calls for action had a noted impact in Guadeloupe the colony After retaking ure of the French agent Victor Hugues (794-98). freedmen to target St. Vincent from Great Britain, Hugues employed French 35 Also notable while Guadeloupe became a nest of privateers." and St. Lucia they will serve us, ifneeded, as soldiers." will help enlarge in March 1801, "a division of the army of Saint-Domingue n34 and of the Republic. in your climates the glory possessions during the tenParisian calls for action had a noted impact in Guadeloupe the colony After retaking ure of the French agent Victor Hugues (794-98). freedmen to target St. Vincent from Great Britain, Hugues employed French 35 Also notable while Guadeloupe became a nest of privateers." and St. Lucia --- Page 158 --- PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 143 DID DESSALINES sailors and soldiers of color from Guawas the 1800 invasion of Curaçao by officers such as Alexandre deloupe, along with some mixed-race Dominguan Pétion and Rigaud's brothers.' 36 schemes were surprisingly In contrast with Guadeloupe, expansionist Louverture's opnonexistent in the much larger colony of Saint-Domingue. French agents were eager position largely accounts for this paradox, because between France and their Hugues. As the Quasi-War to imitate colleague the French commissioner Gabriel the United States took hold in 1797-98, enough to declare d'Hédouville asked: "Ifthe United States was ungrateful their own turf2"37 would it not be possible to attack them on war against us, invasion accordingly spread Rumors of an imminent French-Dominguan the United States, however, through the US South. 38 Rather than invading and security" wrote to President John Adams to offer "protection Louverture ports." 39 In May-June 1799, he signed to US ships coming to Dominguan under which he promised not to formal treaties with British and US envoys of commercial Revolution in exchange for a resumption export the Haitian both of which were ties and US naval support in a civil war against 40 Rigaud, far more relevant to his immediate policy goals. Hédouville's successor Philippe Despite Louverture's lack of enthusiasm, With the help of the mixedRoume plowed ahead with plans of expeditions. Isaac Sasportas, Roume Martial Besse and the Jewish merchant race general to invade Jamaica and abolish slavery there. devised an ambitious plan that the plan also included a simultane- (The governor of Curaçao argued invented this story to undermine ous attack on Curaçao, but he probably of Jamaica was by far the most his political rivals. 42) The planned invasion during the Haitian ambitious overseas venture mounted in Saint-Domingue the to British and Revolution, but it collapsed when Louverture leaked plans US authorities." 43 Louverture's son and then recycled According to a claim first made by Louverture opArdouin and C. L. R. James, by historians such as Beaubrun dream: "to fling invasion becausel he had an even grander posed the Jamaican the African continent SO as to abolish the himselfwith a handful ofbraves on did the opposite: according to slave trade and slavery." n44 Louverture actually traders "for the importation the governor of Jamaica, he asked British slave because a labor of negroes (from the coast of Africa) into Saint-Domingue" 45 hampered the recovery of the plantation sector." shortage abetted Gabriel Prosser's According to Douglas Egerton, two Frenchmen white veterans of in Richmond, but he identified them as 1800 conspiracy who were "acting strictly on the American Revolution and anti-Federalists whereby European idealists their own. n46 This is consistent with a pattern than cauFrench revolutionary ideals were more entrepreneurial inspired by importation the governor of Jamaica, he asked British slave because a labor of negroes (from the coast of Africa) into Saint-Domingue" 45 hampered the recovery of the plantation sector." shortage abetted Gabriel Prosser's According to Douglas Egerton, two Frenchmen white veterans of in Richmond, but he identified them as 1800 conspiracy who were "acting strictly on the American Revolution and anti-Federalists whereby European idealists their own. n46 This is consistent with a pattern than cauFrench revolutionary ideals were more entrepreneurial inspired by --- Page 159 --- 144 PHILIPPE GIRARD domestic prileaders like Louverture, who had to juggle multiple tious rebel diversions. orities and treated overseas ventures as unwelcome took place in January Louverture's sole foray beyond Saint-Domingue Republic). But Santo 1801 when he invaded Santo Domingo (the Dominican with to share a land border Saint-Domingue, Domingo was the only colony with his partners, did not violate Louverture's treaties Anglo-American SO it he could not send warships more than five leagues which stipulated that had officially ceded Santo shores."7 Also, because Spain from Hispaniola's under the Peace of Basel, Louverture was able Domingo to France in 1795 takeover of a fellow French to present the invasion as a mere administrative territory. that Louverture abolished slavery when Most historians take it for granted the instance in which which would mark only he invaded Santo Domingo, 48 This had indeed been he officially freed slaves beyond Saint-Domingue. since the Peace of Basel." The aim of Parisian authorities a long-standing had accordingly sent envoys to Santo French governor of Saint-Domingue of but the Spanish governor Domingo in 1795 to spread the "decree liberty,"l and crushed three attempts had postponed its implementation indefinitely 50 "Spanish inhabitants do not want by Dominican slaves to free themselves. at the time 51 hear of liberty," " Louverture had noted to general in 1800-1801, he to take over Santo Domingo Accordingly, as prepared liberty and his concern between his desire to expand Louverture was caught planters to flee with their valuthat a sudden abolition would incite Spanish treated and governed as workforce. Santo Domingo "will continue to be able "We often talked about the bad manner in the past, " he instructed a general. was given in the transition period] in which general liberty [i.e., without a and how it is important to wisely make it French part (Saint-Domingue), should thus not change anything reign without tremors into this part: one orders exists. n52 Documents published on Louverture's to the system that the issue of emancipation, presumably to during the takeover tiptoe around ofv whom were threatening to leave avoid scaring off Spanish planters, many with their slaves. 53 formally abolished slavery in 1801 The printed decree by which Louverture because has yet to be found, presumably, one suspects, in Santo Domingo he turned slaves into "cultivators," a type there never was one.s Instead, at the time. Louverture exof quasi-serfdom prevalent in Saint-Domingue their "liberty" and be slaves that they would now enjoy plained to Dominican insisted that cultivators remain tied to their paid a fourth of the crop; but he than before; that they remain "that they work, even more former plantations; with diligence, being fully determined to obedient; that they do their duty difference between those who don't. 55 Unable to tell the punish severely ivators," a type there never was one.s Instead, at the time. Louverture exof quasi-serfdom prevalent in Saint-Domingue their "liberty" and be slaves that they would now enjoy plained to Dominican insisted that cultivators remain tied to their paid a fourth of the crop; but he than before; that they remain "that they work, even more former plantations; with diligence, being fully determined to obedient; that they do their duty difference between those who don't. 55 Unable to tell the punish severely --- Page 160 --- PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 145 DID DESSALINES planters later Louverture's free but stern labor regime, Spanish slavery and Louverture had not proclaimed the lib- "remembered that general Toussaint oft their slaves during the takeover.' >56 reerty Louverture made public in July 1801 strongly The constitution that Saint-Domingue (art. 3), which theoretaffirmed that all men were free in earlier that year. In practice, ically applied to Santo Domingo, conquered Nessler before and after 1801 manumission documents examined by Graham and French law situation in which layers of Spanish hint at a chaotic legal facto standard. 57 overlapped while slavery remained the de Under arclause of the 1801 constitution is worth mentioning. Another could only be employed to maintain public ticle 52, the Dominguan army banned foreign ventures. order and to defend the colony, which implicitly limit ourselves to guarding "We will not wage war in foreign lands; we will 58 Domestic tranquility re1 Louverture instructed his officers. our coasts, of 1802, when a large expedition sent by mained his priority until the spring brought a sudden end to his reign. Bonaparte the Revolution: Dessalines's Record Exporting ideological heir. After LouverIn many ways, Dessalines was Louverture's Dessalines took over as leader of the ture was exiled to France in 1802 and policies, including nonrebel army, he embraced many of his predecessor's Dessalines's behalf) to interventionism. Letters sent by Dessalines (or on all offered and the United States in the summer of 1803 Cuba, Jamaica, Louverture's own diplomacy: the basic quid pro quo that had underpinned Dessalines proposed, and in sell us weapons and buy our tropical crops, 59 "As long as we enjoy our exchange we will not threaten our neighbors. 1 a rebel officer informed rights, you have nothing to fear from us, legitimate Anglo-American merchants. in the 1804 Declaration of IndepenThe promises made by Dessalines Far from being an aberdence must be understood in this historical context. selfcontainment was consistent with a strategic compromise ration or a lie, since overseas adventures might not that harked back to the Louverture era: a neutral posture SO as succeed for lack of naval means, it was best to adopt that the French cultivate allies at a time when Dessalines was convinced to to reconquer Haiti. would soon send a new expedition in the spring of 1804 has with British Jamaica Dessalines's diplomacy with the views expressed in the Declabeen well documented,1 In keeping British envoys that he would Dessalines promised ration of Independence, and not invade Jamaica, while adamantly set limits on his blue-water navy national territory. 62 Declining to derefusing to give away an inch of Haitian , it was best to adopt that the French cultivate allies at a time when Dessalines was convinced to to reconquer Haiti. would soon send a new expedition in the spring of 1804 has with British Jamaica Dessalines's diplomacy with the views expressed in the Declabeen well documented,1 In keeping British envoys that he would Dessalines promised ration of Independence, and not invade Jamaica, while adamantly set limits on his blue-water navy national territory. 62 Declining to derefusing to give away an inch of Haitian --- Page 161 --- 146 PHILIPPE GIRARD slaves, he limited himself to asking for mand the emancipation of Jamaica's become stranded overseas during of black Haitians who had the repatriation Like Louverture before him, he also repeatedly the course ofthe revolution." laborers into Haiti to replenish a popasked that British slave traders import been abolished, imported ulation halved by a decade of war. (Slavery having field laborers tied to their Africans would have become cultivators: semifree plantations)" had done in 1801, Dessalines invaded Santo In 1805, just as Louverture white and black DominiDomingo. Viewing Dessalines as an emancipator, the invasion. 65 In fact, Dessalines's primary cans either lamented or cheered but the expulsion of which he did not proclaim, goal was not emancipation, in Santo Domingo and threatened the French troops who had reassembled that a French Haiti. He aborted the invasion after hearing reports to attack defending the homeland remained Haifleet was headed for Haiti: as always, Haiti (another important strategic priority. To repopulate tis all-consuming back prisoners of color from Santo policy goal), Dessalines's army brought slaves probaof whom were "offered for sale as [cultivators, Domingo, many bly]" according to a US eyewitness." later in 1805 drew many ofits prinThe constitution issued by Dessalines stated that Louverture's. Like its 1801 precursor, it emphatically ciples from itself 1 and 2)- It also added that forever abolished in Haiti (art. slavery was with the views of Dessalines] shall never form any enterprise "the Emperor and interior administration of making conquests, nor to disturb the peace foreign colonies" (art. 36). during Dessalines's reign took The most famous case of foreign meddling in Jacmel, Haiti, 1806, when Francisco de Miranda stopped place in March According to the Haitian historian on his way to invade South America. local and, Dessalines allowed Miranda to recruit supporters Thomas Madiou, advice on how to win a war of offered some personal through a subordinate, off heads. n67 If Madiou is correct, one independence: "burn houses and cut because the British and that Dessalines broke his neutrality pledge and he suspects had also assisted Miranda (or SO claimed Miranda) US governments to fear. Other sources cast some doubts on had no diplomatic repercussions British admiral in Barbados wrote the extent of Dessalines's involvement; a that in into effect the Miranda that "you have represented to me carrying to have met with some difficulty from Expedition under your command, you [Haiti]. 68 At ofthe Force you expected to join at St. Domingo the defection rate, the invasion itselfwas a disaster. any there is "oblique evidence of Dessalines's particiFor Deborah Jenson, that did not rely on formal and national pation in decolonization schemes and insurrection plotted engagement, but on incendiary persuasion military a that in into effect the Miranda that "you have represented to me carrying to have met with some difficulty from Expedition under your command, you [Haiti]. 68 At ofthe Force you expected to join at St. Domingo the defection rate, the invasion itselfwas a disaster. any there is "oblique evidence of Dessalines's particiFor Deborah Jenson, that did not rely on formal and national pation in decolonization schemes and insurrection plotted engagement, but on incendiary persuasion military --- Page 162 --- PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 147 DID DESSALINES to her of w69 But the evidence provided support by small numbers people. was planning to start a revolt theory-a Frenchman's claim that Dessalines the propensity of contemand Guadeloupe- -seems thin given in Martinique 70 Julia Gaffield has shown that porary: actors to see Haitian plots everywhere." Roberjot Lartigue, to whom in St. Thomas, Arnaud André the French agent French fears SO as to raise these rumors can be traced back, was playing up of his salary." Eviin bureaucratic circles and obtain the payment his profile in British Trinidad involvement in an 1805 conspiracy dence for Dessalines's disseminated in Spanish colonies 72 Similar rumors also appears incomplete." those that continued to circulate in are vague and unconvincing, especially could do no harm for a simple reason: he 1807, at a time when Dessalines was dead.7 the Revolution: After Dessalines Exporting 1806 changed nothing within the basic Dessalines's assassination in October fears of Haitian infiltration conpattern of Haitian foreign relations. Inflated unintended but positive ef foreign slave owners, with the tinued to trouble restrict and then end its involvement in fect of pushing the United States to slave trade lest foreign slaves upset the US plantation system." the Atlantic Revolution continued to inspire slaves and The example of the Haitian in the short-lived republic of free people of color in the Americas, notably actual Haitian meddling reCartagena from 1811 to 1815, but evidence of Louisiana, the largest weak.5 The German Coast Uprising in 1811 mained mixed-race slave originally from Saint-Domingue, in US history, involved a is often the case, are too fragmentary Charles Deslondes, but the sources, as from Haiti.7% That that the rebels received direct encouragement to prove but not directed by, Haiti failed in same year, a plot that was inspired by, British-occupied Martinique. 77 was blamed on HaiIn 1812 Cuba, the rebellion of José Antonio Aponte Dessalines were found in because portraits of Louverture and tian agitators seconds pretended to be the Aponte's house and because one of Aponte's But rebels were SO hopeful (actually deceased) Haitian rebel Jean-François. to blame their slaves' from Haiti, and authorities SO eager to obtain help that Haitis involvement was likely discontent on some outside influence, exaggerated.? after spending timein Denmark Vesey is usually presented as a rebel who, whites and then hatched a plot in 1822 to kill Charleston's is based Saint-Domingue, has shown that this narrative sail to Haiti. But Michael P. Johnson and that the very existence of analysis of deeply flawed sources on a cursory is in doubt. One of the (and hence any Haitian connections) a conspiracy slaves' from Haiti, and authorities SO eager to obtain help that Haitis involvement was likely discontent on some outside influence, exaggerated.? after spending timein Denmark Vesey is usually presented as a rebel who, whites and then hatched a plot in 1822 to kill Charleston's is based Saint-Domingue, has shown that this narrative sail to Haiti. But Michael P. Johnson and that the very existence of analysis of deeply flawed sources on a cursory is in doubt. One of the (and hence any Haitian connections) a conspiracy --- Page 163 --- 148 PHILIPPE GIRARD Monday Gell, explained that few slaves who cooperated with the prosecution, this subject [the alleged wrote to St Domingo or anywhere else on "I never with execution that he changed plot)." It was only when he was threatened "which was directed to and cited some hypothetical letter by Vesey, his story Haiti) n79 Vesey, who had already been exepresident (Jean-Pierre] Boyer [of cuted, could offer no rebuttal. circulating among white plantInstead oft taking at face value every rumor conspirators, Haitian confession forcibly extracted by suspected ers or every reading this country's abundant political literpolicies should be assessed by remained remarkably conwhich has scarcely been analyzed. Its tone ature, the aftermath of Dessalines's death, was divided sistent, even after Haiti, in Christophe (in the North) and Alexbetween two rival regimes led by Henry with Haiti's legal traditions, andre Pétion (in the West and South). In keeping abolition of slavery in Haiti Christophe's 1807 constitution reaffirmed the disturb the regime by as well as "its unshakeable decision to not (art. 1 and 2) 36). Similarly, per Pétion's which [nearby slave colonies] are governed" (art. abolished "within the constitution (revised in 1816), while slavery was "the Republic of Haiti will never form any territory of the Republic" (art. 1), or to trouble the peace and with the view either to make conquests enterprise internal order of foreign States or Islands" (art. 5). the did not had been the case under Louverture and Dessalines, policy n As was not a "foreign island." In which technically apply to Santo Domingo, when they expelled the last 1808, Christophe sent weapons to the Spanish Pétion also promised still present in Santo Domingo. In 1810, French troops make Santo Domingo independent from weapons to conspirators aiming to Spain." law could be interpreted as an assault, albeit Only one aspect of Haitian country, SO in theory Haiti slavery: Haiti was a free-soil indirect, on foreign as it had been since commiscould become a haven for foreign runaways, For example, in 1817 seven Sonthonax had abolished slavery in 1793.1 sioner of Haiti controlled by Pétion, who refused to Jamaican slaves fled to the part British owner because article extradite them despite the demands of their to all refugees constitution granted freedom and citizenship 44 of Pétion's Pompée Valentin Vastey, criticized of color."2 One secretary of Christophe, tends to upset the peace and the because it "directly Pétion's asylum policy countries, s but Christophe himinternal regime oft these colonies or foreign that were intercepted self offered refuge to the captives of three slave ships was willing to 1810-12.99 Perhaps Christophe, an Anglophile, near Cuba in welcome runaways as long as they were not British-owned. and found them to be Ada Ferrer has analyzed Pétion's free-soil policies Britain because Haiti "radical" than those of metropolitan France and more One secretary of Christophe, tends to upset the peace and the because it "directly Pétion's asylum policy countries, s but Christophe himinternal regime oft these colonies or foreign that were intercepted self offered refuge to the captives of three slave ships was willing to 1810-12.99 Perhaps Christophe, an Anglophile, near Cuba in welcome runaways as long as they were not British-owned. and found them to be Ada Ferrer has analyzed Pétion's free-soil policies Britain because Haiti "radical" than those of metropolitan France and more --- Page 164 --- PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 149 DID DESSALINES midst of the Caribbean, making it a tempting haven was located in the very of a "land off the free" could also act as for local runaways. 84 But the existence the United States, where societies, notably a safety valve for nearby plantation nineteenth century to send freedmen to there were numerous plans in the them full citizenship. The Haiti and Liberia because of a reluctance to grant to Haiti, which Haitian statesmen to encourage US blacks to come efforts by continued under Pétion and peaked began under Louverture and Dessalines, in the 1820s, were thus not fundaunder the presidency of] Jean-Pierre Boyer slave societies. 85 with the existence of nearby mentally incompatible material support to Simôn Bolivar Twice in 1816, Pétion offered significant Venezuela, the clearest case the condition that Bolivar abolish slavery in on abolition to date, though he tried to of official Haitian support for regional "I want to free people from hide his involvement for fear of offending Spain: acts. >86 Bolivar, "but don't mention my name in any ofyour slavery," he wrote American slaves was unfortunately limited But the actual impact for South but also uncomfortto slavery because Bolivar, who was innately opposed to confront the embodied by Haiti and unwilling able with the racial equality and gradual emanAmerican landed gentry, only issued a conditional South unenforced; the full abolition of slavery in cipation law, which went largely and Bolivar's deaths. 87 Venezuela only took place in 1854, long after Pétion balanced repubthe other hand, Pétion's 1816 revised constitution, which On government, deeply influenced Bolivar's licanism with a strong centralized political thought." 88 Boyer (ruled 1818-43) was a mixedLike Pétion, his successor Jean-Pierre some inclination to export from Port-au-Prince who displayed race general invasion of Santo Domingo in 1822, Haiti's ideals. Most notable was Boyer's Full emancipawhich he finally ended slavery in this Spanish colony. after had apparently taken that neither Louverture nor Dessalines tion was a step the invasion marked the only induring their 1801 and 1805 invasions, SO Haiti by force of arms. "God stance when abolition was exported beyond remembered a popular black bless, / Papa Boyer, / Who gave us / La liberté," 1822, was he issued on February 9, poem. 89 But Boyer, in a proclamation Haiti's noninterventionist that this did not change careful to emphasize established by articles 40 and 41 Hispaniola. "The principles stance beyond the Ocean as our border, are as well which established of our constitution, under which we pledged never to trouble known as article 5 ofthe same act, >90 the peace of our neighbors." the fears of Haiti's neighbors SO as to Despite countless efforts to placate this essenthe country's independence, convince them to formally recognize "Our constitution prevents tial goal of Haitian foreign policy went unmet. of other states," complained from ever interfering in the colonial regime us established by articles 40 and 41 Hispaniola. "The principles stance beyond the Ocean as our border, are as well which established of our constitution, under which we pledged never to trouble known as article 5 ofthe same act, >90 the peace of our neighbors." the fears of Haiti's neighbors SO as to Despite countless efforts to placate this essenthe country's independence, convince them to formally recognize "Our constitution prevents tial goal of Haitian foreign policy went unmet. of other states," complained from ever interfering in the colonial regime us --- Page 165 --- 150 PHILIPPE GIRARD Chanlatte in 1822, yet "our enemies insinuated that we François Desrivières that surround our island like Barbary pimight one day threaten the seas that Haitian statesmen hamrates. w91 We are normal: such was the message nation's existence, yet within the first two decades ofthe mered repeatedly who visited Haiti in 1841 reported (accurately) that out success. A Cuban spy and that the Haitian army was Haitian policies barred foreign interventions were SO ingrained itself overseas; but his prejudices incapable of projecting about secret agents, 27 "simply bethat he nevertheless went on to fantasize cause Haiti is Haiti.' n92 the former colonial master, France, Haitian leaders' policy goals toward modus vivendi their preference for a peaceful were similar: they expressed of nations in exchange for a nonthat would allow Haiti to join the concert first exile in 1814 intervention pledge. After a ten-year standstill, Napoléon's settlement with France that Haiti could finally reach a raised the possibility Louis XVIII immediately dispatched under the new Bourbon government. welcomed . until they whom Pétion and Christophe diplomatic agents, and realized that they had been inchanced upon the envoys' instructions rule. Pétion kicked out one of the structed to restore slavery and French agents while Christophe jailed the other.3 fits and starts over the ensuing ten Negotiations with France continued in its in granted Haiti independence years, until a French edict of 1825 finally (Though the idea and an indemnity. exchange for commercial preferences has been ever since a source of conflict originated with Pétion, the indemnity sovereign; it had also relations. 94) Haiti was now officially in French-Haitian that the French government did not become SO sufficiently weak militarily pledge before recognizconsider it necessary to demand a nonintervention ing its independence. Conclusion Dessalines in the Declaration of IndeThe promise made by Jean-Jacques of his neighbors was not pendence not to tamper with the internal regime decision taken that truthful but also possibly the most momentous Haiti's only the concerns of day: by lessening (though not fully extinguishing) with black selfthe pledge helped ensure that Haiti's experiment neighbors, But it also meant that the Haitian Revolution, however rule would endure. one-off event. This successful slave remained a impressive an achievement, slaves occasionally tried to that foreign revolt was such a powerful precedent the same as Haitian instigation, imitate it; but Haitian inspiration was not failed. In the words of Seymour and these isolated, unsupported uprisings all both and unrepeatable. Drescher, "Haiti was unforgettable lessening (though not fully extinguishing) with black selfthe pledge helped ensure that Haiti's experiment neighbors, But it also meant that the Haitian Revolution, however rule would endure. one-off event. This successful slave remained a impressive an achievement, slaves occasionally tried to that foreign revolt was such a powerful precedent the same as Haitian instigation, imitate it; but Haitian inspiration was not failed. In the words of Seymour and these isolated, unsupported uprisings all both and unrepeatable. Drescher, "Haiti was unforgettable --- Page 166 --- DESSALINES PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 151 DID made in the heat of the moDessalines's vOW was not an isolated speech dub the Dessalines policy, which one may ment but a wellthought-out of Dessalines's predecessor, doctrine, that was in line with the policies Only in earlier and Toussaint Louverture, and successor, Henry Christophe. Haiti's ideals, such as the later periods can one see isolated efforts to export André Rigaud), the 1799 encouraged by 1795 uprising in Curaçao (possibly Alexandre Pétion's 1816 assistance Roume-Sasportas plan to invade Jamaica, of Santo Domingo, along and Jean-Pierre Boyer's 1822 invasion to Bolivar, These were often mastermounted from Guadeloupe. with the operations activists rather than former slaves, thus minded by white and mixed-race racial ofl Haiti's politics. upending our traditional understanding Atlantic revolutions can be drawn with the other two great reComparisons Revolution, which also had powerful ideological oft the age. The American in George Washington's and percussions in Latin America, was hemmed by overseas. preference for neutrality and nonentanglement Thomas Jefferson's exported the Declaration of In contrast, the French Revolution aggressively revolution "in one of Man to Europe and beyond. By pursuing the Rights Dessalines embraced the isolationist country" (to paraphrase Joseph Stalin), particularly those of French American model, while a few ofhis countrymen, descent, were more tempted by French-style adventurism. thinking of him understand Dessalines's decision, we must stop To fully rebels, which reduces their identity to and his fellow black generals as slave Instead, we should take them bondage and the color of their skin. their past foremost duty was to ensure that Haiti would seriously as statesmen whose in the world of politics, idealsurvive in a hostile environment. As SO often ism had to yield to pragmatism. Notes "Proclamation" (JanuDessalines [and Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre), 1. Jean-Jacques Archives Nationales (AN). Emphasis added. ary 1, 1804), dossier 15, AB XIX/3302, are from the appendix of this The translations of the Declaration of Independence for from the Dutch. in this chapter are mine, except volume; all other translations 31, 1804), The Port Folio 1, no. 5 Raguet, "Memoirs of Hayti" (January 2. Condy (May 1809), 480. Clervaux, Henry Christophe, "Déclaration 3- Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Augustin 1803), in H. Pauléus Sannon, Histoire préliminaire d'indépendance" (November 29, Louverture (Port-au-Prince: Héraux, 1933), 3:202. de Toussaint Advertiser no. 504 (January 13, 1804). 4- National Intelligencer and Washington 1, 1815), Tract A17, Boston Athe- "Proclamation" (January 5- Henry Christophe, naeum (BA). See also Tract B795, BA. , Augustin 1803), in H. Pauléus Sannon, Histoire préliminaire d'indépendance" (November 29, Louverture (Port-au-Prince: Héraux, 1933), 3:202. de Toussaint Advertiser no. 504 (January 13, 1804). 4- National Intelligencer and Washington 1, 1815), Tract A17, Boston Athe- "Proclamation" (January 5- Henry Christophe, naeum (BA). See also Tract B795, BA. --- Page 167 --- 152 PHILIPPE GIRARD Dessalines (Port-au-Prince: Les 6. Gérard Mentor Laurent, Six études sur J-J. devant Thistoire Jean-Baptiste Saint-Victor, Le fondateur Presses Libres, 1950), 70; d'Haiti, 2006); Jean Fouchard, Port-au-Prince: Presses Nationales (1954; repr. ' Revue de la Société Haitienne d'Histoire "Quand Haiti exportait la liberté aux Antilles, haîtien à Cuba: de la révolu- (1984):41-47: Alain Yacou, "Le péril et de Géographie 143 in Michel Hector, ed., à la reconnaissance de l'indépendance, 1791-1825."i tion nègre ruptures, nouvelles dimensions (Port-au-Prince: La révolution française et Haiti:filiations, Revolution: Haiti and 1991), 2:186-99; Ashli White, Encountering Henri Deschamps, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), the Making oft the Early Republic (Baltimore: Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts in the Deborah Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative: 179; Liverpool University Press, 2011), 176. Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: Revolution: Slave Revolts Genovese, From Rebellion to Afro-American 7- Eugene Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, in the Making of the Modern World (Baton 1979), xix, 94. Rebellion during the Age of Revolution, in Curaçao 8. David Geggus, "Slave Klooster and Gert Oostindie (Leiden: Revolutions, 1795-1800, ed. Wim in the Age of P. ed., The Impact ofthe Haitian RevKITLV Press, 2011), 32. See also David Geggus, of South Carolina Press, 2001), X. olution in the. Atlantic World (Columbia: University Archives Natio- "Proclamation" (February 29, 1804), CC9B/18, 9. Dessalines, nales d'Outremer (ANOM). (April 28, 1804), dossier 15, Dessalines, "Liberté ou la mort-Proclamation 10. AB XIX/3302, AN. (May 8, 1804), dossier 15, Dessalines, "Aux habitants de la partie espagnole" 11. AB XIX/3302, AN. (October 9, 1804), 61J25, Archives Dépar12. Dessalines to Napoléon Bonaparte tementales de la Gironde, Bordeaux. (April 28, 1804), dossier 15, Dessalines, "Liberté ou la mort-Procdamation 13. have meant to refer to the people of Guadeloupe AB XIX/3302, AN. Dessalines may in 1802-3, rather than the French Guiana, where Bonaparte had restored slavery or where the abolition of slavery had never taken place. people of Martinique, Revolution, and Freedom in Cuban Ada Ferrer, Speaking of Haiti: Slavery, and Nor14Haitian Revolution, ed. David Geggus Slave Testimony." in The World ofthe Indiana University Press, 2009), 229-34. man Fiering (Bloomington: d'août 1791 et ses liens avec le vaudou et le 15- David Geggus, "Le soulèvement ruptures, nouvelles dimen- " in La révolution française et Haiti: filiations, 1:61. marronnage," Henri Deschamps, 1995), sions, ed. Michel Hector (Port-au-Prince: ed., Documentos para la his16. For requests for help, see José Luciano Franco, des Archivo Nacional toria de Haiti en el Archivo Nacional (Havana: Publicaciones French Colony in the 69; Bryan Edwards, An Historical Survey ofthe de Cuba, 1954), Island of St. Domingo (London: Stockdale, 1797),313, 1792), in Coll., Brissot to Francisco de Miranda (December 17. Jean-Pierre Tipografia Americana, 1938), 15:159. Archivo del General Miranda (Caracas: : ed., Documentos para la his16. For requests for help, see José Luciano Franco, des Archivo Nacional toria de Haiti en el Archivo Nacional (Havana: Publicaciones French Colony in the 69; Bryan Edwards, An Historical Survey ofthe de Cuba, 1954), Island of St. Domingo (London: Stockdale, 1797),313, 1792), in Coll., Brissot to Francisco de Miranda (December 17. Jean-Pierre Tipografia Americana, 1938), 15:159. Archivo del General Miranda (Caracas: --- Page 168 --- PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 153 DID DESSALINES "Slave Rebellion during the Age of Revolution," 23-56. and 18. Geggus, to New Orleans: Migration In19. Nathalie Dessens, From Saint-Domingue 114-18. On the rebels' late (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2007), Revolufluences Popkin, You Are All Free: The Haitian embrace of emancipation, see Jeremy University Press, 2010), 135tion and the Abolition of Slavery (New York: Cambridge Ferrer, of Haiti," 228, 235. 20. "Speaking Slaves in the Context of the Peace of 21. Antonio J. Pinto, "Santo Domingo's Journal of Early American History 3 Basel: Boca Nigua's Black Insurrection, 1796," (2013): 142, 147, 152. cubaine et la révolution haitienne," " An22. Ada Ferrer, "La société esclavagiste nales 58, no. 2 (March-April 2003): 354Revolutions: French Consul MichelRobert Alderson, This Bright Era of Happy 23. Republicanism in Charleston, 1792-1794 Ange-Bernard Mangourit and International University of South Carolina Press, 2008), 93-109. et es- (Columbia: "Militaires royalistes émigrés, prisonniers français 24. Angel Sanz Tapia, générale du Vénézuela pendant la claves de Saint-Domingue dans la capitainerie des Antilles: Bulletin de la Société Annales guerre contre la révolution (1793-1795)." 8o. On Venezuela in the 1790S, see also d'Histoire de la Martinique no. 23 (1980): and Curaçao, 1795-1800," Revolution and Politics in Venezuela Ramôn Aizpurua, ed. Klooster and Oostindie, 101-8; in Curaçao in the Age of Revolutions, 1795-1800, all Colors,' Indians, and Slaves in Majority: Free 'of Aline Helg, "A Fragmented Revolution," in The Impact off the Haitian Caribbean Colombia during the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, ed. Geggus, 157. and the Impact of the Oostindie, "Slave Resistance, Colour Lines, 25. Gert 1 in in the Age of Revolutions, French and Haitian Revolutions in Curaçao, Curaçao ed. Klooster and Oostindie, 9. Theodorus van Teyligen aan gouver26. "Memorie door den raad fiscaal Pieter Curaçao ielands Curacao," " in A. F. Paula, ed., De slavenopstand op neur en raden des This document was mentioned to me by (National Archives of Curaçao, 1974), 206. Charles Rego and translated by Marjoleine Kars. of the Haitian Reis and Flâvio dos Santos Gomes, "Repercussions 27 Joao José The World Haitian Revolution, ed. Geggus Revolution in Brazil, 1791-1850," in ofthe and Fiering, 286. Théveneau (October 19, 1796), fr. 8986, Biblio28. Léger-Félicité Sonthonax to thèque Nationale de France (BNF). wwwasonbse-nutionakpl "Le débat à la Convention" (February 4, 1794), 29. (accessed on June 30, 2013). wiairsserdtanet French Plans of Expeditions in the South30. Philippe Girard, "Rêves d'E Empire: Louisiana History 48, no. 4 (Fall States and the Caribbean, 1789-1809. ern United 2007): 389-412. données par le Directoire Exécutif à ses 31. Laurent Truguet, "Instructions ANOM. (February 12, 1796), doc. 212, B277, FM, agens" ), 29. (accessed on June 30, 2013). wiairsserdtanet French Plans of Expeditions in the South30. Philippe Girard, "Rêves d'E Empire: Louisiana History 48, no. 4 (Fall States and the Caribbean, 1789-1809. ern United 2007): 389-412. données par le Directoire Exécutif à ses 31. Laurent Truguet, "Instructions ANOM. (February 12, 1796), doc. 212, B277, FM, agens" --- Page 169 --- 154 PHILIPPE GIRARD Roume 22, 1799), CC9A/22, ANOM. 32. Eustache Bruix to Philippe (February le consulat et lempire (Paris: Pierre-Louis Roederer, Mémoires sur la révolution, 33Plon, 1942), 131. 1801), Kurt Fisher Collection, Howard Bonaparte to Louverture (March 4, 34policies took a conservative turn later that year. University. Bonaparte's Citizens: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in 35- Laurent Dubois, A Colony of of North Carolina Press, (Chapel Hill: University the French Caribbean, 1787-1804 of Early American History and Culture, published for the Omohundro Institute 2004), 222-42. Oostindie, eds., Curaçao in the Age of Revolutions, 13, 144. 36. Klooster and Exécutif( CC9A/19.ANOM. Joseph Gabriel d'Hédouville to Directoire (c.1798), the Un37The Quasi-War: The Politics and Diplomacy of 38. Alexander DeConde, York: Scribner's, 1966), 84. declared War with France, 1797-1801 (New 6, 1798), RG 59, Microfilm M9/1, Louverture to John Adams (November 39. National Archives in College Park. Toussaint Louverture's Secret Diplo40. Philippe Girard, "Black Talleyrand: 66, no. 1 and the United States," " William and Mary Quarterly macy with England (January 2009): 101. Pluchon, "Un plan d'invasion de la Jamaique en 41. Gabriel Debien and Pierre Louverture," 1 Revue de la Societé de Toussaint 1799 et la politique anglo-américaine et de Géologie 36, no. 119 (July 1978):3 3-72. Haitienne d'Histoire, de Géographie International Politics: The Myth of Hans Jordaan, "Patriots, Privateers and Revolutions, 42. Tierce Cadet," " in Curaçao in the Age of the Conspiracy of Jean Baptiste ed. Klooster and Oostindie, 141-69. (September 30, 1799), 208 MI/1, AN; 43. Edward Stevens to Timothy Pickering 28, 1799), CO 137/103, The National Earl of Balcarres to Duke of Portland (October Archives of the United Kingdom (TNA). Toussaint Louverture . p. 69 Isaac Louverture, "Notes historiques sur d'Haiti, 44. BNF. See also Beaubrun Ardouin, Études sur Thistoire (c. 1819), NAF 12409, (Paris: Dézobry et Magdeleine, 1853-60), suivies de la vie du général J-M Borgella L'Ouverture and the San Domingo 4:360; C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins: Toussaint New York: Vintage Books, 1989), 265. Revolution (1963; repr. (September 5, 1801), CO 137/106, TNA. 45- George Nugent to Portland Rebellion: The Virginia Slave Conspiracies of 46. Douglas R. Egerton, Gabriel's Carolina Press, 1993), 15 (quote), 1800 and 1802 (Chapel Hill: University of North Whispers of Rebellion: background). Michael L. Nicholls, and 182-85 (Frenchmen's University of Virginia Press, 2012), Narrating Gabriel's Conspiracy (Charlottesville: identification of the Frenchmen as "conjecture." 189, describes Egerton's Maitland and Louverture, "Convention secrète 47. For the treaty, see Thomas see Wendell Schaeffer, "The ADM 1/249, TNA. On Santo Domingo, Ameri- (June 13, 1799), Santo Domingo to France, 1795-1801," Hispanic Delayed Cession of Spanish Review 29, no. 1 (February 1949): 46-68. can Historical Gabriel's Conspiracy (Charlottesville: identification of the Frenchmen as "conjecture." 189, describes Egerton's Maitland and Louverture, "Convention secrète 47. For the treaty, see Thomas see Wendell Schaeffer, "The ADM 1/249, TNA. On Santo Domingo, Ameri- (June 13, 1799), Santo Domingo to France, 1795-1801," Hispanic Delayed Cession of Spanish Review 29, no. 1 (February 1949): 46-68. can Historical --- Page 170 --- PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 155 DID DESSALINES Imprimerie de J. CourThomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (Port-au-Prince: York: 48. Smartt Bell, Toussaint Louverture: A Biography (New tois, 1847), 2:86; Madison "All would be equal in the effort': Santo DominPantheon, 2007), 191; Anne Eller, Journal of Early and Haiti, 1809-1822," go's Italian Revolution,' Independence, American History 1 no. 2 (2011): 111. Directoire Exécutif à ses agents" (FebTruguet, "Instructions données parlel 49. FM, ANOM; Carlos Esteban Deive, Los refugiados ruary 12, 1796), doc. 212, B277, Domingo: Universidad Nacional Pedro franceses en Santo Domingo, 1789-1801 (Santo Henriquez Urena, 1984), 133. Baubert, and Noël Leveillé to Etienne La- "Decree of liberty" from Manlau, Sâmana, 50. fr. 12103, BNF. For the three revolts (Hinche, veaux (November 13, 1795), Slaves in the Context of the Peace of Boca Nigua), see Pinto, "Santo Domingo's Basel," 131-53. 20, 1795), fr. 12103, BNF. 51. Louverture to Laveaux (December Études 4:171. Louverture to Pierre Agé (June 1, 1800), in Ardouin, de Sainte52. Proce's-verbal de la prise de possession de la partie espagnole 53- Louverture, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston. Domingue (January 27, 1801), Box L-1801, relaciones de Espana con La EsFernando Carrera Montero, Las complejas (Santo 54Saint Domingue 1789-1803 el Caribe hispano frente a Santo Domingo Y panola: Fundacion Garcia Arévalo, 2004), 472. Archivo Domingo: "Proclamaciôn" (February 8, 1801), ESTADO, 60, N.3, 55- Louverture, General de Indias. Considérations diverses sur Haiti (Port-auDesrivières Chanlatte, 56. François Prince, 1822), 14. Knew Her to be Free': Emancipation and 57. Graham Nessler, "They Always Slavery and Abolition 33. Re-Enslavement in French Santo Domingo, 1804-1809. no. 1 (2012): 89. des annales de la révolution à Saint Do58. Pélage-Marie Duboys, Précis historique mingue 2:190, NAF 14879 (MF 5384), BNF. Jefferson Papers, Series 1, Dessalines to Jefferson (June 23, 1803), Thomas (Sep59of Congress; Dessalines to British Minister General Correspondence, Library Kindelân (September 14, CO 137/110, TNA; Geffrard to Sebastian tember 2, 1803), la historia de Haiti, 152-54. 1803), in Franco, Documentos para of British or American vessel (July 4, 60. François Capois-la-Mort to captain 1803), ADM 1/253, TNA. William and Mary Quarterly 69, no. 3 (July 2012). 61. See the Dessalines forum in ADM 1/254, TNA. 62. Dessalines to John T. Duckworth (February 12, 1804), Dessalines, "Ar6, 1803), CO 137/110, TNA; 63- Dessalines to Nugent (November rêté" (January 14, 1804), AB/XIX/3302/15. AN. 26 and 27, 1804), CO 137/111, TNA. 64. Dessalines to Edward Corbet (Febuary Transcolonial Collaboration in the 65. Sara E. Johnson, The Fear of French Negroes: California Press, 2012), 52-57 Americas (Berkeley: University of Revolutionary Ar6, 1803), CO 137/110, TNA; 63- Dessalines to Nugent (November rêté" (January 14, 1804), AB/XIX/3302/15. AN. 26 and 27, 1804), CO 137/111, TNA. 64. Dessalines to Edward Corbet (Febuary Transcolonial Collaboration in the 65. Sara E. Johnson, The Fear of French Negroes: California Press, 2012), 52-57 Americas (Berkeley: University of Revolutionary --- Page 171 --- 156 PHILIPPE GIRARD (December 1805), The Port Folio 4, no. 3 66. Condy Raguet, "Memoirs of Hayti" (September 1810), 242. 67. Madiou, Histoire, 3:270. Haitian Antislavery and National 68. Julia Gaffield, "Liberté, Indépendance: Politics in the Nineteenth Century, Independence," in A Global History of Anti-Slavery 2013), 28. According and Maurice Bric (Palgrave Macmillan, ed. William Mulligan met Miranda in person but gave him no to Ardouin, Études 6:242-43, Dessalines Francisco de Miranda: A Transatlanmaterial assistance. According to Karen Racine, Resources, 2003), 160, tic Life in the Age of Revolution (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Miranda's troops were not even allowed onshore. 69. Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative, 176. 16 and February 10, Louis-Thomas Villaret de Joyeuse to Decrès (January 1806), 70. folios 36 and 83, C/8a/112, FM, ANOM. "The Slaves ' 26. See also David Geggus, 71. Gaffield, "Liberté, Indépendance." of the French and Haitian Revoand Free Coloreds of Martinique during the Age in the of European Moments of Resistance, ' in The Lesser Antilles Age lutions: Three and Stanley L. Engerman (Gainesville: University Expansion, ed. Robert L. Paquette Press of Florida, 1996), 296. Cuba and Haiti in the Age of Revolution (New 72. Ada Ferrer, Freedom's Mirror: York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 2011. (February 28, 1807), in Marques de Someruelos to |Sebastiân Kindelân?] 73. la historia de Haiti, 161. Franco, Documentos para Antebellum America: Slumbering Volcano in 74- Alfred Hunt, Haiti's Influence on Press, 1988), 110. Rouge: Louisiana State University the Caribbean (Baton in Caribbean of Republicanism Marixa Lasso, "Haiti as an Image Popular 75. Haitian Revolution, ed. Geggus, 178. Colombia," in The Impact ofthe Orleans, Adam Rothman, to New 114-18; 76. Dessens, From Saint-Domingue the Deep South (Cambridge, American Expansion and the Origins of Slave Country: MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), 111-12. (Paris: La Découverte, 1992), Yves Bénot, La démence coloniale sous Napoléon 77165. General Arrived to Conquer the Island: Im78. Matt Childs, "A Black French Rebellion, - in The Impact ofthe ofthe Haitian Revolution in Cuba's 1812 Aponte ages Ferrer, Speaking of Haiti," 237. Haitian Revolution, ed. Geggus, 137-45: William "Denmark Vesey and His Co-Conspirators," 79. Michael P. Johnson, and Mary Quarterly 58, no. 4 (October 2001), 949. 80. Eller, "*All would be equal in the effort,' 127, 132. slave seeking asylum in Saint-Domingue, 81. For an early example ofa a runaway (March 22, 1796), fr. 12104, BNF. "Noticia dà don José Lopez de Gânuza" see que Slaves to Haitian Freedom: The Case 82. Richard Sheridan, "From Jamaican no. Boat, Nine,' ' Journal of Negro History 67, 4 of the Black Crew of the Pilot Deep (Winter 1982): 332-37 All would be equal in the effort,' 127, 132. slave seeking asylum in Saint-Domingue, 81. For an early example ofa a runaway (March 22, 1796), fr. 12104, BNF. "Noticia dà don José Lopez de Gânuza" see que Slaves to Haitian Freedom: The Case 82. Richard Sheridan, "From Jamaican no. Boat, Nine,' ' Journal of Negro History 67, 4 of the Black Crew of the Pilot Deep (Winter 1982): 332-37 --- Page 172 --- DID DESSALINES PLAN TO EXPORT THE REVOLUTION? 157 83. David Nicholls, "Pompée Valentin Vastey: Royalist and Revolutionary," in La révolution française et Haiti, ed. Hector, 1:431; Ferrer, "Speaking of Haiti," 238. 84. Ada Ferrer, "Haiti, Free Soil, and Antislavery in the Revolutionary Atlantic,' American Historical Review 117, no. 1 (February 2012): 50. 85. Louverture to Louis-André Pichon (July 3, 1801), CC9A/28, ANOM; Dessalines, "Arrêté" (January 14, 1804), AB/XIX/3302/15. AN; Loring D. Dewey, Correspondence Relative to the Emigration to Hayti ofthe Free People of Colour in the United States (New York: Mahlon Day, 1824). 86. Paul Verna, Pétion y Bolivar: cuarenta anos (1790-1830) de relaciones haitianovenezolanas y su aporte a la emancipacion de Hispanoamérica (Caracas: Oficina Central de Informacion, 1969), 180. 87. John Lynch, Simon Bolivar: A Life (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 97, 101 (on his stays in Haiti); 151, 288 (on the abolition of slavery); 213 (on his dislike of Haiti). 88. Sibylle Fischer, "Bolivar in Haiti: Republicanism in the Revolutionary Atlantic,"in Haiti and the Americas, ed. Carla Callargé et al. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2013), 25-53. 89. Johnson, The Fear of French Negroes, 71. Original in Spanish and French. 90. Ardouin, Etudes 9:133-3491. Chanlatte, Considérations diverses sur Haiti, 8, 20. 92. Ferrer, "La société esclavagiste cubaine, s 345. 93- Christophe, "Proclamation" (November 11, 1814), Bro. 5.125, BA; Rapport] (c. June 23, 1824), CC9A/54. ANOM. 94. On Pétion's proposal, see Alexandre Pétion to William Wilberforce and James Stephen (December 12, 1815), MS692, National Library of] Jamaica (document communicated by Julia Gaffield). On the French-Haitian negotiations, see CC9A/53 and CC9A/54. ANOM; Jean-François Brière, Haiti et la France, 1804-1848: le réve brisé (Paris: Karthala, 2008), 47-155; François Blancpain, Un siècle de relations financières entre Haiti et la France, 1825-1922 (Paris: L'Harmattan, 2001), 46-58. 95. Seymour Drescher, "The Limits of Example, in The Impact of the Haitian Revolution, ed. Geggus, 13- /53 and CC9A/54. ANOM; Jean-François Brière, Haiti et la France, 1804-1848: le réve brisé (Paris: Karthala, 2008), 47-155; François Blancpain, Un siècle de relations financières entre Haiti et la France, 1825-1922 (Paris: L'Harmattan, 2001), 46-58. 95. Seymour Drescher, "The Limits of Example, in The Impact of the Haitian Revolution, ed. Geggus, 13- --- Page 173 --- --- Page 174 --- PART III The Legacy of the Haitian Declaration of Independence --- Page 175 --- --- Page 176 --- the Laws of Nations" "Outrages on Merchants and Diplomacy after American the Haitian Declaration ofIndependence JULIA GAFFIELD of the Armée Indigène of SaintOn June 23, 1803, the general-in-chief advised the US president, Thomas Jef Domingue, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, would find safety and profitin Saint-Domingue's ferson, that American ships in his war against the French, ports." 1 As the tides seemed to be changing To sustain this began planning for the island's independence. Dessalines realized that the new nation would need trade partindependence Dessalines United States of America to be an important ners, and he considered the had been coming to Saint-Domingue possibility since American merchants merchants from ports like Baltimore, throughout the revolution. American visited the Caribbean during the Philadelphia, and New York had regularly to trade with nineteenth centuries and had been willing eighteenth and early and the French army. Dessalines was conboth Dessalines's Armée Indigène island once the French had been fident that they would continue to visit the expelled. Dessalines's overtures and began what hisJefferson never responded to of ignoring Haiti in diplocalled "the American policy torian Rayford Logan the Haitian Declaration of Independence matic affairs." n2 Nevertheless, after American merchants tried 1, 1804, and despite Jefferson's silence, on January nation. Despite the initial diplomatic to act as if Haiti was an independent after the evacuation of the French silence on the part of the US government Dessalines had hoped, did introops in late 1803, American merchants, as and war materials deed continue to visit Haitian ports to bring provisions Amercotton, mahogany, and other commodities." in exchange for coffee, in building on decades clearly saw irresistible opportunity ican merchants houses and some started of vibrant commercial activity. They set up trading Marlene Daut highfamilies. "Contrary to popular belief," literary scholar if by isolated in the first two decades of independence, lights, "Haiti was not in Haiti lack of contact.' n4 These economic opportunities isolation we mean merchants since Haiti was no longer valuable for American were particularly to visit Haitian ports to bring provisions Amercotton, mahogany, and other commodities." in exchange for coffee, in building on decades clearly saw irresistible opportunity ican merchants houses and some started of vibrant commercial activity. They set up trading Marlene Daut highfamilies. "Contrary to popular belief," literary scholar if by isolated in the first two decades of independence, lights, "Haiti was not in Haiti lack of contact.' n4 These economic opportunities isolation we mean merchants since Haiti was no longer valuable for American were particularly --- Page 177 --- 162 JULIA GAFFIELD trade policy and its trade was therefore unrestricted.? bound by a mercantilist Declaration of Independence, the United In the two years after the Haitian 6 The political isolation States became one of Haiti's primary trade partners. of Haiti, therefore, did not entail economic isolation. affect silence on the part of the US government But did the diplomatic shape the onHow did diplomatic nonrecognition these trade relationships? And how did American trade impact Haiti's going economic engagement? that the United States' dipdiplomatic status? Scholars have long recognized 1804, was complex to Haiti in the first years after January 1, lomatic response Logan used diplomatic correspondence and indecisive. For his study, Rayford attitudes of and conflicts between records to re-create the and congressional regarding the issue of economic supAmerican and French representatives after 1804- Historians Tim and Haitian independence in the first years of port Gordon S. Brown have also undertaken extensive studies Matthewson and States during the revolution and in the Haiti's relationship with the United relations after the Histories of US-Haitian first years after independence.? however, focus on American policy Haitian Declaration of Independence, result, Marlene Daut has recently As a and reactions to Haitisindependence., Haitian reactions to American nonreccalled for a better understanding of of Haiti's relationship with ognition." 8 This essay expands our understanding between trade analyzing the connections the United States by systematically of and the impliafter the Haitian Declaration Independence and diplomacy for the American merchants trading cations of this ambiguous relationship how the Haitian government with Haiti. These implications also highlight as leverage economic contact between the two countries used the ongoing the focus is on the fact that, recognition. In particular, to secure diplomatic and judiciary systems, Haiti was not according to the American government of nations and therefore could member in the community a participating the law of nations. What happened, then, when not be considered within to the customary practices of Haitians (allegedly) acted illegally according records, merchant corresponinternational law? This essay uses diplomatic claims cases against the dence, US court cases, and American merchants' inherent in the relationship to highlight the tensions Haitian government and Haiti, a place that former US Secretary of between American merchants in 1815, "must be considered as being the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, argued neither independent nor part of the mother country." US-Haiti Trade Elias Kane & Co., Archibald Kane In partnership with his brother's company, after the Haitian Dechouse in St. Marc, Haiti, in the years set up a trading essay uses diplomatic claims cases against the dence, US court cases, and American merchants' inherent in the relationship to highlight the tensions Haitian government and Haiti, a place that former US Secretary of between American merchants in 1815, "must be considered as being the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, argued neither independent nor part of the mother country." US-Haiti Trade Elias Kane & Co., Archibald Kane In partnership with his brother's company, after the Haitian Dechouse in St. Marc, Haiti, in the years set up a trading --- Page 178 --- "OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 163 a Haitian woman and lived in Haiti laration of Independence. He married in 1817' 10 Kane was one of many on and off until his death in Port-au-Prince Declaration ofIndemerchants who visited Haiti after the Haitian American to Kane's time in Haiti are sparse, pendence, and, while the records relating of Kane's ship the as evidence in the capture a number of letters presented benefits for American merchants Happy Couple shed light on the economic in Haiti after the declaration of 1804. the New York West India ComWhen Archibald and Elias Kane formed worthy of a multithey decided that Haiti was a promising investment "for pany, proposed a contract to the Haitian government year commitment. They " Archibald Kane reported supplying all the wants of Government for 5 years." store in New York, brother, James, with whom he owned a trading to his other in order to "convince the gov(ernment] that they wanted to sign the contract the commerce of wished to embrace that the New York West India Company it.' " Moreover, Kane seemed to the Island. And that their capital was equal to experiences of the connection between the revolutionary feel an ideological to the Government' s he continued, United States and Haiti. "I represented immense advantage Minister had offered our company "that the Spanish from the of this Island to the in the South America Business, but hand proximity to the Establishment of the United States, and a desire to lend a helping induced first to make them Independence of this island, our complany) was brothers signed a trade treaty the offer.' >11 According to Archibald, the Kane and morally just, because it was both profitable with the Haitian government the Haitians were revolutionary separatists. perhaps because, like Americans, a contract on behalf ofthe On January 24, 1805, Archibald Kane proposed minister of finance, General New York West India Company to the Haitian purchasin which "The Trading West India Compan'y propose André Vernet, all the sugar, and cotton that they ing from the Government of Haiti, coffee, from date of contract, and to will have for sale for five years to commence of articles, that they may resupply the Government with every description such in the island of the said term, and to be delivered at city quire during >12 The actual contract, however, signed on Haiti as the Government shall say. would be responsible for payment of February 4, 1805, stipulated that Kane and gold every four months over five hundred thousand dollars in sterling would deofthe next five years. In return, the Haitian government p13 the course sols 12 cents] the pound. liver "prime coffee" to Kane at a rate of"20 [under Kane and the Haitian signed on the same day, committed A second contract, in which Kane would import "all the government to an ongoing relationship articles for the clothing, equipment merchandizes and all other necessary for "the full returns of the merand providing the troops &c," in exchange p14 chandizes &c in sugar, cotton, and cocoa." deofthe next five years. In return, the Haitian government p13 the course sols 12 cents] the pound. liver "prime coffee" to Kane at a rate of"20 [under Kane and the Haitian signed on the same day, committed A second contract, in which Kane would import "all the government to an ongoing relationship articles for the clothing, equipment merchandizes and all other necessary for "the full returns of the merand providing the troops &c," in exchange p14 chandizes &c in sugar, cotton, and cocoa." --- Page 179 --- 164 JULIA GAFFIELD how the merchants were well aware of the The agreement also reveals to overcome these obstadangers in trading with Haiti and how they planned delivery of their in order to Insure the regular cles. "The Company proposes to the Trading West India articles and dollars, to have the ships belonging each under such colours convoyed by two armed ships of 36 guns the West Company' and proper.' , The merchants of as shall be deemed most prudent defend their voyages were prepared to aggressively India Trading Company also to evade legal constraints from New York to Haiti and were prepared The practice was evithe colors under which they were sailing. between by changing of Jamaica noted that "the trade dently SO frequent that the governor in well armed vessels mounting America and St. Domingois now carried on Privateers from Cuba.' >15 each and manned for the French from 12 to 18 guns have cultivated close business relationships While in Haiti, Kane seems to leaders. "The arguments with the Haitian community and even Haitian minister with their privy counHis [Dessalines] and made use ofl by Majesty brother Elias in February 1805. "convince cil," Kane wrote from Haiti to his wisdom and correctness ofi view are me that even among the blackest ofcreation, 1 he continued: "I expected to treat to be found.' s "I never was more surprised," but I found men with men who knew little of financing and government, brilliant men educated in France, and who would be thought who had been shaped his views, but in the United States. >16 Perhaps economic opportunity different view to his brother suggest that he held a drastically Kane's reports d'affaires, Louis André Pichon, who worked from that of the French chargé trade with Haiti. intently to try to convince the US government to prohibit with > Pichon States could not place herself on a level Negroes, "The United Madison. "[Their position required that told US Secretary of State James a difference in the the United States as well as all other powers recognize difference in and of the law of nations according to the persons in the application that Haiti could assume a place places." m17 Kane, in contrast, anticipated may have been of nations of the Atlantic World. His perspective community treatment that he received by the Haitian govinfluenced by the favorable stands better at court than I do," ernment. "At present no one in this island to me. >18 to Elias. "His Midnight Majesty, is really partial Archibald reported also appear to have had similarly positive Other American merchants for Dessalines. in Haiti and they developed the same respect associate, experiences William Ely, wrote from St. Marc to a business Another merchant, at about the same time that Archibald J. Catling, in Litchfield, Connecticut, Haiti. He recounted the scene of a ball his family business in was setting up and his wife. "I neither dined or danced with thrown by Emperor Dessalines here were all disappointed of their Majesties, ' he reported. "[The Americans reported also appear to have had similarly positive Other American merchants for Dessalines. in Haiti and they developed the same respect associate, experiences William Ely, wrote from St. Marc to a business Another merchant, at about the same time that Archibald J. Catling, in Litchfield, Connecticut, Haiti. He recounted the scene of a ball his family business in was setting up and his wife. "I neither dined or danced with thrown by Emperor Dessalines here were all disappointed of their Majesties, ' he reported. "[The Americans --- Page 180 --- "OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 165 ill and continuing only one night in the place that honor, his majesty being was not a complete view of him." " But the experience I had but a transient ofher [Madame Dessalines)," he disappointment. "II had al better one [view] a letter immediately with admiration, "as I had the honor of delivering wrote me in a stile [sic] of easy gentility peculiar to into her fair hand. She receivejd in the habit of seeing and imitating the French and those who have been long African, sociable, affable, agreeable their manners. She is a large genteel, whom she is polite. >19 trade with the Americans to quite and drives a large for the leaders of Haiti, he lamented the Yet while Ely had high praise for the island's former decline of the island after the revolution and longed letter, " he wrote in the same glory. "I am anxious to quit this gloomy place, in the West Indies but now "said once to have been one of the handsomest burned the French in of ruins, having lately been by almost wholly a pile The remnants of the revolution were their attempt to subdue the Island." melancholy and walls," n he exclaimed, "exhibit a still visible: "the fallen falling affairs. One house in particand impressive view of the instability ofhuman livres exhibits in my sight, said to have cost 500,000 ular almost constantly even in ruins 'sic transit Gloria mind legibly written on its walls, superb to my >20 While Ely was willing to trade Mundi [thus passes the glory of the world). that he still longed Haitian independence, it seems with Haiti and to support of colonial Saint-Domingue. for the former grandeur (from his perspective) trade relationships, appear to These merchants, in addition to developing and their letters suggest in the cultural activities of the state have participated Their relationships indicate level ofrespect for the Haitian leadership. a high activity of American merchants in Haiti that in some cases the economic Kane and Ely also engaged simple commercial transactions. went beyond island and sent encouraging reports to their in the political culture of the contacts in the United States. Prohibition on Trade allowed to trade with Haiti during the first American merchants were legally but the ongoing after the Haitian Declaration of Independence, two years from American and foreign government representrade received opposition initially tolerated trade with Haiti, tatives. Indeed, while the US government of the tension that in reveal that officials were conscious debates Congress their and that of France. this merchant activity created between government: not to of State Madison was willing go Rayford Logan argues that Secretary "foster the independence of with France simply to, in Logan's words, to war was willing to negotiate with Haiti. >22 And for this reason, the government after the Haitian Declaration of Independence, two years from American and foreign government representrade received opposition initially tolerated trade with Haiti, tatives. Indeed, while the US government of the tension that in reveal that officials were conscious debates Congress their and that of France. this merchant activity created between government: not to of State Madison was willing go Rayford Logan argues that Secretary "foster the independence of with France simply to, in Logan's words, to war was willing to negotiate with Haiti. >22 And for this reason, the government --- Page 181 --- 166 JULIA GAFFIELD Louis André Pichon, who set out to convince the French Chargé d'Affaires when a relationship to act with caution considering American government with Haiti. States and Haiti flourished during the While trade between the United some members after the Haitian Declaration of Independence, first years because it might lead thought that the trade was too dangerous of Congress southern states. Not everyone supported economic to a slave uprising in the occurred in mid-1805 that appears exchange with former slaves. An incident and the debate increased opposition to this trade reopened to have sparked Register published an account ofa in Congress. On June 26, 1805, the Albany an elegant dinner in the harbor of New York. "Yesterday celebration on a ship [Jacob] Lewis, Samuel G. Ogden, [was] given on board the Indostan, by Capt. of the most Morton, Esq. to a select party of one hundred and Washington w23 This report did not describe the reason respectable characters in this city." in other states. On July for the gathering but the party received attention South Carolina, the City Gazette and Daily Advertiser of Charleston, 4, 1805, had received from Boston. "Now let us enquire published news that they " the writer for the City Gazette what was the intention of this nautical gala," to the with sorrow and surprise, that it was, according asked. "[WJe answer, resistance to the wise and a display of mischievous evidence circumstances, to the forbidden trade with the decrees of the Executive Authority, in regard brigands of St. Domingo." n24 information and noted that Rufus Indeed the Aurora expanded on this the and candidate for vice-president, was on board ship King, a Federalist of Hayti, founded on the only legitimate that he toasted "the government choice! May it be as durable as its princibasis of all authority: the people's toast was a deliberate provMatthewson argues that "King's ples are purel"25 the president, and it expressed Federalist ocation, aimed at embarrassing the of man while holding contempt for slaveholders who preached equality French fury at the ongoslaves in bondage. n26 This public banquet renewed trade between the United States and Haiti. ing to concede to the demands In the end, the US government was willing desire for French support because of its made by French representatives was more valuable to of the Floridas." Land acquisition in the acquisition Haiti. the massacres that the United States than trade with Additionally, March, and April of 1804 Dessalines initiated in Haiti during February, action to procontributed to the move from diplomatic silence to legislative white French citizens; however, many porhibit trade. Dessalines targeted blacks against whites, regardless of trayed the events as ruthless violence by nationality" in the US Senate and signed by President Jefferson A bill originating support because of its made by French representatives was more valuable to of the Floridas." Land acquisition in the acquisition Haiti. the massacres that the United States than trade with Additionally, March, and April of 1804 Dessalines initiated in Haiti during February, action to procontributed to the move from diplomatic silence to legislative white French citizens; however, many porhibit trade. Dessalines targeted blacks against whites, regardless of trayed the events as ruthless violence by nationality" in the US Senate and signed by President Jefferson A bill originating --- Page 182 --- "OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 167 made trade with Haiti illegal. This bill prohibited all on February 28, 1806, in "St. Domingo" that were not trade from the United States to those ports Congress renewed under the control of the recognized French government. At the until the tenth session." the bill the following year for a term lasting little and Conbill, however, the policy received support end of the renewed The however, continued did not renew it for another term. prohibition, Act It gress and then the Non-Intercourse (1809). under the Embargo Act (1807) whether Haiti fell under the restricwas not immediately apparent, however, since the Act prohibited trade with the Non-Intercourse Act tions applied by unclear whether Haiti was to be parts of the French Empire, and it was an answer any The US government did not provide included in that prohibition. assumed that Haiti was not part Some merchants to this pressing question. visited the new country to resume the of the French Empire and therefore however, and some of these merlegal trade. Not all ship captains agreed, Act. The prize courts, for violating the Non-Intercourse. chants were captured fate. therefore, had to decide Haiti's diplomatic Is "St. Domingo - Still French? prohibited the importation of Act of March 1, 1809, The Non-intercourse situated in France, or in any ofher colonies or goods "from any port or place that trade with Saintdependencies." w30 While the 1806 law stated specifically the questhis new legislation left unanswered Domingue/Haiti was illegal, under this prohibition. Yet, because tion as to whether Haiti was included needed an answer. The case of of the demand for this trade, the question Indeed, the opportunity for a resolution. Clark V. the United States presented Haiti's status, the court sysremained silent on while the US government Haiti fell under the prohibitions of the tems were forced to decide whether whether the island of St. Domingo, in Non-Intercourse. Act: "The question is, this information was made, October 1809, when the importation charged in Because of this discussion, of France, or not?"31 was a colony or dependence for Haiti's diploAct would have lasting implications the Non-Intercourse fact that the ban on trade was only in place for one matic status, despite the year. States involved the American ships the Sea The case of Clark V. the United heard in October 1809 in the DisNymph and the Emma; the initial case was in 1811 in and the decision was appealed trict Court of Eastern Pennsylvania that the trial should have the Circuit Court of Pennsylvania on the grounds the ofthe United and not under admiralty jurisdiction. "On part been by jury for the appeal report, "that in point of States, it is contended,' the records and still continues (to be], fact, this island, at the time above mentioned, was, the Sea The case of Clark V. the United heard in October 1809 in the DisNymph and the Emma; the initial case was in 1811 in and the decision was appealed trict Court of Eastern Pennsylvania that the trial should have the Circuit Court of Pennsylvania on the grounds the ofthe United and not under admiralty jurisdiction. "On part been by jury for the appeal report, "that in point of States, it is contended,' the records and still continues (to be], fact, this island, at the time above mentioned, was, --- Page 183 --- 168 JULIA GAFFIELD France; and that even if this were not the case, according to a dependence of nations, still, it is not for this, or any other Court, the principles off the law of until the government of the to decide on the ground of her independence, her claim." 1 Since United States has SO declared, or France has relinquished of acknowledged the independence the US government had not expressly had to assume that the island reHaiti, the courts, argued the defendants, mained a colony of France. the Haitian had proved the claimants argued that government In contrast, and that it should therefore be treated as that the island was independent " the records report, "that such. "On the part of the claimant, it was insisted,' but themselves independent, the people of this island had not only declared having, ever since the have thus far shown themselves able to maintain it; armed force of France, exercised without interruption from the declaration, under a constitution framed by the rights and powers of selfigovernment, it was their duty to treat themselves." n Since the island was independent, neutral nations are bound, would all other neutral nations: "that Haiti as they nations, to consider St. Domingo as a govby the law which ought to govern of France; and the war, ifany there ernment separate from, and independent sides." be between them, as being equally just on both considered legal theorist about this case, the circuit judges In thinking of civil war in the context of international trade, Emer de Vattel's analysis Vattel's was intended but argued that it was not applicable since guidance 32 "It is for govthe actions of governments, not court systems. to inform "whether will consider St. Doernments to decide, " the judges argued, decision they is made, or France nation; and till such mingo as an independent consider the ancient state of things shall relinquish her claim, Courts must France over the colony as still unaltered, and the sovereign power of as remaining the set forth by the defendants. subsisting." n In this he agreed with argument acknowledged Haitian then remained: had any government The question independence? constitution under Toussaint Louverture as The judges included the 1801 argued that, since this of French authority over the island, and they civil proof the island had been consumed by overt declaration of French authority, evacuated the city when General Louis Ferrand's French troops war until 1809 side ofthe island returned to Spanish conof Santo Domingo and the eastern that the rebel armies trol. During that period of civil war, they acknowledged of Jean-Jacques under the leadership had declared national independence the characteristics of an Dessalines. In the judges' opinion, Haiti possessed in February nation. "When the non-intercourse law passed, independent island of St. Domingo was in a state of open public 1806," they argued, "the independent, framed a Constituwar with France; having declared herself until 1809 side ofthe island returned to Spanish conof Santo Domingo and the eastern that the rebel armies trol. During that period of civil war, they acknowledged of Jean-Jacques under the leadership had declared national independence the characteristics of an Dessalines. In the judges' opinion, Haiti possessed in February nation. "When the non-intercourse law passed, independent island of St. Domingo was in a state of open public 1806," they argued, "the independent, framed a Constituwar with France; having declared herself --- Page 184 --- "OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 169 n and shown herself able to maintain that independence." tion of government, concluded that, "as an independent Because of these characteristics, they right to carry on a commernation, the United States had an unquestionable had done SO for with that island," P and that the government cial intercourse oflndependence. The question at this two years after the Haitian Declaration fell under the Non-Intercourse. Act. moment, nevertheless, was whether Haiti had the right to make this Only the US government, the judges argued, influence. "The attempt of any and without foreign decision independently and still worse, a demand upon foreign nation to interdict such commerce, such of the United States, > they railed, "to enforce prohithe government to which no nation ought, and bition by law, would have been an insult, have submitted." 9) The most certainly would not to which our government that such had been the case in the United nevertheless, judges recognized, prohibited the trade because of French States and that the government only of continental French support in their aspirations pressure and to secure believe that the government was reland acquisition. While they did not to French demands done sO, the fact that they had conceded quired to have merchants to trade with Haiti. changed the ability for American for the case, "under "We view the law of 1806," reported the chief justice of the SOVwhich produced it, as a clear acknowledgment the circumstances which no subsequent act of our governereignty of France over the island, that the law proThe judge assumed ment, has in any respect impaired." because the US trade with Haiti in 1806 had been implemented hibiting that the island was still a French colony. The 1806 government had decided had been prohibited because ofthe law did not explicitly state that the trade French colony, but trade was only prohibited island's character as a rebellious under French control. "All commerand places that were not to those ports resident within the United cial intercourse between any person or persons resident within States,' " the 1806 bill proclaimed, "and any person or persons and under the acof the island of St. Domingo, not in possession, 33 The any part of France, shall be, and is hereby prohibited. knowledged government that it was beFrance's lost control over certain places implied reference to merchants could not trade with Haiti. cause of this conflict that American the United States also saw this The judges ruling on the case of Clark V. which this inn they argued, "by the law on connection. "When congress, into the United States, of formation is founded, interdicted the importation of France, we feel ourselves goods, &cc., from the colonies and dependencies that body as included." compelled to say, that St. Domingo was considered by diplomatic status on trade influenced Haiti's perceived The 1806 prohibition had remained silent. "So that in the United States because the government the independence of this the government has not only not acknowledged The judges ruling on the case of Clark V. which this inn they argued, "by the law on connection. "When congress, into the United States, of formation is founded, interdicted the importation of France, we feel ourselves goods, &cc., from the colonies and dependencies that body as included." compelled to say, that St. Domingo was considered by diplomatic status on trade influenced Haiti's perceived The 1806 prohibition had remained silent. "So that in the United States because the government the independence of this the government has not only not acknowledged --- Page 185 --- 170 JULIA GAFFIELD declared the contrary. n34 From island," they concluded, "but has very plainly that the island the prohibition on trade with Haiti signified this perspective, independent from France. could not be considered United States focused on banning trade in the The economic legislation The circuit Haiti and therefore set a precedent for nonrecognition. with of the embargo on trade with court case demonstrates how interpretations for Haiti's status as a country or colony. the French Empire had implications and the court systems influenced The relationship between the government country in the Caribnature of Haiti's place as an independent the practical diplomatic status through economic bean. The US court system interpreted resulted in a denial of Haiti's and the prohibition on trade with Haiti policy, sovereignty. articulated that the United States refused to diploThis decision clearly nation. Scholars have long asmatically recognize Haiti as an independent recognition from Haiti; sumed that the US government withheld diplomatic that the silence on however, the case of Clark V. the United States highlights nonrecognition but of the did not automatically signal the part government According that implied nonrecognition. that instead it was economic policy Haiti a French colAmericans would continue to consider to this ruling, on trade was that the The cumulative effect of the various prohibitions and it ony. trade with Haiti illegal between 1806 and 1810, US government made diplomatic recstated that the United States was withholding was explicitly after the Haitian Declaration of ognition. However, two whole years passed outlawed trade with Haiti, Independence before the United States officially on only lasted for four years. These various prohibitions and this prohibition trade with Haiti. Historian trade, however, had a limited effect on American followed, because Brière argues that the 1806 bill "was hardly p35 Jean-Francois did not want to cede the opportunity to the English." American merchants Christophe argued that "the indiThe Haitian secretary of state under Henry benefits that are far suUnited States] find in Haiti viduals of this nation [the the prohibitive laws of their governperior than all other options that despite their shipments to us. m36 determined to continue ment, they are stubbornly Non-Intercourse Act in 1810, American trade At the expiration of the however, continued to withhold with Haiti was legal again; the government, while This withholding of diplomatic recognition diplomatic recognition. with Haiti meant that Haiti occupied an Americans were engaged in trade "While the official policy ofthe ambiguous place in American foreign policy. Haitian the independence of either government," U.S. was not to recognize journalists and other private indiMarlene Daut highlights, "U.S. American on their own, thus recognized the country's sovereignty viduals discursively would not.' >37 Merchants could again accomplishing what their government however, continued to withhold with Haiti was legal again; the government, while This withholding of diplomatic recognition diplomatic recognition. with Haiti meant that Haiti occupied an Americans were engaged in trade "While the official policy ofthe ambiguous place in American foreign policy. Haitian the independence of either government," U.S. was not to recognize journalists and other private indiMarlene Daut highlights, "U.S. American on their own, thus recognized the country's sovereignty viduals discursively would not.' >37 Merchants could again accomplishing what their government --- Page 186 --- "OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 171 recognized Haiti's independence trade with Haiti and their actions implicitly diplomatic means to reFrance; however, they did not have the typical from their economic ventures. Diplosolve conflicts or disputes that arose during trade between Amertherefore, constrained the legal matic nonrecognition, ican merchants and Haiti. the Haitian Government Claims against the Haitian Declaration ofI fIndependence, a number During the decades after with the American government against of American merchants filed claims seizure of cargo, cash, or ships. They the Haitian government for the illegal behalfi in order to help demanded that the US government intervene on their these claims sugtheir investments. The records produced by them recover relationships with Haiti while inherent in economic gest the complications recognition. On the one the US government was withholding diplomatic with Haitians within the esAmerican merchants expected to interact hand, of the law of nations. On the other, the US government tablished practices nation. To remedy this dilemma, did not recognize Haiti as an independent to extend full recogniAmerican merchants encouraged their government them in their efforts to secure their lost property. tion and to support to President James Madison to comIn 1811, a group of merchants wrote 132,000 gourdes plain that they had lost a great deal of property-over of the northern part of Christophe, the soon-to-be king worth-to Henry and since one of his had confiscated this money property Haiti. Christophe detained" of coffee had been, from his perspective, "fraudulently shipments measure, s argued Christophe's major general in Baltimore. "The following the values in his and to (Christophe's)heart: of state P. Romain, "is repugnant he has left for the recovery of the his politics, but that is the only recourse however, did not appreciate p38 The American merchants, state's properties." "This accumulation of sufbeing used as leverage to recoup lost property. "has been borne by Native fering and injustice," > they reported to Madison, self convicted plunder it oft the United States at the hand ofa a lawless Citizens and resolution because they confidently relied has been borne with patience informed to obtain indemnity as upon their own Government when duly US had not offer - It appears as though the government well as to protection. these merchants. "To a government enprovided the necessary support to the wrongs of its subjects, " the lightened in its policy and prompt to redress "it cannot be necessary merchants pleaded with their president, American the rights and interests of every class to urge the importance of protecting infringement or outrage committed of men in the community against every This characterization whether civilized or barbarous." by any foreign power informed to obtain indemnity as upon their own Government when duly US had not offer - It appears as though the government well as to protection. these merchants. "To a government enprovided the necessary support to the wrongs of its subjects, " the lightened in its policy and prompt to redress "it cannot be necessary merchants pleaded with their president, American the rights and interests of every class to urge the importance of protecting infringement or outrage committed of men in the community against every This characterization whether civilized or barbarous." by any foreign power --- Page 187 --- 172 JULIA GAFFIELD of Haiti as a "barbarous foreign Haiti had in the Atlantic World power" highlights the conflicting roles that in the early nineteenth Haiti's incongruous status, these merchants century. them to engage in trade because the argued, made it difficult for were inhibited by the typical methods for resolving conflicts diplomatic limits on the ships. "Although the law Haitian-American relationmingo has prohibiting all trade with the Island of Saint expired and vessels are regularly Dothe United States, for the cleared under the authority of port oft that island, 7 the as the present existing rival merchants concluded, "yet by other nations powers are not recognized by our as legitimate, the ordinary course of government or ing redress for wrongs seems to be >39 demanding and obtainnonrecognition impeded. The American was, in fact, interfering with trade. The diplomatic in trade with Haiti as ifit was an merchants engaged condemning illegal behavior independent country, but the methods for (from their because the American perspective) could not be pursued president refused to plead their head(s) of state. The merchants case to the Haitian cede and expand their were asking that the US government conThis diplomatic policy to match their might have been exactly the point. The economic policy. ing to these American merchants, Haitian government, accordcause the US refused to take seriously their claims begovernment was withholding chants writing in 1811 argued that if the recognition of Haiti. The merbe able to protect the investments United States conceded, they would of Americans. on José Gervasio Artigas's Lauren Benton's research a few years after the incident privateering strategy in the Banda Oriental in Haiti suggests that only shared tactic in the of this might have been a from development new nations. 40 privateer raids," > Benton "The disputes resulting argues, "served . as an international diplomacy. n41 The effective entrée into conflicts imbued the diplomatic conflicts born out of maritime emerging states with though the Haitian government sovereign power. It appears as merchants to put recognized this fact and used American pressure on the US to Haiti. The documents in the government to extend full recognition that the Haitian American claims cases, however, suggest government did not unleash the same teering that Artigas did in order to secure intensity of privanot have the documentation needed foreign recognition. While I do and coordinated to conclude that this was an strategy initiated by the Haitian explicit of American merchants governments, the reactions the Banda Oriental, highlight that, as was the case in Benton's study of "maritime affairs also carried practical significance in the enormous symbolic and continued to be construction of new polities. n42 The an issue in Haitian-American claims cases when the US government tried to diplomacy until the 185os and, collect $130,000 from Henry Christophe documentation needed foreign recognition. While I do and coordinated to conclude that this was an strategy initiated by the Haitian explicit of American merchants governments, the reactions the Banda Oriental, highlight that, as was the case in Benton's study of "maritime affairs also carried practical significance in the enormous symbolic and continued to be construction of new polities. n42 The an issue in Haitian-American claims cases when the US government tried to diplomacy until the 185os and, collect $130,000 from Henry Christophe --- Page 188 --- "OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 173 that the United States had not yet recogin 1817, he refused on the grounds nized his government." 43 government backing but, In 1820, another group of merchants requested declined. In formal was the key, the US government given that recognition that Secretary of State John Quincy Adams response, Rayford Logan reports 1820: 'A formal recognition of the king- "informed Congress on March 27, further measures have been dom of Hayti not being deemed expedient, no "4The merchants on the part of the Executive in the case.' found practicable Lewis, the same Amerito give up. The next year, Jacob were not willing and toasted Haitian independence aboard can merchant who had celebrated that the US president write the Indostan in 1805, wrote to Adams to request order to help him sethe Haitian on his behalf in directly to government thousand dollars" of property that he had for"several hundred cure payment Dessalines had died before he was delivered to Dessalines under contract. that during the civil war it able to fulfill the contract and Lewis recognized was reunited, to obtain payment." Now that the country was "impracticable would help him secure the payment for his he hoped that his government to submit these facts to "I therefore solicit that you will be pleased him property. United States, " Lewis wrote to Adams, "informing the President of the of William Davis Robinson and that I have placed my claim under the charge Government as will that such a letter be addressed to the Haytian I request the of my agent Mr. Robinson." give him the proper weight to representation with Christophe earlier, Lewis had been denied an audience About four years Christophe's government. "At because his letters did not formally recognize learnt that the Harnet AmerJacquemel [sic)," 1) a British admiral reported, "I and Mr. Lewis, of war had arrived at Cape Henry with Mr. Taylor ican Sloop directed to General Christophe instead but as their letters ofcredence were them, and ordered them away, they of King of Hayti he would not received was dead >45 Even though in 1821, Christophe then sailed for Port au Prince' Haiti, Lewis knew that labels Boyer was president of a united and Jean-Pierre importance to the Haitian government. and titles were of primary Government" and not A letter from the US government to the "Haytian was would have been exactly what the Haitian government "St. Domingo" of view, it would help him secure his investfishing for. From Lewis's point of the U. States accedes to my ment. "I feel persuaded that if the President from the Haytian Governobtain wishes, 1 he concluded, "I shall promptly adjustment and payment of my claim.' ment an equitable complied with Lewis's request. SecIt appears as though Adams partially write to the "Haytian Govretary of State Adams did not have the president Adams wrote to "To his ExMarch 1821, ernment, ' but he himself did. On 13, would help him secure his investfishing for. From Lewis's point of the U. States accedes to my ment. "I feel persuaded that if the President from the Haytian Governobtain wishes, 1 he concluded, "I shall promptly adjustment and payment of my claim.' ment an equitable complied with Lewis's request. SecIt appears as though Adams partially write to the "Haytian Govretary of State Adams did not have the president Adams wrote to "To his ExMarch 1821, ernment, ' but he himself did. On 13, --- Page 189 --- 174 JULIA GAFFIELD President of Hayti" to ask that Jacob Lewis's claim be cellency General Boyer address the issue of fulfilled.* 47 Adams, however, was not willing to explicitly wrote to Adams in When Boyer's secretary general, B. Inginac, recognition. ask that the United States recognize Haiti's independence, 1823 to explicitly 48 The next year, the American agent in Porthis letter received no response:" to explain Adams's decision au-Prince, Andrew Armstrong, wrote to Inginac reported, "The omission to answer that letter," Armstrong not to respond. either official or personal to Gen(eral] Inginac, "arose from no disrespect demand of the gov't of the U. States the but as its purpose was avowedly to of Haiti, and reasons of a conclusive formal recognition oft the independence more advisthe adoption of that measure, it was thought nature forbidding than to enter into a discussion that could able to have the letter unanswered, terms of favorable result. >49 Armstrong pointed to unfavorable not lead to a States withholding recognition. trade as the reason for the United however, heightened official recognition to Haiti, Resistance to extending during 1805 and 1806 as southern plantafter the initial period ofindecision debates about Haiti's place in the hand in congressional ers gained upper also attributes this shift to the decline of the Atlantic World. Gordon Brown Haiti's primary trade partner. American trade with Haiti after Britain became the unfavorable terms the decline in Haitian-US trade was related to Perhaps oft trade cited by Armstrong. with the Haitian government reAdams had been willing to correspond to discuss claims cases of American merchants' but was unwilling garding the changed, however, he the issue of recognition. As his position in government when Adams was the issue even more cautiously. In 1826, had to approach Robert Oliver, a merchant from Baltimore, president of the United States, of correspondence with the that "Mr Adams doubted the propriety reported his ability to communicate President of Hayti. 50 Adams's office impacted with the of Haiti, and he was unwilling to correspond with the government the head of state.s1 Haitian government when he was in 1826 in order to recover Robert Oliver had been writing to Adams after the initial loss, he sustained in Haiti in 1804. Over two decades losses Oliver and Lewis's agent in Haiti, William Davis had not been successful. would help their case. "They are Robinson, argued that official recognition 3) Robinson reported to anxious to cultivate the good will of our government," offer to acknowledge "and I feel confident that if our cabinet was to Oliver, treaty with them, we of Hayti, or to make a commercial the independence events obtain payment for every just might make our own terms, and at all under the governclaim of our citizens, no matter whether they originated Ifthey failed Christophe, Pétion, or the present chief."s2 ment of Dessalines, or to apply force, Robinson either to negotiate with the Haitian government 3) Robinson reported to anxious to cultivate the good will of our government," offer to acknowledge "and I feel confident that if our cabinet was to Oliver, treaty with them, we of Hayti, or to make a commercial the independence events obtain payment for every just might make our own terms, and at all under the governclaim of our citizens, no matter whether they originated Ifthey failed Christophe, Pétion, or the present chief."s2 ment of Dessalines, or to apply force, Robinson either to negotiate with the Haitian government --- Page 190 --- "OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 175 concluded that the Haitians would continue their seizing American goods. He believed that current policy of illegally holding the Haitian payment as a way to secure diplomatic government was withAnother claims case brought in 1830 by Clement recognition. Davies of Baltimore also Coal on behalf of Henry nition. Coal explicitly dealt with the issue of trade and argued that the US government's recogAmerican merchants when they felt diplomatic policy paralyzed is understood, >7 Coal wronged by the Haitian government. "It by a preliminary reported, "that the claims have generally been demand for the recognition of the eluded The Haitian government refused to discuss Haitian Governments." first establishing the issue of the claim without recognition of their government. the property, therefore, would be for The only way to secure Haitian sovereignty. the United States to fully recognize Nonrecognition, Coal argued, immunity for outrage and [shielded] the provided Haiti with "an responsibility that is exacted from government of that Island from the inconsistencies in the Haitian recognized nations. *53 Coal, however, saw the American government's policies in their with government; he complained that they had dealings agents" of the American received "unofficial and SO he considered government without first the seizure of American demanding recognition, and outrageous even within broader goods and vessels to be unique "When Haitian policy toward the United considering the large (amount) States. by citizens of the United States, n ofclaims on the Haytian Government similar Coal concluded, "growing out of outrages on the laws of nations it is this and Davies, that the executive will feel confidently hoped by Mr. the national impelled, as well for the dignity as by a just regard for the vindication of to grant a favorable attention to his violated rights of our citizens demand for appeal and to make an reparation on the Haytian Government. >54 energetick [sic] As late as the 185os, the US ment. Rayford Logan government was still trying to secure reports, "In April [1850), the payAlbany, and Germantown arrived in American warships, Vixen, ing the claims back Port-au-Prince for the purpose of dating to the time of collectnot use force and they were unable Christophe. In the end, they did to secure the funds. Diplomatic nonrecognition prevented American ing the help of their government merchants from enlistin Haiti. Some of these when they felt that they had been wronged merchants spent decades can government in order to obtain official arguing with the Ameritook half aid. The US measures to try to secure the debts government underican merchants, but they would (allegedly) owed to the Amerwas demanding: not concede what the Haitian government diplomatic recognition. In 1816, a Joseph P. Horner, articulated his frustration Philadelphia merchant, the United States and Haiti: "Is with the relationship between such a nation as ours to be thus trampled . Some of these when they felt that they had been wronged merchants spent decades can government in order to obtain official arguing with the Ameritook half aid. The US measures to try to secure the debts government underican merchants, but they would (allegedly) owed to the Amerwas demanding: not concede what the Haitian government diplomatic recognition. In 1816, a Joseph P. Horner, articulated his frustration Philadelphia merchant, the United States and Haiti: "Is with the relationship between such a nation as ours to be thus trampled --- Page 191 --- 176 JULIA GAFFIELD the slaves of the West Indies?"56 While this was a on by the very outcasts of merchants felt that the answer, rhetorical question, it appears that American recognition, was necessarily yes. without official diplomatic Conclusion merchants often found that their hands The evidence reveals that American privileges. The denial of Haitis diplomatic were tied by their government's as well as the Haitian that their Haitian counterparts merchants expected customary practices of the law would act within the established government the fact that their own government was implicitly denying ofnations, despite of claims made against the that Haiti was a nation. By examining a number inherent in Haiti's ambiguwe see that the problems Haitian government, the evidence suggests that the Haibecome obvious. Furthermore, ous status American merchants to try to secure official tian government may have used that the relationship between diplomatic recognition. The overall result was nineteenth century was and the United States in the first half of the Haiti with serious consequences layered, complex, and sometimes contradictory merchants. Haitian and for the American for the government United States after 1804 highlights the extent Haiti's relationship with the and economic activity tensions between official political positions to which American merchants and the Haitian undermined the ambitions of both of Haiti's Declaration Independence The refusal to recognize merchants government. commercial relations meant that American while also condoning country. As a result, the Haitian were allowed to trade with an unrecognized exclusion from used these merchants to contest their diplomatic of fHaiti government nations in the Atlantic World. The case the community of recognized Benton's research highlights, since had worldwide implications, as Lauren of privateering raised "the question of what to do about semi-state sponsors rebellious terridirectly ofl how to acknowledge confederations, the problem actors. Similar challenges tories, and even individual ports as international n57 The volume of trade between persisted for a long time in the global order. meant that United States and Haiti during the period of nonrecognition the an issue. "By 1821," Michel-Rolph was continually the diplomatic relationship nearly 45 percent of Haiti's Trouillot notes, "US merchants were supplying 58 Regional conflicts England was in second place, with 30 percent." official imports; the government from extending recogin the United States prevented American merchants. nition but it was also to the detriment of the Civil War, that the not until 1862, in the midst of the American It was recognition to Haiti. They also US government finally extended diplomatic nonrecognition the an issue. "By 1821," Michel-Rolph was continually the diplomatic relationship nearly 45 percent of Haiti's Trouillot notes, "US merchants were supplying 58 Regional conflicts England was in second place, with 30 percent." official imports; the government from extending recogin the United States prevented American merchants. nition but it was also to the detriment of the Civil War, that the not until 1862, in the midst of the American It was recognition to Haiti. They also US government finally extended diplomatic --- Page 192 --- "OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 177 of Liberia. Recognition came when President recognized the independence commissioners to Haiti and LibeAbraham Lincoln signed a bill appointing amount of time for the 1862.39 It took an extraordinarily long ria on June 5, recognition to Haiti; almost four decades United States to extend diplomatic During this period of diplolonger than France, Haiti's former metropole. merchants continued to travel to however, American matic nonrecognition, available. Trade with Haiti Haiti to capitalize on the economic opportunities but American for the majority of the period of nonrecognition, was legal merchants' ability to secure government support for diplomacy limited the and government the Haitian government. Haitian presidents claims against relationship to try to expand the relationrepresentatives used the economic did not, however, achieve their They ship to include diplomatic recognition. continued to withhold diplomatic recogmain goal and the US government nition until 1862. Notes Clause: The Founding Fathers and the Haitian 1. Gordon S. Brown, Toussaint's 2005), 233-44. Revolution (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, Relations of the United States Whittingham Logan, The Diplomatic 2. Rayford of North Carolina Press, 1941), 229. with Haiti, 1776-1891 (Chapel Hill: University after the Declaration of Inde3. For more on Haitian agricultural production Forced Labor, Commodity ProGonzalez, The War on Sugar: pendence, see Johnhenry 1791-1843 (PhD thesis, University duction and the Origins oft the Haitian Peasantry, of Chicago, 2012). and Omega' of Haitian Literature: Baron de Vastey 4- Marlene Daut, "The "Alpha Writing, 77 Comparative Literature 64, no. and the U.S. Audience of Haitian Political 1 (2012): 51. 5- Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 195- soucieux de développer leur commerce, 6. "Les Américains, particulièrement les plus impordevinrent, au cours des deux premières années d'indépendance, en Haîti, d'Haiti." David Nicholls, "Race, couleur et indépendance tantes partenaires d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine 25 (1978): 181. 1804-1825." Revue Policy: Haitian-American Relations During 7. Tim Matthewson, A Proslavery Foreign Gordon Brown, Toussaint's Clause; the Early Republic (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003); (Durham, NC: Duke Haiti and the United States, 1714-1938 Ludwell Lee Montague, University Press, 1940). > 8. Daut, "The 'Alpha and Omega, 52. Albert Gallatin, The Writings of Albert Gallatin to Alexander J Dallas, 1815. 9. 1879), quoted in Logan, Diplomatic Albert Gallatin, ed. Henry Adams (Philadelphia, Relations, 187. ordon Brown, Toussaint's Clause; the Early Republic (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003); (Durham, NC: Duke Haiti and the United States, 1714-1938 Ludwell Lee Montague, University Press, 1940). > 8. Daut, "The 'Alpha and Omega, 52. Albert Gallatin, The Writings of Albert Gallatin to Alexander J Dallas, 1815. 9. 1879), quoted in Logan, Diplomatic Albert Gallatin, ed. Henry Adams (Philadelphia, Relations, 187. --- Page 193 --- 178 JULIA GAFFIELD Mr. Archibald Kane, Merchant, late of the 10. "At Port-au-Prince (St. Domingo.) Died," " Albany Gazette, Novemof and Archibald Kane, of this city House James ber 15, 1817, p. 2. from St. Marc, Haiti, February 11, 1805, the 11. Archibald Kane to James [Kane), Archives ofthe United Kingdom (TNA), HCA 42-426. National of Saint Marc," 17 January 24, 1805, TNA, HCA 12. Archibald Kane, "No. 11, City 42-426. André Vernett [sic], "No. 12, Aux Gonaives," February 4, 13- Archibald Kane and Kane noted that "165 Sols is the dollar 1805. TNA, HCA 42-426; in another letter, is over 8 per cent more than and 20 Sols is under 12 cents for a French pound St. Marc's," February 9, Archibald Kane to Elias Kane, "No. 15, English free dutys." 1805, TNA, HCA 42-426. Aux Gonaives, Liberty or Death," Archibald Kane and André Vernet, "No. .13, 14. February 4, 1805. TNA, HCA 42-426. 2nd Earl Camden, December 15, 1804 George Nugent to John Jeffreys Pratt, 15. of Jamaica (NLJ), MS 72, box 3. 5uN. National Library from St. Marc, Haiti, TNA, 16. Archibald Kane to Elias Kane, February 9, 1805 HCA 42-426. Relations, 166. André Pichon, June 6, 1804, quoted in Logan, Diplomatic TNA, 17. Elias Kane, February 13, 1805, from St. Marc, Haiti, 18. Archibald Kane to HCA 42-426. February 20, 1805, from Extract of a letter from William Ely to Mr. J. Catling, 19. St. Marc, Haiti, TNA, HCA 42-426. February 20, 1805, from Extract of a letter from William Ely to Mr. J. Catling, 20. St. Marc, Haiti, TNA, HCA 42-426. Relations, 152-87 detailed account oft these debates, see Logan, Diplomatic 21. For a Gaffield, Haitian Connections in the AtDiplomatic Relations, 157; Julia 22. Logan, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carlantic World: Recognition after Revolution olina Press, 2015). Volume XVII, 1405, p.3- "New York, June 13, ' Albany Register, 25 June 1805. Volume 23Gazette and Daily Advertiser, 4 July 1805, 24. "Boston, June 17." City XXIV, 5564.p.2. Foreign Policy, 127; and Deborah Jenson, 25. Cited in Matthewson, A Proslavery in the Haitian Revolution, the Slave Narrative: Politics, Sex and Manuscripts Beyond University Press, 2011), 178. (Liverpool: Liverpool 26. Matthewson, Proslavery Forcign Policy, 127. 27. Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 169. For more on the massacres, see 28. Matthewson, Proslavery Foreign Policy, 125. "Caribbean Genocide: RaPopkin's chapter in this volume; Philippe Girard, and Julia Jeremy Patterns of Prejudice 39, no. 2 (2005): 138-61; cial War in Haiti, 1802-4." of the Early Nineteenth-Century AtGaffield, "Haiti and Jamaica in the Remaking 583-614. William and Mary Quarterly 60, no. 3 (July 2012): lantic World," more on the massacres, see 28. Matthewson, Proslavery Foreign Policy, 125. "Caribbean Genocide: RaPopkin's chapter in this volume; Philippe Girard, and Julia Jeremy Patterns of Prejudice 39, no. 2 (2005): 138-61; cial War in Haiti, 1802-4." of the Early Nineteenth-Century AtGaffield, "Haiti and Jamaica in the Remaking 583-614. William and Mary Quarterly 60, no. 3 (July 2012): lantic World," --- Page 194 --- "OUTRAGES ON THE LAWS OF NATIONS" 179 Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 181. or State 29. Edwin D. Dickinson, "The Unrecognized Government 30. Quoted in Law Review Association 22, no. 1 (1923): 35in English and American Law," Michigan Determined in the Circuit Court ofthe Bushrod Washington, Reports of Cases and New 31. Third Circuit, Comprising the Districts of Pennsylvania United States, for the Philip E. Nicklin, Law BookCommencing at April Term, 1803 (Philadelphia: Jersey, seller, 1827), 101. another case, Rose V. Himely, from 1804, but 32. Here the judge referenced HeinOnline, 9 U.S. (5 that it did not apply as precedent. Rose V. Himely, argued Cranch) 313 (1809). Congress, the Public Statutes at Large of 33. Richard Peters, ed., By Authority of CH 8. 1806 (Boston: America, Vol II, Ninth Congress, Sess 1, 6, 7. the United States of Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1848), 350. Washington, Reports ofCases, 106. 34les marchands américains ne voulaient pas 35- "Ne fut guère suivie d'effet, car Haiti eti la France, 1804-1848:1 la réve Jean-Francois Brière, céderl la place aux anglais. brisé (Paris: Kathala, 2008), 54un bénéfice si supérieur a individus de cette nation trouvent a Hayti 36. "[LJes que malgré les lois procelui que leur rapportent toutes leurs autres spéculations leur ils s'obstinent a continuer avec opiniâtreté hibitives de leur Gouvernement, Peltier, April 5, 1807. TNA, WO envois chez nous." " Rouanez, jeune to Jean-Gabriel 1/79. and Omega, 1s 63. 37 Daut, "Alpha suivante, qui répugne à la vérité à son coeur 38. "S.A.S. s'est décidée àl la mesure lui reste pour le recouvrement mais qui est la seule ressource qu'ill et à sa politique, Général del l'Armée, " October 15, des propriétés de l'Etat." ' Henry Christophe, "Ordre General Claims, Archives and Records Administration (NARA), 1810, the National Identifier Number PI 177 239. ARC 174286/MLR W. Quincy, Thomas Capin, Wm Nach Ezra Davis, Oliver Farwell, John 39. Lamb, Stark & McKinstry, Sam Cooper, Henry Burroughs, Geo. Burrough, Perry W. Cartin, Andrew C.I D Ezra Davis Jeremiah Thomson, Jen.ÉP] by his atty., James General Claims, ARC Madison, Boston, January 31, 181, NARA, to President James Identifier 174286/MLR Number PI 177 239. this to my attention. It like to thank Lauren Benton for bringing 40. I would her that I became aware oft the possibility of this with was through correspondence in Haiti. I would also like to thank her strategy in the early independence period version of her article, "Strange Sovereignty: for sharing an early English-language soberania extrana: la ProvinThe Provincia Oriental in the Atlantic World" ("Una en el Atlantico el mundo atlântico"), México 20/10, La Modernidad cia Oriental en "mdeerawsayet Iberoamericano, 1750-1850, 41. Benton, "Strange Sovereignty." 42. Ibid., page 3 in the English translation. was through correspondence in Haiti. I would also like to thank her strategy in the early independence period version of her article, "Strange Sovereignty: for sharing an early English-language soberania extrana: la ProvinThe Provincia Oriental in the Atlantic World" ("Una en el Atlantico el mundo atlântico"), México 20/10, La Modernidad cia Oriental en "mdeerawsayet Iberoamericano, 1750-1850, 41. Benton, "Strange Sovereignty." 42. Ibid., page 3 in the English translation. --- Page 195 --- 180 JULIA GAFFIELD Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 189. 4344. Ibid., 189-90. Sir Home Popham, HM Sloop 45. C. G. R. Phillott, Captain to Rear-Admiral Marlene Daut discusses a simPrimrose Port Royal 10 May 1818, TNA, ADM 1/269; from the captain delivered involving two French warships and a letter ilar incident refused to receive the letter by an American merchant. Christophe Christo Christophe Christophe" instead of "King on the basis that it was addressed to "General tophe." " Daut, "Alpha and Omega," P 63, n.10. DC, March 1, 1821: During 46. Jacob Lewis to John Quincy Adams, Washington, of Hayti I entered into the Period that Dessalines was at the head ofthe government of to the him he became possessed my property various contracts with whereby of this death, thousand dollars, but in consequence amount of several hundred to obtain payment." - NARA, and the civil wars raging in Hayti, it was impracticable Identifier Number PI 177 239. General Claims, ARC 174286/MLR March 13, 1821, NARA, General John Quincy Adams to Jean-Pierre Boyer, 47. / MLR Number PI 177 239; Rayford Logan quotes Claims, ARC Identifier 1174286 27th Congress, 3rd Session, No. this letter as it appears in the House Documents, notes that Adams gave another in Diplomatic Relations, 215. Logan also 30m p. 30, similar letter in 1824. agent, Boothroyd, a Port-au-Prince, July 6, 1823, NARA, Dis48. B. Inginac to John Quincy Adams, Roll T-5, Volume 5from United States Consuls in Cap Haitien, 1797-1906, NARA, patches Port-au-Prince, February 13, 1824, Andrew Armstrong to B. Inginac, Roll Vol49. United States Consuls in Cap Haitien, 1797-1906, T-5, Dispatches from ume 5March 5, 1826, Baltimore, NARA, General 50. Robert Oliver to C. Hughes, Identifier 174286/MLR Number PI 177 239. Claims, ARC Adams offered in 1843 a then, that when John Quincy 51. "It is not surprising, Affairs for a consular appointment resolution in the House Committee of Foreign Relations, 235his vote was the only one in favor of it." Logan, Diplomatic to Haiti, and John Oliver, Port au Prince, 31 July 1821, NARA, 52. W. D. Robinson to Robert Number PI 177 239. General Claims, ARC Identifier 174286/MLR of State, July 16, 1830, NARA, Clement Coal to Mr. Van Buren, Secretary 53. Identifier 174286/MLR Number PI 177 239. General Claims, ARC 54. Ibid. 55- Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 249. of New Orleans, Washington City, DC, 56. Joseph P. Horner to John K. West, NARA, General Claims, [1816,year taken from previous letter), Philadelphia, May 30 Identifier Number PI 177 239. ARC 174286/MLR 28 in the English translation. 57- Benton, "Strange Sovereignty," page Nation: The Origins and Legacy of Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Haiti, State against 58. York: Monthly Review Press, 1990), 53Duvalierism (New 59- Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 303. , Washington City, DC, 56. Joseph P. Horner to John K. West, NARA, General Claims, [1816,year taken from previous letter), Philadelphia, May 30 Identifier Number PI 177 239. ARC 174286/MLR 28 in the English translation. 57- Benton, "Strange Sovereignty," page Nation: The Origins and Legacy of Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Haiti, State against 58. York: Monthly Review Press, 1990), 53Duvalierism (New 59- Logan, Diplomatic Relations, 303. --- Page 196 --- People of Haiti during the The Sovereign and Nineteenth Centuries Eighteenth JEAN CASIMIR who established themselves in Saint-Domingue were The French colonists nation. From their point of view, people of the same birthright, of the same lawfully. In order to into the colony were acquired the slaves they brought humiliation, and these unfortunates had to overcome deprivation, survive, the end of the eighteenth century, political conineffable torture.' But by and its rivals offered within France and between this colonial power flicts out of this relationship and secure the the captives the opportunity to break run aground. of the territory in which they had accidentally independence vision of the world, these foreigners-by Inspired by a locally developed a minority off former is a foreigner-alongside definition an enslaved person ofa supposedly national state.? slave owners, contributed to the construction Eurocentric sector of the of Haitlian-French-the fiercely This latter group machinery, providing the administrative local popalaton-masopolised project for the future of their for the "outsiders" to formalize any no space society."' the plantation system, the oligarchs In order to preserve and reactivate class from expressing its will took all necessary steps to prevent the working where the milibut could not succeed in a context to survive as it saw fit; they destitute as troops. The goal of of the state had to make use ofthe tary power the Treaty of Ryswick onwards, how popular this essay is to follow, from 1697 has and what its relationship to national independence sovereignty emerged the colonial plantation system. (I been. I will undertake this task by revisiting in the seaports alongside do not reference the group of freed persons living the end of the essay, is of the several enslaved. Thomas Madiou, quoted at the of the poputhat they did not differ significantly from majority opinion to their habits and their aspirations." ") lation "in respect to their manners, built on two absences, which Saint-Domingue's plantation system was after 1804. First, it did not the ideological thrust of the state in turn shaped hence, family and women cater to the local regeneration of the population; seaports alongside do not reference the group of freed persons living the end of the essay, is of the several enslaved. Thomas Madiou, quoted at the of the poputhat they did not differ significantly from majority opinion to their habits and their aspirations." ") lation "in respect to their manners, built on two absences, which Saint-Domingue's plantation system was after 1804. First, it did not the ideological thrust of the state in turn shaped hence, family and women cater to the local regeneration of the population; --- Page 197 --- 182 JEAN CASIMIR the spiritual and material excluded from its worldview. Consequently, were life oft the captives and of their descendants bases sustaining the community the natural reproduction of the dismissed outright. Second, after 1804 were concern of the indepenpopulation and its welfare were a negligible working dent state. sidestepped the will of From the 1801 constitution onward, political power of their daily lives. Haiti's the people in matters relating to the organization centered on the structure was built to support an economic project political that the plantation sysofland tenure and land use characterized and principles made available to the worker remained marginal, tem. The plot ofland around a family model that the state his/her domestic life was structured also by the official discriminated against and, after 1860, that was targeted labor force the period of slavery, the scarcity of a religious apparatus. During After the revolution, the plethora of made it imperative to import workers. investment to support spiritually or potential workers made unnecessary any materially the laboring families. colony, into a setconversion of Saint-Domingue, an exploitation But the former captives challenged the perceptlement colony suited to welcome authorities. These entities did their tions held by the state and the political hold on the territory the from taking a self-reliant utmost to prevent people for different models The people and the state were striving they conquered. of society. Revolution and General Emancipation The French was inhabited by the subjects of Under the Ancien Régime, Saint-Domingue The first settlers were white (so, free) by their slaves. the king accompanied liberated). The others, the slaves, were and freed people of color (therefore designated: blacks, Afriblack, and from 1793 to 1804 they were variously of the revolutionary transcultivators (cultivateurs). In the framework cans, society could not come up with a "revoformations of the period, plantation the first decade ofindependence, lutionary" name for them, and even during it could not decide ifthey were "active" or "passive" citizens. French, and the upper classes of Saint-Domingue were The privileged African descent identified themselves as strata among the free people of with the French nation. They "American settlers," emphasizing their identity So they did not break did not consider themselves a conquered community. threaten them with defrom their fatherland by choice. France had to away before they cut the umbilical cord. portation or extermination in the colony were not abIn contrast, the persons deprived of any rights which, or in opposition to and did not come from a single nation in original citizens. French, and the upper classes of Saint-Domingue were The privileged African descent identified themselves as strata among the free people of with the French nation. They "American settlers," emphasizing their identity So they did not break did not consider themselves a conquered community. threaten them with defrom their fatherland by choice. France had to away before they cut the umbilical cord. portation or extermination in the colony were not abIn contrast, the persons deprived of any rights which, or in opposition to and did not come from a single nation in original --- Page 198 --- PEOPLE OF HAITI 183 THE SOVEREIGN oneself. They were recruited and socialized which, it would be easy to define national whole. without having been vanquished as a structured of the individually, of colonization followed the markers Their inclusion in the process racialization of human relations. They Code noir, according to the modern opposed of a network of empires, where confrontations became prisoners them a set of stratified races. not only states but also through owed their survival to Agricultural workers on the plantation compound cultivating their awareness of the unbridgeable their indomitable wills, by and their own abbetween the privileges of the king's subjects adventure, opposition Survival in this context began as an individual sence of rights. erosion of primary ethnic identities to allow which was replaced by a gradual the development of forms of solidarity. from the colonial state was Absolute deference to instructions emanating of the Seven Years' from all subordinates. But with the impact demanded French Revolution, the state was never able War (756-63) and of the 1789 Among the privileged its pretentions to total supremacy. to operationalize flourished around objectives bordering strata, interest and pressure groups the enslaved, the era gave dissidence and even insurrection, while among on ofwhat used to be called "bands of maroons.' From rise to the multiplication both ofthese formations were of the the point of view of the colonial empire, measures. nature and were uprooted with distinct repressive same mind the essence of the social conflicts that prompted While keeping in in the following section of my analysis the Haitian Revolution, I describe in the metropole and how how the privileged strata reacted to the changes Later, I turn to the question they erected the political structure that followed. on the basis of the responded to these changes of how the oppressed people with the operations set in motion by knowledge they accumulated in dealing the dominant institutions and classes. general emancipation The conflict the state engendered by proclaiming ofits established judicial could not be resolved within the framework in 1793 landowners who had, in good faith, acquired system. The state confronted slaves with the state's blessings. But it plantations that they equipped with its and unable to then found itself unable to retain sovereignty over territory the without emancipating such slaves. By promoting protect private property the state amputated landed property former slaves' accession to citizenship, and provoked a political means of exploitation owners of their indispensable tragedy. direct contradiction with the plantation General emancipation was in progressed in that diand its governance. The United Kingdom economy with massive injections of disempowered rection a few decades later only Asia. At the end of the eighteenth cenindentured servants from Southeast ations that they equipped with its and unable to then found itself unable to retain sovereignty over territory the without emancipating such slaves. By promoting protect private property the state amputated landed property former slaves' accession to citizenship, and provoked a political means of exploitation owners of their indispensable tragedy. direct contradiction with the plantation General emancipation was in progressed in that diand its governance. The United Kingdom economy with massive injections of disempowered rection a few decades later only Asia. At the end of the eighteenth cenindentured servants from Southeast --- Page 199 --- 184 JEAN CASIMIR could not entertain such ideas. Its structural political tury, embattled France from its rivals and put in danger its SOVchanges called for violent reactions distanced themits colonies. In this context, royalist planters ereignty over administration, while this regime was at selves from the republican colonial force. a loss to find a new formula to absorb the labor be detached from the The need for workers stripped of their rights cannot simulof" Toussaint Louverture proposed slave trade. So the 1801 constitution and die free and French" (art. 3), and taneously that "all men were born, live to the recovery and of rural workers is indispensable that "the introduction Indeed the constitution refrained growth of the agricultural sector" (art. 17). by these "nonslaves, as the scope of freedom to be enjoyed from defining Louverture's example. A nameless rural codes schooled by did subsequent règlements de culture, and consequently in actor appeared in all subsequent between the end of slavery and the Haitis polity, threading on the nuance end of enslavement. France could not assert its sovereignty In short, after 1789 Republican the interests of the planters, and it over the territory without encroaching on to rescue a plantation rely on "Africans" or "cultivators" could not reasonably enslavement. Self-reliance that was unable to survive the end oftheir system for the laboring classes' survival.* became the only rational option the slave trade, was not But the concept of race, indispensable to justify generated it. Theresolely France's invention. The entire Western community should be viewed as selfreliance on the part offormer enslaved workers fore, capital in its entirety, and the defeat inflicted a confrontation with European should be reduced to army in November 1803 upon the French expeditionary confrontation with the architects of the no more than a skirmish in a titanic racialization of the human species. states granted him victories of Napoléon over the royalist The dazzling Gordian knot: he decided to replace the colonial the weapon to confront this in Europe following workforce with new slaves. Once peace was achieved better solution to revamp fall, the Restoration would not find a Napoléon's the colonial plantation economy. Bourbon, the colony and its plantation sysRepublican, Napoleonic, or distinct from those of its metropolitan tem needed a set of labor relations from its customary Haiti would not depart sponsor. Colonial or independent, remained ruled by the heirs of the treatment of the labor force as long as it an abolition of These heirs, before or after 1804, never imagined and planters. of the citizenry, slavery that would result in universal empowerment classes. They relentlessly enforced total freedom for the working they never foundation: the nullification of autonomy or secession on the same pursued the political rights of these classes.* those of its metropolitan tem needed a set of labor relations from its customary Haiti would not depart sponsor. Colonial or independent, remained ruled by the heirs of the treatment of the labor force as long as it an abolition of These heirs, before or after 1804, never imagined and planters. of the citizenry, slavery that would result in universal empowerment classes. They relentlessly enforced total freedom for the working they never foundation: the nullification of autonomy or secession on the same pursued the political rights of these classes.* --- Page 200 --- THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE OF HAITI 185 state, after 1789 neither the colonial Given the structure of the modern could accommodate popthe Haitian oligarchs authorities nor subsequently Baron de Vastey (Pompée ular self-reliance, much less popular sovereignty. ofthe Haitian RevoluValentin Vastey), the most forward-thinking ideologue the ofi findione half ofthe distance, insisting on equality tion, advanced only oft the different civilizations. viduals in law while also accepting the inequality abide the strictures the former enslaved did not have to by Conversely, "universal" history. They necessarily acted on of an unwritten European of themselves and of society. As far as the basis of their particular notion facing the domiconcerned, and irrespective of the quandaries they were and their popular sovereignty were not negotiable nant classes, their equality matters. the people's sovereignty was For French planters and Haitian oligarchs, its very existence, was in a threat to the state. And the independent state, by How could it claim international community. turn a threat to the emerging of individuals scattered in national sovereignty and how could the plurality coalesce into a nation? Saint-Domingue at the end of the eighteenth century The Plantation System, a Dead-End Street colonial countryside and its cities was strucThe relationship between the of the territory to its metropole. tured in accordance with the subjugation colonies of the Caribbean, as in the other exploitation In Saint-Domingue, by European seaport traders indifferent rural areas were shaped essentially to local well-being.? settlement units, slavery-based agricultural Saint-Domingue's original Caribbean settlecomplexes, differed slightly from other French-controlled as well as the with regards to their accelerated pace of exploitation ments mountainous territory in which they operated. relatively larger size of the peopled by inmates resembled more closely military prisons, Its compounds with one another prior to their initial encounand wardens with no contact and rapidly the The first task for the incarcerated was to learn properly ter. them as thoroughly as possible. The operating rules engineered to exploit that was characteristic of institution, anchored in the plundering and looting to moral norm accumulation of capital, was alien any the period of primitive and principle. inconceivable from the standpoint of Prisoners had to submit to demands through educations. Their otherness, acknowledged their still-vivid original slanders, was expressed in all kinds of pejorative qualifiers and unthinkable submission and servility. The the very fact that they needed to be trained into all costs in order to render authorities had to annihilate their individuality at engineered to exploit that was characteristic of institution, anchored in the plundering and looting to moral norm accumulation of capital, was alien any the period of primitive and principle. inconceivable from the standpoint of Prisoners had to submit to demands through educations. Their otherness, acknowledged their still-vivid original slanders, was expressed in all kinds of pejorative qualifiers and unthinkable submission and servility. The the very fact that they needed to be trained into all costs in order to render authorities had to annihilate their individuality at --- Page 201 --- 186 JEAN CASIMIR task of taming the phantasms they them useful, confronting the impossible projected onto the captives. the enslaved workforce without reThe system had to extract profits from "unfit the slaves," " the French Code noir announced, ciprocating. "We declare their master.' >8 It then delivered that does not belong to to own anything people SO as to integrate its instructions to be followed without educating structures willingly. of the planter undermined the The perverse effect of the omnipotence in order to survive in the immeidentity and self-esteem ofthe captives, who, ofthe brutalhad to assist in the reproduction and perpetuation diate future, life required them to The slightest increase in their expectancy Their izing power. and to the worldview of the plantation society. adjust to enslavement servile behavior might ensure an entire surrender to brute force and their silent desire to escape, cooptation while entertaining a lifetime pretending whenever possible, the unbearable yoke. metropolitan culture that State power derived from a relatively integrated and to treat them as commodgranted to the colonists the right to own slaves the role of movable the end, the persons taken to fulfill ities. On opposite cultures and did not share a common goods came from a variety of ethnic and slaves and between slaves set of references. Tensions between masters the end of the process oflearnthemselves were supposed to resolve only at would realize the ofthe plantation, when the subordinates ing the operations of the landowners and submit to it. unquestioned omnipotence received their emancipation as a reward A small number of enslaved was accurately labeled Freedom granted in this manner for their servility." to the geography of colonialism.' manumission, highlighting its suitability useful to the aware of the knowledge The oppressed became simultaneously and means of protecting their perdominant system and expert in the ways sons from its misdeeds. of their masters, and their The future of the slaves conveyed the designs instants defined by their days succeeded each other as a string ofimmediate its meaning oft these discontinued moments acquired owners. The sequence of the jailers, outside of any project that within the history and the horizon enslaved. of any futhe will and choices of the Stripped could be shaped by the perfect slaves could be thought ture they might have drawn themselves, of as masterpieces of their owners. the economy were Racialized labor relations operating within plantation the of the captives. Hence, once appreinstitutionalized before acquisition before they were introduced to hended, the victims' fate was sealed, even slaves-were assimior potentially their physical prison. Captives-legally communities of enslaved people under the lated into actual and functional enslaved. of any futhe will and choices of the Stripped could be shaped by the perfect slaves could be thought ture they might have drawn themselves, of as masterpieces of their owners. the economy were Racialized labor relations operating within plantation the of the captives. Hence, once appreinstitutionalized before acquisition before they were introduced to hended, the victims' fate was sealed, even slaves-were assimior potentially their physical prison. Captives-legally communities of enslaved people under the lated into actual and functional --- Page 202 --- THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE OF HAITI 187 of production could not fail to be assumption that the necessary process captives in rebellion, successful. Newly captured and newly arrived captives, their freedom, were for or deserters, as well as maroons fighting runaways into the slave category as defined by the masters. all lumped the ever-increasing need for economy, But in an expanding plantation of captives to be groomed into slaves. labor required an expanding supply force and its conversion into a usThe multiplication of the potential labor any behavior and it more and more imperative to eliminate able one made oft the slave workforce, that is, their any actor that delayed the standardization. and free will. A vicious cirtransformation into robots devoid of self-purpose specialized, sometimes created the ideal slaves as automatons, cle ofviolence in the most remote corners oft their souls. but above all subservient only be emancipated. A slave-as distinct from the enslaved-could from the resulted in release, and it should be distinguished Emancipation character with which Europe attempted to reachievement of freedom. The freed from his or her chains, place the "sons of Ham" was a cursed zombie and their memo11 The captives, specific in their origins but still a zombie. behind their slave masks. As bossales, they were ries, were supposed to vanish servants and should be destroyed. the negation ofthe stylish, Occidentalized endeavors that differed from In this context, formulas for agricultural to the total enrolment of system were anathema. Challenges the plantation brutal responses. Genocide and labor forces would provoke free or enslaved would-be maroons were used to create optimum threats of genocide towards captives. The exterminaconditions for the incorporation of newly imported while the purge of insurgents was never completed, tion of Saint-Domingue out with sufficient success to break Guadeloupian rebels in 1802 was carried the resistance ofthe recalcitrant. dangers more imHowever, from 1789 onward France had to overcome from its colonial prisoners. Its very property minent than those emanating Unable to defend its posrights over the territory were being challenged. with with the sole use of its armies, it negotiated an arrangement sessions liberation within the plantation the embattled captives, offering them partial compound in exchange for their support. differences and the With this move, France acknowledged the captives' to the conjuensuing therefrom. In 1793, its inability to measure up of the power ofthe British and the Spanish-and not a transformation gated forces the abolition of slavery. The panic ofa sinking economic system-demanded for salvation put in danger the empire clinging to the slightest opportunity bona fide investments ofthe planter class. of self-reliant futures. Slaves and planters were therefore both deprived either as and plantation society could disappear The plantation compound support. differences and the With this move, France acknowledged the captives' to the conjuensuing therefrom. In 1793, its inability to measure up of the power ofthe British and the Spanish-and not a transformation gated forces the abolition of slavery. The panic ofa sinking economic system-demanded for salvation put in danger the empire clinging to the slightest opportunity bona fide investments ofthe planter class. of self-reliant futures. Slaves and planters were therefore both deprived either as and plantation society could disappear The plantation compound --- Page 203 --- 188 JEAN CASIMIR by the enslaved, as in the case of Sainta result of a revolution propelled in the colonial empire. In the Domingue, or as a consequence of changes forces propelling the became victims of the productive British case, planters and free trade. At this metropolitan country towards industrial development hens golden eggs in the development, the laying stage of the global system's grants and preferential treatCaribbean were reduced to surviving through of the free trade fetish and ments, going SO far as to beg for the destruction against the vagaries of global competition.' for privileged protection the Caribbean planters took refuge in At the dawn of liberal capitalism, of their outdated modes form of self rule that allowed for the preservation a intensification ofthe exploitation of formerly enslaved of production and the is well documented in Barbados and and indentured laborers. This evolution 13 In Saint-Domingue, also has been observed in Martinique and Guadeloupe. the richest planters and it took the shape of the type of autonomy sought by they were free to Louverture, while in Haiti, the oligarchs thought Toussaint impose Louverture's caporalisme agraire. was a cul-de sac. By ending the With or without slavery, plantation society the world economy to grow out of slave trade, the United Kingdom forced trade, to abolish slavery, and mercantilist capitalism, to destroy the triangular the inequities generliberal capitalism, while still safeguarding to endorse accumulation of capital. ated during the era of primitive The Reverse of the Plantation Compound slavery exceeded the imaginations The transition from freedom to mercantile or to recover their abducted by slave traders. In order to preserve of villagers embarked on a process of reeducation which sanity, the kidnapped villagers and to shield themselves their personalities led them to gradually recuperate system. They avoided collapsfrom abuse and harassment by the plantation by Europe by discerning mentally and physically in the corset imposed those ing oftheir jailers those that were not negotiable from among the demands with which it was possible to accommodate. collection of newly transported their chances of survival, this To improve the logic of their new milieu and individuals had to discover and deconstruct for reversing it. Once the critito slowly elaborate a coherent set of references they had to realize cal role of torture in their socialization was acknowledged, and control the elements that it was in their compelling interest to capture survival. The training of the dominant culture that were essential to their this need to be tutored. sponsored by the master was welcomed in relation to of references with chose from his cultural framework a set The planter that behaved as useful slaves. For which to inculcate his slaves to ensure they new milieu and individuals had to discover and deconstruct for reversing it. Once the critito slowly elaborate a coherent set of references they had to realize cal role of torture in their socialization was acknowledged, and control the elements that it was in their compelling interest to capture survival. The training of the dominant culture that were essential to their this need to be tutored. sponsored by the master was welcomed in relation to of references with chose from his cultural framework a set The planter that behaved as useful slaves. For which to inculcate his slaves to ensure they --- Page 204 --- THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE OF HAITI 189 knowledge and experiences the slaves' part, on the basis oftheir background within the dominant culture the shared with their peers, they selected from conceived it. traits and norms essential for their survival as they since the arbitrariness The hostages began this journey in deep solitude, could understand or of their abduction and exploitation had no logic they of and justifiTheir fate derived from a series myths share spontaneously. be as utterly stupid. They built a cations of racism that could only perceived assessed from the point ofview new reservoir of criteria out of daily practices of captives on the comof their peculiar cultural heritages. The introduction of acculturation sepdid not happen all at once, and various degrees pound the consensus-building arated successive arrivals of prisoners, complicating process. ground where prisoners cultivated and Everyday life became a breeding of the planrelating to their ways conceptualizing harmonized proposals with each other within it. Conviviality tation compound and of interfacing diverse ethnic groups became a in the work gangs and conflicts between and rules of solidarwhere the captives discovered the principles laboratory and their pursuit of freedom. These ity in their opposition to the system both exchanges with dominant interpersonal relations, aimed at managing what was later called family institutions and with peer groups, gave rise to distinct from education received from elders and necessarily education, an authorities. instructions handed down by public of the captives eluded the education, the person Through peer-group hold. There evolved a form of self-reliance, a conplanters' and the state's constant renewal, whose goal was to salvage densed version of a heritage in Thomas Madiou referred their lives, to protect and to conserve their persons. with appropriperson when he wondered, to this elusive and impregnable slave, did s/he entirely cease to be free?"1s ateness, "the African even though with the rules governing These strangers had to combine their familiarity set of knowledge that society with the development of a parallel of plantation themselves in the face of the abusive extraction enabled them to protect they restructured their inditheir labor potential. With minimal resources, and a rationale for the viduality even as they failed to discover a meaning the backbone of the Their body of knowledge became dominant system. their absorption by world they built, in order to delay or possibly prevent the plantation society. gradually replaced the Their own system of lnouledgsjemposeret host society. 16 Their comprehencaptives' initial ignorance of the rules ofthe solidarity with their sion oft the new environment grew alongside deepening managed to master a companions in misfortune. By SO assimilating, they and to reframe the abplace for themselves within the plantation compound the viduality even as they failed to discover a meaning the backbone of the Their body of knowledge became dominant system. their absorption by world they built, in order to delay or possibly prevent the plantation society. gradually replaced the Their own system of lnouledgsjemposeret host society. 16 Their comprehencaptives' initial ignorance of the rules ofthe solidarity with their sion oft the new environment grew alongside deepening managed to master a companions in misfortune. By SO assimilating, they and to reframe the abplace for themselves within the plantation compound --- Page 205 --- 190 JEAN CASIMIR their welcome, endowing them with the primary solute mess that served as order. for instance- of a counterplantation tools-language 1 the Africans made clear themselves with "superstitions, By surrounding aware, and the foundations of their that the otherness, of which they were without wavering their human dignity were not negotiable. They expressed truth and to bury the of the colonial state as God's refusal to accept proposals conveyed by the dominant instituthemselves in the unexplainable dogmas through processes defined tions. They lived by values they gave themselves, in their traditions and endorsed by their peers. this period is not the their social exchanges during Key to appreciating fetish (and its virtues)-but the simple fact content of the wanga-of the least solutions. Separate that wanga were brandished as valid or at plausible and principles of the were being managed within the standards autonomies the prelude to a collective and sovereign will plantation compound and were imposing itself even in tiny and surreptitious spaces. to destabilize enslavethemselves in order As a result, in reconditioning inherited from their ethnic group ment, the captives enriched the knowledge They designed survival by assessing the order of the plantation compound. and in negotiating their imstrategies adapted to their new circumstances, fellow sufferers of the concenplementation they discovered and recognized time, codified in which they were confined. At the same they tration camp of colonized people from the jailers who ran the markers separating their set evolved, sharing similar living the institution. In this way, networks of people to which they were conditions and behaviors consistent with the experiences the lines separating the ethnic groups comprising subjected. The dividing oppressed classes were steadily blurred. the captives reorganized By integrating themselves into plantation society, that both included and outdistheir universe, invented an unprecedented one and acknowledged environment from whence they came, tanced the African which the master wanted to enclose them. the mean-spirited landscape in they sidestepped the without ever truly leaving the compound, By SO doing, effects. plantation society, dodging its negative from which they The milieus built by the captives and the standpoints ideas, meanto their masters. These worlds comprised evolved wereinvisible relations, memories, even beings, totally unings, beliefs, patterns of social arsenal, captives strove to reknown to these masters. With this unsuspected and activating the absences produced invent their present by systematically They expanded their reproduced deliberately by the plantation compound. and within this new diliving by exploiting all its avenues, actual day-to-day the dominant system.7 mension they learned how to move beyond they The milieus built by the captives and the standpoints ideas, meanto their masters. These worlds comprised evolved wereinvisible relations, memories, even beings, totally unings, beliefs, patterns of social arsenal, captives strove to reknown to these masters. With this unsuspected and activating the absences produced invent their present by systematically They expanded their reproduced deliberately by the plantation compound. and within this new diliving by exploiting all its avenues, actual day-to-day the dominant system.7 mension they learned how to move beyond --- Page 206 --- PEOPLE OF HAITI 191 THE SOVEREIGN issued by their arrogance and obsesGiven the diagnostic of savagery the emergence of with control and exploitation, the masters ignored sion and knowledge. The swarm of experithis multifaceted world of experience forces and the logic oft the answers ments which led the newly arrived to join education-evaded they gave to the claims of the plantation system-their The system did not acthe field of vision of public and private authorities. to its methods of its class enemy and remained without answers knowledge fighting. reservoir of ideas nurtured by its French motherUnlike the oligarchy's defiant behavior relied on some culture, the synchronization of the captives' shared its through which the oppressed community sort of selfmanagement of the social environment. While the oliexperiences and its gradual mastery oft the abilities oft their captivesgarchs could function without an appraisal of the domifor deficient information with an imposition by compensating defend themselves by managing a nant culture-their prisoners could only In their dejected situaset of ideas universally shared by their community. verification of their innovative thoughts could not evade daily empirical tion, appropriateness. plantation sociof the standards and regulations governing The mastery mercantilism, was only and of the broader project of Western imperial the ety, in the New World. Below the surface, experione part of life for captives of a counterplantation society: a ence of the oppressed led to the invention of the contributions made by new narrative fabricated with an appreciation without exception, through daily life. all actors, the amalgamation of these unexpected When the opportunity arose, into a revolutionary moveforms of social life and solidarity would develop the established practices of larger scope challenging ment, encompassing that the sedimentation of these pracorder. The historical process suggests of 1804 into a broader process tices actually transformed the military victory colony Saint-Domingue from an exploitation of social change, converting This qualitatively new milieu colony for former captives. into a settlement from knowledge accessible to could not have been foreseen or extrapolated and unthinkand colonial officials. 18 For the planter, the unexpected a new planters day-to-day living and engendered able took hold of reality. It renovated flourish. social structure in which its architects could the ethnic Haiti after 1804, original In the new world that encompassed with concrete experiences cultures, transformed both by their confrontations merged into society and by ten years of wars of independence, of plantation workers, culture common to the insurgent agricultural a single oppressed of norms and principles necessary to carry which offered them the embryo officials. 18 For the planter, the unexpected a new planters day-to-day living and engendered able took hold of reality. It renovated flourish. social structure in which its architects could the ethnic Haiti after 1804, original In the new world that encompassed with concrete experiences cultures, transformed both by their confrontations merged into society and by ten years of wars of independence, of plantation workers, culture common to the insurgent agricultural a single oppressed of norms and principles necessary to carry which offered them the embryo --- Page 207 --- 192 JEAN CASIMIR of Haiti. From that day forward, the women out their lives in independent undisturbed, and the population did the country could raise their children The living conditions were modnot have to be recruited on the slave market. it caused became only but the slave trade and the repugnance est indeed, buried in the deepest dungeon of collective memory. unpleasant memories, with their companions in misfortune These captives joined in solidarity had tried to reduce to silence and revived the universe that the colonial state in the AmeriGradually, the hostages built their own space and annihilate. them, in the slave gangs of the plantation, cas. In the very boat transporting in the lakou (collection in the community of captives on same compound, of maroon villages, their of individual farms and extended family groups) of 19 There evolved desire to live fully turned sovereign a community oneself, peers.' and in the same creating new reasons to appreciate new identities, of defense against the abductors. People movement arose new instruments became people of simiof like condition, of the same social class, eventually lar birth, that is, of the same nation. from the Haiof the Haitian nation cannot be distinguished The making each other reciprocally. The oppressed class tian Revolution. They produced at the end of the same process. and the emerging nation came into being state. It resulted from the The nation evolved in opposition to the colonial totality, comprisconversion of a set of isolated individuals into an organic and survival of the crucial to the existence ing networks of cohesive groups elaboration of the experiences of the individuals within them. A culture, the from groups of and the invention of new institutions ranging oppressed, communities were all structured and families to the lakou and village The peers misdeeds of the colonial state and ofi its successors. in response to the in all areas of social life; it was nation was an expression of its sovereignty the sovereign people. Saint-Domingue was monolithic, made For the colonial administration, with the racializaof networks of slave plantations operating in compliance of the social fabric that this tion of human relations. But in the interstices of the metropolunder the guidance administration strove to stitch together developed institutions the persons living in captivity patiently itan seaports, order and allowed for the expression of their that challenged the external of the coloniality in which they were submerged. awareness owned their bodies, their time and their While the slaves' master legally still had to conquer, to invade, to space, in order to make them useful she/he colonial ideas and values. She them and to inculcate in their minds And occupy inroads in these areas during periods of peace. or he could only make onward. The owners of this set of Saint-Domingue had no peace from 1789 in the advent of a new nation. isolated individuals, then, assisted helplessly the external of the coloniality in which they were submerged. awareness owned their bodies, their time and their While the slaves' master legally still had to conquer, to invade, to space, in order to make them useful she/he colonial ideas and values. She them and to inculcate in their minds And occupy inroads in these areas during periods of peace. or he could only make onward. The owners of this set of Saint-Domingue had no peace from 1789 in the advent of a new nation. isolated individuals, then, assisted helplessly --- Page 208 --- THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE OF HAITI 193 left to them in order to reactivate the plantation system The only alternative cohesive grouping. was to exterminate the emerging knowledge springs from empomementoriented National sovereignty The sovereignty of a state does and not from learning colonial regulations. by its citizens in their not fall on it like manna from heaven. It is experienced translates into political internal sovereignty, and hence it daily lives as an and to defend its external institutions equipped to establish, to negotiate, sovereignty. Of Freedom and Sovereignty the planters of Saint-Domingue when The ideas of secession evolved among by French of their slaves became imminent. The encroachment the loss the to own slaves cannot be compared to revolutionary legislators on right the clergy and the nobility. The seizure of wealth owned by their parallel in the colonies. This strategic position slaves represented labor as it operated and the clergy lacked. The granted them political leverage that the nobility without foreseeing a new state could not involve them in its political conflicts of their philosbetween capital and labor. By applying the progress of relation lawmakers highlighted both the sovereignty ophy to their slave colonies, labor that structured the state and the total dependence on slave the imperial intrusion in the colonial ventures it sponsored overseas. Their inopportune crisis created by the assault structure added to the severity of the economic on the Bastille. abolition of slavery before forbidding the Colonial France declared the The causes and consequences participation ofits nationals in the slave trade. the British aboliwith those surrounding ofthis measure are not comparable end to the slave trade and then tion. As would seem logical, the British put an of economic structural abolished slavery. A general emancipation unmindful "cultivators" was unlikely to changes and of slave traders' rights to import the victims of the trade to modify their behavior. convince blacks and mulâtres of Saint-Domingue, their parAs for the emancipated the establishment of the republic was ticipation in the struggle conducive to in that superseded for the recognition of rights granted 1793 rooted in a quest at the height oft the development ofslaverythe Code noir, which was enacted vehemently the devolution of These protesters demanded based capitalism. Revolution was precisely poised to privileges rooted in a regime the 1789 destroy. that at a time when France raised the banner Itis therefore not surprising to secure its primacy over any other of popular sovereignty and was fighting intermediate groups, who shared source of political power, in the colonies ticipation in the struggle conducive to in that superseded for the recognition of rights granted 1793 rooted in a quest at the height oft the development ofslaverythe Code noir, which was enacted vehemently the devolution of These protesters demanded based capitalism. Revolution was precisely poised to privileges rooted in a regime the 1789 destroy. that at a time when France raised the banner Itis therefore not surprising to secure its primacy over any other of popular sovereignty and was fighting intermediate groups, who shared source of political power, in the colonies --- Page 209 --- 194 JEAN CASIMIR brandished the SOVworldview as the grands planteurs, the same mercantilist their political objective. ereignty of the state-and not that of the people-as common to underand it had been Since the time of pirates privateers, its dominion the hold of a state over a territory, stand sovereignty as being for From 1789 onwards, with the local being taken granted. over population structure, this traditional of sovereignty in the political the eruption popular institutionalized power. But it is preaspect became secondary in designing brandished as their conwhat the colonial authorities and the oligarchy cisely tribution to republicanism. oligarchy and bourgeoisie, the Saint-Domingue Unlike the metropolitan themselves to the nobility by endorsing colonial authorities did not oppose the grievances of the the claims of the popular classes. In their journey, some legitMisérables and sans-culottes oft the colony-recovered masses-les They did not offer a portion imacy only belatedly and all too opportunistically but to defend republicanism of their assets to achieve popular sovereignty, back in the face of the France. Moreover, rather than holding and imperial and oft the lobby of royalist planters, they enantirepublican rise of Bonaparte Their "national" idenlisted in the expeditionary army to pursue their policy. and the Republic. them the need to choose between the Consulate tity spared before Sonthonax's 1793 proclamation endorsed The persons emancipated after the civil commissioners were the demand for abolition of slavery only the surrender of the obliged to resort to this measure in order to prevent Ardouin attest to their enemies. Thomas Madiou and Beaubrun colony to its after the 1793 procto full equality with the persons emancipated down opposition a wild bull that ended up knocking lamation.? 20 "The people had been to civilize it and to make it his master," Madiou argued. "[The point was sociable.' n21 revolutions did not belong to the same family The French and the Haitian the to the second and to conceive of the first one as inspiration of events, to the history of mankind, one does not do justice to the latter's contribution in worldwide political namely to the enthronement of popular sovereignty of republican deThe state in Haiti has not yet reached this stage structure. recovered from the fall inflicted upon it by the velopment, since it has not yet "felt the from the elite, " Madiou continued, deeply wild bull: "Few men, even freedom and independence, principles of 1789, which however had produced affected their way of the traditions ofthe Ancien Régime had hardly because living. n22 Similarly, Ardouin argued: and Pétion] resolved to continue to In the meantime, they [Dessalines who, by the contention of their fight the chiefs of the maroon insurgents the fall inflicted upon it by the velopment, since it has not yet "felt the from the elite, " Madiou continued, deeply wild bull: "Few men, even freedom and independence, principles of 1789, which however had produced affected their way of the traditions ofthe Ancien Régime had hardly because living. n22 Similarly, Ardouin argued: and Pétion] resolved to continue to In the meantime, they [Dessalines who, by the contention of their fight the chiefs of the maroon insurgents --- Page 210 --- THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE OF HAITI 195 serious embarrassment for the realization priority in the fight, would be a it will be seen that it had been Indeed, oft these projects (ofindependence).' rid of some of them, because to submit them by force or get necessary an African tribe, and would only each of them somehow represented to this barbaric manner." think ofc organizing the insurgency according colony was not It follows that the basic policy of the besieged republican of the the well-being of the people or general oriented toward promoting of the state as defined at population, but toward rescuing the sovereignty of 1804 acknowlof modern mercantilism. The victorious oligarchs the peak of France and they endorsed its civilizing misedged the right of conquest made "[ojn behalf of the Black sion. The first declaration of independence, 1803), was the first of Saint-Domingue" (November 29, and Colored people oligarchs of Haiti. political statement of the Eurocentric Code noir itself and the causes of The grudge of the captives targeted the and the emanand their enslavement. For the white planters their captivity to human rights could lead to a kind cipated, republican progress relating to house arrest and conduof limited freedom for former slaves comparable of the right of salaried work. The prerogatives cive to some form perpetual could override those of private of the sovereignty of the state, of conquest, the king (read, the state), original owner ofthe ownership, a favor granted by which he authorized the use of slaves. territory on of Saint-Domingue was captive. In contrast, almost the entire population whole. General freedom, Captivity and enslavement formed an inseparable safeguarding the grace, equaled general liberation, seen as a metropolitan that is, his/her right to use and abuse political primacy of the conquistador, voluntary act of emanciincluding slaves. This gratuitous, his/her property, desired, as the inhabitants of the French pation could be repealed when it SO Antilles were not allowed to forget. closely, should be conexamined more The 1793 general emancipation, in spite ofi its pompous preamceived as a sum ofindividual emancipations, free and equal in their rights. " If ble: "Human beings are born and remain house arrest. There could not it were not SO, it would not be compatible with in the colony, irrespective or an assembly of citizens be a "sovereign people" encroach on state rights, that is, on la of the letter of a law, that could not raison d'état. the of conquest they acquired on NovemWithin the restraints of right abolition of slavery and retain the oligarchs could endorse the ber 19, 1803, to "national" economy. In the minds captivity of the labor force as essential servants could conof indentured of the oligarchs, the lifelong engagement would not be compatible with in the colony, irrespective or an assembly of citizens be a "sovereign people" encroach on state rights, that is, on la of the letter of a law, that could not raison d'état. the of conquest they acquired on NovemWithin the restraints of right abolition of slavery and retain the oligarchs could endorse the ber 19, 1803, to "national" economy. In the minds captivity of the labor force as essential servants could conof indentured of the oligarchs, the lifelong engagement --- Page 211 --- 196 JEAN CASIMIR ofToussaint Louverture, and the "newly tinue the agrarian authoritarianism themselves thanks to a "contract" they had to freed" persons could imprison sign but could not negotiate." 24 amounted to total control of the Political power in the slave plantation managed to transform population by the conqueror. If such power working became a substitute existence, emancipation captivity into an unavoidable the state in the liberation process. for freedom, obscuring the role played by of its character as a natural Freedom as a favor of the sovereign was deprived right. defined themselves, though, according to Captives and former captives from which they were removed and another framework based on the world goal of the The selfimposed insisted on re-creating. that they stubbornly normal oflife for the subordinate conqueror was to turn captivity into a way identified this subterfuge and to embed his or her freedom in this jail. Vastey of the country's independent life. at the very beginning had ofl his omnipotence, as soon But irrespective of the idea the sovereign la raison d'état to justify his he had to brandish his right of conquest or as that beyond the borders of his omnipotence, anbehavior, he acknowledged defied him and that his primary task other power (i.e., another sovereignty), itself through the pothis alternative force from expressing was to prevent litical ladder. their enslavement as normal, they As long as the captives did not accept their concern. They for themselves what was of upheld the right to decide and make use of their individual sovercould thus rely on their own wills in the slave gangs consolidated their autonomy eignty. By sO doing, they like themselves, and advanced within specific groups of accomplices, captive maintaining their intowards the sovereignty of a whole community. By they issued a as free and autonomous human beings, dependent memory of the whole population. This is suggested widespread demand on behalf beliefs and the construction of a by Madiou, who juxtaposed the "vaudoux" national outlook at the very beginning ofthe struggle: freedom from 1791 to 1794, the vaudoux had greatly During the wars of slave, exciting their fanaticism contributed to the success ofthe insurgent black and enjoying all the to the highest degree.. The masses being and with them on all sides, civil and political rights, were gaining ground their roots. that were in fact Guinean, were strengthening their manners of the more or less, were in Half-breeds, who formed a tenth population manners, identical to the Blacks in respect to their large number almost to their habits and their aspirations." 1 to 1794, the vaudoux had greatly During the wars of slave, exciting their fanaticism contributed to the success ofthe insurgent black and enjoying all the to the highest degree.. The masses being and with them on all sides, civil and political rights, were gaining ground their roots. that were in fact Guinean, were strengthening their manners of the more or less, were in Half-breeds, who formed a tenth population manners, identical to the Blacks in respect to their large number almost to their habits and their aspirations." --- Page 212 --- PEOPLE OF HAITI 197 THE SOVEREIGN Conclusion from the Poulard nation, ' Rebecca Scott In their seminal article on "Rosalie husband, Michel Vincent, a white and Jean Hébrard tell us how Rosalie's de Cuba before the from the town of Abricots, having to flee to Santiago man declared her his slave in order to facilarrival of the Armée Indigène in 1803, from the conflict. 275 These histhe ofhis family and to protect it itate crossing not a captive of a Saint-Domingue torians show us that Rosalie was simply clearly that she owed her the French state. They establish colonist or even of world and that her personal freedom, regardless chains to the entire Western favor of"the White public. 28 ofthe cost she had to pay for it, remained a in the real world. seeded new categories s The colonial plantation compound slaves, "whites" and "blacks." It It invented freed persons and modern-day world working without these accomplished the feat oft transforming a plural and whiteness and opcategories into a binomial one that merged freedom it converted the freedthem to slavery and blackness. In the process, black. posed and the mulâtre into a first-class man into a second-class person the black slaves, into the colonial society The integration of the strangers, of creolization. But it is useful to is usually studied as an inevitable process dévoilé, the repugnance and the note, in reading Vastey's Le système colonial became accustomed to with which the aliens being kept in captivity disgust 29 And itis comforting to remember that, accompaduring their enslavement.? also the codification of what Boavennying their descent into hell, there was de Sousa Santos identifies as a new kind olflosenlidleempmeme, tura can see how painful and how bitter it When we put these together, we future in helplessly in have been to realize that there was no living must Through this burial into eninfinite disgrace and in adjusting to disrespect. oneself from will to extricate forced destitution emerged a non-negotiable nou viv lib, swa nou mouri), as which explains "live free or die" (swa calamity, Pierre-as well as the inescapable dilemma translated pointedly by Jacques means available. 30 ofhaving to create this life beyond the inadequate of the destitution of the incoming individuals was a product The naked this intensive commerce slave trade and its sponsors. In Saint-Domingue, a mass of aliens whose delivered a few years before general insurrection Hence, in 1804 a culturally of creolization could not be completed. process autonomous and responsible for its destiny. fragmented population became these individuals enContrary to the Eurocentric segment ofthe population, dowed themselves with a voice of their own. its global vision, world extending and consolidating Facing a Western in their singularity, hopelessly vulnerHaiti and the divided Haitians stood, surrounding them, their only able. Their only shelter in the hostile world In Saint-Domingue, a mass of aliens whose delivered a few years before general insurrection Hence, in 1804 a culturally of creolization could not be completed. process autonomous and responsible for its destiny. fragmented population became these individuals enContrary to the Eurocentric segment ofthe population, dowed themselves with a voice of their own. its global vision, world extending and consolidating Facing a Western in their singularity, hopelessly vulnerHaiti and the divided Haitians stood, surrounding them, their only able. Their only shelter in the hostile world --- Page 213 --- 198 JEAN CASIMIR the future, remained the and of forecasting place of rational accountability dominant, and, from community they had built outside a dependent, peer ofview, totally uncontrollable system. their point the sovereignty of the French people While the 1789 Revolution imposed Haitian of the wars of indepenin opposition to the divine right kingship, but rather the invention dence were not the exploits of a preexisting people, Its existence and its SOVof this people as an expression of their sovereignty. And the Haitian, as an individual, ereignty generated each other reciprocally. Outside of it, she or he is a prisoner defined her- or himself in this totality. the black in the sense that of the definition of colonial worker, the Nègre, or the stranger, the excepaffixed to this term, that is, the servant, modernity tion, at best. ofl Haiti would have been a waterThe proclamation oft the independence nation. In that case, the shed ifit were a statement made by a preexisting the moment of the crebreak with the colonial empire would have become of the nation-state state: independence and sovereignty ation of a national But since the course of the events proved would have been one and the same. to the detriment ofthe to be careful not to exult 1804 different, it is necessary sovereign people and civil society. colonial compound Looking for this sovereignty, I revisited the plantation circumstances at difficulties within the historical and showed its operational areas of autonomy remained the end of the eighteenth century. Important the country the and they only expanded as metropolitan available to captives, The instrumentation of these tried to solve its uncontrollable emergencies. of the captives in the colony the presence areas of autonomy strengthened ethnic group anxious to express and accelerated their mutation into a single its will to live freely. the result of the union between To conceive of the Haitian Revolution as invented by the modto subordinate it to the categories blacks and mulâtresis and to enslave the "sons world to justify its rights to conquer ern Western of 1804 as the first successful slave of Ham." > It is hardly better to conceive did not define themselves "slaves" proved that they revolution. Revolutionary in this manner is to search for this revolution as such. To initiate reflection lease on life to the beliefs of outside its own premises and to inject a new to recover insisted in dealing in slaves and who tried desperately those who them through armed conflicts. and driven out of the colony only The truth is that France was defeated there. And to establish their suEurocentric Haitians stayed in appearance. have continued to strive to cancel the most imporpremacy, they strove and Revolution to the history ofhumanity, namely tant contribution ofthe French structure. the advent oft the sovereign people in the political revolution as such. To initiate reflection lease on life to the beliefs of outside its own premises and to inject a new to recover insisted in dealing in slaves and who tried desperately those who them through armed conflicts. and driven out of the colony only The truth is that France was defeated there. And to establish their suEurocentric Haitians stayed in appearance. have continued to strive to cancel the most imporpremacy, they strove and Revolution to the history ofhumanity, namely tant contribution ofthe French structure. the advent oft the sovereign people in the political --- Page 214 --- PEOPLE OF HAITI 199 THE SOVEREIGN of these events (from Abbé Grégoire Several intellectuals contemporary were able to depart from the in France to Vastey in the Haitian universe) and African "savideas relating to the gap between European civilization results obtained by structhe difference between the agery" and to recognize and virtues of the individuals who comtured communities and the rights the advent of an independent them. The revolution of 1804, defined as texts, pose those rights in its laws, even in its constitutional state, chose to violate but most blatantly in its agricultural regulations. of Haiti without Ihave tried to establish that to speak ofthe independence is to delude oneself. paying attention to popular sovereignty Notes colonial dévoilé (Cap Henry: Chez Roux, Valentin Vastey, Le système 1. Pompée de la liberté (Paris: Éditions de l'École, 1972). 1814); Jean Fouchard, Les marrons (Paris: Presses Universitaires Claude Meillassoux, Anthropologie de Tesclavage 2. de France, Quadrige, 1986). de M. Moreau, dit Saint-Méry, Julien Raimond, Réponse aux considérations 3. surles colonies (Paris: Imprimerie du Patriote Français, député à Vassemblée nationale, 1791), 2. Haiti: The Saint-Domingue Revolution from Carolyn E. Fick, The Making of 4The University of" Tennessee Press, 1990). Below (Knoxville: les de la révolution et des guerres civiles Pompée Valentin Vastey, Essai sur causes concer5- sur ouvrages et journaux français d'Hayiti, faisant suite aux réflexions quelques (Sans-Souci: Imprimerie Royale, 1819), 307. nant Hayiti nationale en Guadeloupe et en Martinique, 6. Alain-Philippe Blérald, La question Phistoire (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1988). essai sur politique Economy with Some Other Applications to 7- John Stuart Mill, Principles of Political 2:243. sth ed. (London: Parker, Son and Bourn, 1862), Social Philosophy, 8. Code noir, art. 28. (XVIle-XVIIle siècles) Gabriel Debien, Les esclaves aux Antilles françaises 9. Société d'Histoire de la Guadeloupe, 1974), 369. (Fort-de France: sur une lettre de MAZÈRES, ex-colon Valentin Vastey, Réflexions 10. Pompée de Sismondi, sur les noirs et les blancs, la civilifrançais, adressée à M.J.C.L. Sismonde Chez P. Roux, Imprimeur du sation de lafrique, le royaume d'Hayti; etc. (Cap Henry: Roi, 1816). 11. Vastey, Réflexions sur une lettre. Henri Deschamps/ Casimir, La Caraibe, une et divisible (Port-au-Prince: 12. Jean latine et la Caraibe [CEPALC), 1991), 213. Commission économique pour TAmérique The Struggle against Slavery, 1627Hilary Beckles, Black Rebellion in Barbados: 13. Publications, 1984); Blérard, La question nationale. 1838 (Barbados: Antilles ; etc. (Cap Henry: Roi, 1816). 11. Vastey, Réflexions sur une lettre. Henri Deschamps/ Casimir, La Caraibe, une et divisible (Port-au-Prince: 12. Jean latine et la Caraibe [CEPALC), 1991), 213. Commission économique pour TAmérique The Struggle against Slavery, 1627Hilary Beckles, Black Rebellion in Barbados: 13. Publications, 1984); Blérard, La question nationale. 1838 (Barbados: Antilles --- Page 215 --- 200 JEAN CASIMIR 14. Français Blancpain, La condition des paysans haitiens, du Code noir aux Codes ruraux (Paris: Editions Karthala, 2003), 38. 15- Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie Jh. Courtois, 1847), 1:V. 16. Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Una epistemologia del sur (México: Siglo XXI y CLACSO, 2009). 17- Sousa Santos, Una epistemologia. 18. Jean Casimir, Haiti et ses élites, l'interminable dialogue de sourds (Port-au-Prince: Éditions de l'Université d'État d'Haîti, 2009), 30. 19. Mimerose O. Beaubrun, Nan domi, le récit d'une initiation vodou (La Roque d'Anthéron: Vents d'ailleurs, 2010). 20. Beaubrun Ardouin, Etudes sur Phistoire d'Haiti (Paris: Dézobry et Magdeleine, 1853), 5:275. 21. Madiou, Histoire, 7:111. 22. Ibid., 5:103. 23. Ardouin, Etudes, 5:261. 24. Casimir, La Caraibe, 47 25. Vastey, Réflexions sur une lettre, 74. 26. Madiou, Histoire, 5:107. 27. Rebecca Scott and Jean Hébrard, "Servitude, liberté et citoyenneté dans le monde atlantique des XVIII et XIXe siècles: Rosalie de nation Poulard," Revue de la Société Haitienne d'Histoire et de Géographie No. 234 (July-September 2008): 1-52. 28. Vastey, Réflexions sur une lettre, 74. 29. Vastey, Le système colonial dévoilé. 30. Jacques Pierre, "L'acte d'indépendance d'Haiti en créole haitien,' Journal of Haitian Studies 17, no. 2 (2011): 169. IXe siècles: Rosalie de nation Poulard," Revue de la Société Haitienne d'Histoire et de Géographie No. 234 (July-September 2008): 1-52. 28. Vastey, Réflexions sur une lettre, 74. 29. Vastey, Le système colonial dévoilé. 30. Jacques Pierre, "L'acte d'indépendance d'Haiti en créole haitien,' Journal of Haitian Studies 17, no. 2 (2011): 169. --- Page 216 --- Haitian Independence Thinking in Haitian Vodou LAURENT DUBOIS mean for the nation's population in 1804 What did Haitian independence up of a majority and in the next decades? How did this population-made its meanof African-born individuals-interpret of ex-slaves and a majority networks, and economic ing, and its possibilities, as they built communities, structures on the ashes ofthe plantation system? answer. And there is a These are, of course, quite difficult questions to that highabout the proclamation of Haitian independence basic ambiguity in French, in a form ostensibly dilights why. The proclamation was issued read, in fact, as a long letter from rected at the Haitian population. It can be evidence that it Dessalines to his people. And yet there is strong inside the Jean-Jacques for outside ears and eyes than for those was largely intended more much hoping that outsiders Dessalines, it could be said, was very country. with the Haitian population. would listen in to his conversation the pamphlet-sized What we know about its disecmination-including that, thanks to Julia Gaffield, declaration format of the government-printed the existence of a number of handwritwe now have access to, as well as tailored for mailing or easy transportten copies that seem to have been make sure the document was that there was a clear intention to was suggests outside of Haiti. This, as Deborah Jenson argues, read and circulated of the early Haitian leadership." indeed one of the primary preoccupations written in French and to our knowledge The document was, furthermore, until officially into Creole at the time, or indeed anytime never translated with the on the part of twentieth 2 That contrasts practices the late century.? of Bonaparte's 1802 mission, French commissioners in 1793, as well as those Creole. The discovinto both of which took care to translate proclamations Gaffield, however, publication of the proclamation by ery of a large-format leaders did make an effort-as does suggest that the early independence the declaration available in Léger-Félicité Sonthonax did in 1793-to make 3 But Commisto distribute it in the countryside." public spaces or perhaps twentieth 2 That contrasts practices the late century.? of Bonaparte's 1802 mission, French commissioners in 1793, as well as those Creole. The discovinto both of which took care to translate proclamations Gaffield, however, publication of the proclamation by ery of a large-format leaders did make an effort-as does suggest that the early independence the declaration available in Léger-Félicité Sonthonax did in 1793-to make 3 But Commisto distribute it in the countryside." public spaces or perhaps --- Page 217 --- 202 LAURENT DUBOIS of various proclamations were published in sioner Sonthonax's publications that literate members of Creole and in poster-sized formats, presumably SO to transmit the incould read them aloud to others in order communities them. There was, in other words, a well-known precedent formation within to make sure that official informawithin Saint-Domingue for taking steps that took into consideration the tion was shared with the population in a way Haitian leaders do contexts at work. Yet Dessalines and the early linguistic availed themselves ofthese approaches. not seem to have is worth and debating. The The question of why they did not exploring is often the case, the best perhaps also, as most cynical interpretation-and Casimir when we were teaching about one- was suggested to me by Jean Leclerc, and others needed the althis period in 2010. Sonthonax, General Dessalines and his legiance of the black population if they were to survive. and the did not need them in the same way after independence, leadership is just part of a larger set of exclusionary poexclusionary linguistic gesture There are somewhat uncomfortlitical gestures they took during this period. Pierre pointed out Haitian politics: as Jacques able parallels in contemporary after his election, he had spoken Creole in an open letter to Michel Martelly once he was elected, immewhen he was campaigning and then, constantly diately switched to English and French. absence of however, another way to read this Creole-language There is, elite that created this document was fully versions of the text. The political Within Haiti itself, between French and Creole languages. bicultural, moving likely took place the way such documents the transmission of the declaration Americas and Europe at the end of were often disseminated throughout the nineteenth: through manucentury and the beginning oft the the eighteenth of one such contemporary copy at Duke script copies. The recent acquisition of what such internal transmisUniversity gives us an important example been written down by someone looked like: it seems to have sion probably of French but also recourse to Creole-inflected phowith a good knowledge transcribed based on a of some words and names, probably netic spellings directly. In other words, while reading of the document rather than copied sought recourse in the French officials like Étienne Polverel and Sonthonax documents, the leaders of postindependence publication of Creole-language in and depended upon forms of Haiti might have simply had confidence their country's multilingual embedded within circulation and transmission and textually layered space. 5 within Haiti is a complex one, discussed The question of the role of text volume. focus in this essay, ways in the other essays of this My in interesting related question: how might we however, is on a slightly different though did in fact mean to Haitians during begin to reconstruct what independence Polverel and Sonthonax documents, the leaders of postindependence publication of Creole-language in and depended upon forms of Haiti might have simply had confidence their country's multilingual embedded within circulation and transmission and textually layered space. 5 within Haiti is a complex one, discussed The question of the role of text volume. focus in this essay, ways in the other essays of this My in interesting related question: how might we however, is on a slightly different though did in fact mean to Haitians during begin to reconstruct what independence --- Page 218 --- THINKING HAITIAN INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 203 the early nineteenth the century? Just as the broad exclusion part ofs slaves during the colonial and from writing on challenges for those seeking to revolutionary periods creates broad slaved, the structures of early reconstruct the political ideologies of the ensilences in the historical record. nineteenth-century Haiti also create In prior work, I have tried to yawning techniques for dealing with this type of develop some historical contexts-in the Caribbean problem-one common to many In some ways, during Age of Revolution.s early Haitian history For the colonial and presents even greater challenges. of what revolutionary period, the now Ranajit Guha well-established described as "reading strategy sources offers many against the grain" of imperial period is not opportunities for historical work. 7 The a lack of problem in this and even somewhat banal documentation-far from it-but a rather one of texts largely simpler the war. Even that is too much of a emanating from one side of riod there was plenty of internal conflict simplification, for during the colonial peenough to within the colonial produce court cases, reports, and various first-hand administration, multiply our perspectives on slave society. And the accounts that created a new context that also Haitian Revolution itself gent voices, even ifthey produced a new archive, one in which insurother side, nevertheless remained much rarer than those produced from the in the massive archives multiplied. There is still much research to be done generated by these With Haitian revolutionary transformations. independence came a kind of consolidation of a ofinsurgent voice into the official language oft the certain type son has explored SO richly, Dessalines new state. As Deborah Jenerful, and other early leaders epochal, at times messianic created a powthe broader world. The language that articulated Haiti's mission to Declaration of which also included the works of Independence was part of this corpus, decades. That Baron de Vastey and others in corpus of course in many ways did seek subsequent nel the broader aspirations ofthe to represent and chanthe context of the consolidation Haitian population. But it also took placein ofp power structures ofa broadly militarized and authoritarian set the engaged in an intense internal conflict with country over the meaning of freedom and the many within and economic forms it should take. This particular social, political, structured by an opposition between conflict was, in the broadest terms, dependence. One of these, two models for how to consolidate inpursued state consistently though not leadership, saw the maintenance of the exclusively by best-and perhaps only-solution. The plantation as essentially the Casimir has called the other, constructed around what Jean "counterplantation" tion of an autonomous cultural system, focused on the construcscale and economic space on the basis of farming (for a mix of internal smalllished through the lakou consumption and export) often estabsystem, which organized individual ownership of , dependence. One of these, two models for how to consolidate inpursued state consistently though not leadership, saw the maintenance of the exclusively by best-and perhaps only-solution. The plantation as essentially the Casimir has called the other, constructed around what Jean "counterplantation" tion of an autonomous cultural system, focused on the construcscale and economic space on the basis of farming (for a mix of internal smalllished through the lakou consumption and export) often estabsystem, which organized individual ownership of --- Page 219 --- 204 LAURENT DUBOIS that were then integrated into a rich land within larger family compounds network of internal markets.' 10 model, while itself at The archive of the Haitian state and its plantation and is garnering inand scattered, is relatively accessible times fragmented and extensive legal creasing attention by historians. Itincludes proclamations ofvisitors and by the writings codes (such as the Code Henry) supplemented system, however, is correspondents. The archive of the "counterplantation a bit like hidden. We might think of it, metaphorically, as being much more Trouillot famously argued might be the corpse of Sans-Souci Michel-Rolph Palace." It is present, of course, buried under the ruins of the Sans-Souci to shape life in social and cultural institutions that continue in long-term It makes its way into the other archives-whether the Haitian countryside. from travelers' accounts or in the traces through bits and pieces we can glean with forms ofland it left in Haitian legal codes in their complex engagement that of and labor. But it is also present in another corpus: use, land tenure, that makes up the largest body of Creolethe massive archive ofVodou songs that I turn in the rest of this material in Haiti. It is to that corpus language essay. Vodou number in the tens of thousands and comThe songs of Haitian transformation and invention. texts with frequent bine long-transmitted but also have, over the centuries, become They are sung in ritual contexts traditions-notably the "trabapart of a number of other Haitian musical sometimes at Vodou ceremodour" music played mostly in rural areas and probably the Among other things, they can be considered nies themselves. literature in existence. Recent collections largest corpus of Creole-language attention to the importance and studies of song have brought increasing Vodou, scholars Colin (Joan) of this group of texts. 12 And in their work on have all offered examBrown, and Karen Richman Dayan, Karen McCarthy historical experience and allow for the ples ofhow such songs both condense conflicts.' 13 articulation of current social and political with these songs are, of course, to be approached As texts about history only, or even chiefly, as historical caution. They should not be approached usefully thought of as a kind relics or artifacts and in fact are probably more and spiritual referthough constituted through elliptical of history-writing, however, also requires thinking differently ences. Reading them in this way, In doing SO we can about what we consider as theorization or historicity. of Kenneth the classic work of Richard Price, and more recently build on for the use ofc oral history and musiBilby, who have made clear the potential cal texts as sources for Caribbean history." Vansina-have long grappled Africanist scholars-most famously Jan as well as musical the of how to use sources of oral history, with question and spiritual referthough constituted through elliptical of history-writing, however, also requires thinking differently ences. Reading them in this way, In doing SO we can about what we consider as theorization or historicity. of Kenneth the classic work of Richard Price, and more recently build on for the use ofc oral history and musiBilby, who have made clear the potential cal texts as sources for Caribbean history." Vansina-have long grappled Africanist scholars-most famously Jan as well as musical the of how to use sources of oral history, with question --- Page 220 --- INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 205 THINKING HAITIAN ofhistory. In an essay about "court songs" in Portorepertoires, in the writing with the question of whether Novo and Abomey, Gilbert Rouget grapples But he falls back on a rather limthese texts can be considered "historical." entail. Some songs, he ited definition of what historical discourse might kind," as if these the historical kind, but of the religious notes, "are not of He explains that and are antithetical. two modes of reflection representation style" that is "deliberarecount stories ofthe past in a "particular many songs s again suggesting that this somehow removes tively allusive, even hermetic," reflection. Yet one might well describe them from the realm of historical "allusive" literary, sung, or spoken-as many works of history-academic, often referring to historical data, using images and proverbs, texts, "mainly content.' n In the end, Rouget perhaps and sometimes having an anecdotal reflection I think is necessary. unwittingly invites us to precisely the kind of indeed provide the hisand historical recitations "Songs, chants, psalmodies, of information, s he notes. "One torian of Dahomey with many useful pieces of they create more that in the actual state things is tempted to say, however, of " however, is one in than they solve.' " If the "actual state things, the problems to find ways to write Haiti's history from perwhich we are still struggling provide precisely the kinds spective of its majority, then these songs perhaps that may hold the key to new theorizing.' of productive problems in institutions, in particular the houmSongs are, of course, embedded and initiate members and lakou that carry out ceremonies fou, or temple, of song. Vodou is highly decentralized, and therefore transmit the corpus and shifting landscape. work with a competitive and religious practitioners have laid claim to being the oldest in A number of lakou around Gonaïves of tradition. In a recent interview Haiti and present themselves as guardians and Claire Payton, for Duke University students Eric Barstow carried out by the current head of Lakou Badjo, described instance, Dorsainville Estimé, era. The lakou was founded, he the origins of the temple in the revolutionary named Azo Badi. He was, in 1792 by a personaj, or "personality," explained, " Founded during the "colonial Estimé explained, of the "first generation." the colonists. 16 epoch," n the lakou worked as a way to "go against" the of Haitian the lakou a critical role in coming In Estimé's S telling, played and deported, After Toussaint Louverture was imprisoned Estimé independence. came to meet with Azo Badi. Dessalines, Jean-Jacques Dessalines Badi. came to an agreement, and from explained, was a Nago, as was They until he was able to win indepenthere, the lakou "accompanied Dessalines dence" for Haiti. the various figures involved in HaiDessalines has the distinction, among of the pantheon of lwa of having himself become part tian independence, in Vodou. The Vodou pantranslated as either "saints" or "gods") (variously came to meet with Azo Badi. Dessalines, Jean-Jacques Dessalines Badi. came to an agreement, and from explained, was a Nago, as was They until he was able to win indepenthere, the lakou "accompanied Dessalines dence" for Haiti. the various figures involved in HaiDessalines has the distinction, among of the pantheon of lwa of having himself become part tian independence, in Vodou. The Vodou pantranslated as either "saints" or "gods") (variously --- Page 221 --- 206 LAURENT DUBOIS thousands, of different lwa who are largely theon includes hundreds, even with the name Ogou are lwa related grouped into various families. Those different forms. Some are heand the military, and they take many to war, and threatening. As such, as Karen Mcroic and dignified, others dangerous forms represent the dual nature Carthy Brown has argued, Ogou's various can all too easily suppress soldiers: forces of liberation, they of the country's freedom they are meant to defend. So it is the possibilities of the Haitian home in this family, where his perhaps fitting that Dessalines has found a embodied in facets-hero and liberator, emperor and autocrat-are many of Vodou ritual. Indeed, he has literally the music, dance, and possession Desalin." become a lwa himself, in the form of Ogou lwa, Loko Atisou. Dessalines is also linked in several songs to another and Ezili, less visible than figures like Ogou As a lwa, Loko is in some ways Hebblethwaite outlines it, he but is at the core of the religion. As Benjamin itself and serves and with the priesthood is associated with leaves, healing, rite. Often attired in the of different rites, including the Nago in a number to have played an important role in the clothes of a general, he is considered Haitian Revolution.' 18 and in 1950, calls: "LanOne song collected by Milo Marcelin published o! Kle ounfo a nan men nou." 7 ("Oh Emperor Dessalines! perè Desalin hands.") And in another explored by Jacques The temple keys are in your Loko Atisou is linked both to Roumain in his study on the assotor drum, he is named here "Jean Makandal and with Dessalines, though interestingly with below is perhaps an amalgam Pierre Dessalines," which as I explore the Haitian Revolution, that another name brought upi in several songs about celebrates the ongoIbo. This song, like a number of others, of Jean-Pierre itself through ceremony- "Ye continuity and re-creation of the religion meming Vodoun." " ("Ye Vodou initiates : ou kanni Voudounsi . lanfamni, It describes how Makandal bers of the family, you give birth to Vodoun.") result was and but "didn't want to listen," and as a captured was warned, the turn to a mention of Dessalines killed. Though the reference is elliptical, But the song also makes also be a reference to his own assassination. Loko may still walks: "Nou rive, Jan Pyè Desalin, / nou rive, onon clear Dessalines Pierre Dessalines, / we have arrived, in the Atisou.' " ("We have arrived, Jean name of Loko Atisou and Loko, Dessalines is also In addition to the associations with Ogou military exlinked to other lwa. One song to Agwe recounts the general's rete la,/1 Litirel kanon, se pou Agwel" ploits: "Agwe Tawayo, Desalin o!/ - Desalin here, /1 He fires the cannon, ("Agwe Tawayo, oh Dessalines!/ / Dessalines stays referenced in a song I discuss it is for Agwel") The lwa Agwe Tawayo, also being incorporated dicase of African place-names below, is an interesting also In addition to the associations with Ogou military exlinked to other lwa. One song to Agwe recounts the general's rete la,/1 Litirel kanon, se pou Agwel" ploits: "Agwe Tawayo, Desalin o!/ - Desalin here, /1 He fires the cannon, ("Agwe Tawayo, oh Dessalines!/ / Dessalines stays referenced in a song I discuss it is for Agwel") The lwa Agwe Tawayo, also being incorporated dicase of African place-names below, is an interesting --- Page 222 --- INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 207 THINKING HAITIAN since the name can be roughly translated "Agwe rectly into the ritual context, in the era of the slave in Oyo," referring to an important African kingdom trade. 20 to independence is one One of the better-known Vodou songs relating discussed by Colin Dayan. "Desthat was written down in 1901 and has been he is bringing," a Haitian salines is coming to the north / Come see what is bringing musinvites. "He is bringing a ouanga nouveau /1 he Vodou song He is bringing cannons to chase away the kets, he is bringing bullets is somewhat elliptical, opening up whites." " Like many Vodou songs, this one In Haitian Vodou, of both emotional and interpretive possibilities. an a range though not unproblematically: as "fetish"-is translated, a ouanga-often The song might be suggesting that object that condenses spiritual power. in the muskets, bullets, power resides in his weapons: Dessalines's spiritual from the whites. Yet there is something more and cannon that will free Haiti in this song is particularly striking. here too: the presence of a "new" ouanga invented a new kind of spiritual The song hints that Dessalines might have leadership has created a pothat the combination of guns and moral power: foundation for the creation of a new order.?1 tent new weapon, the is far from unanimous in its evocaInterestingly, the Vodou song corpus alongside celeoffering counter-narratives and critiques tion of Dessalines, Odette Mennesson-Rigaud heard and brations. In the 1950S, anthropologist which is in papers now housed transcribed a different version of this song, In Haîtienne des Pères du Saint-Esprit in Port-au-Prince. in the Bibliothèque different position: not as a liberator of the it, Dessalines emerges in a very within it: the Ibo nation. "Descountry but as a threat to one particular group it recalls. The line is salines came from France, / carrying a ouanga nouveau, refers to the period during striking-Desalinest from France?-but probably time, on Revolution when the founder fought, for a significant the Haitian What is the purpose of the the side of the French against other insurgents. the on, though, it "To kill Jean-Pierre Ibo." As song goes ouanga in this song? of one man but an entire people: presents Dessalines as the enemy not just mother's nation / to kill my he has come "to kill the Ibo nation / to kill my father's nation.' n22 is that it offers up figures, One of the values of the Vodou song corpus who are not present in as actors during the Haitian Revolution, presented of] Jean-Pierre Ibo appears in several songs. other types of sources. The figure individual. But it may also serve as Perhaps this is a reference to a particular swath of the population at or amalgam, of a broader a kind of condensation, Ibo, or perhaps even more broadly the time ofthe war of independence-thel as the enemy of Jean-Pierre Ibo is not always presented the African-born. evokes the struggle for indeDessalines. Indeed, in one song that powerfully as actors during the Haitian Revolution, presented of] Jean-Pierre Ibo appears in several songs. other types of sources. The figure individual. But it may also serve as Perhaps this is a reference to a particular swath of the population at or amalgam, of a broader a kind of condensation, Ibo, or perhaps even more broadly the time ofthe war of independence-thel as the enemy of Jean-Pierre Ibo is not always presented the African-born. evokes the struggle for indeDessalines. Indeed, in one song that powerfully --- Page 223 --- 208 LAURENT DUBOIS allies. Here is the version of this song pendence, they are presented as tight presented by Max Beauvoir: Dousouman, Gangan O dousouman Jan Pyè Ibo, Lamperè Desalin O. Péyi sa a pa pou blan Péyi sa pou nèg li ye, tande.2 This can be translated Gently, oungan, 0 gently Jean-Pierre Ibo, Emperor Dessalines O This land is not for the whites This land is for the whites, you hear?" version of the song was sung to me by Erol Josué, a A slightly different have been collaboratively studying and musician and oungan with whom I He described it to me about Vodou song for the past fifteen years. of writing and offered a slightly altered set as a Kongo song from the Artibonite, / An alé!" ("This land is not for lines: "Péyi-a pa pou blan / Se péyi nèg ginen In his telling, the final the whites /It's the land of the Africans /1 Let's go!") of by a literal charge on the part charge of the song-which is accompanied articulation of a demand for when it is sung-is quite cleari in its the dancers for the whites /It is the land of the blacks independence: "This land is not be sung today As Josué told me, the same song might from Africa / Let's go!" threat to the community and of "invaders" seen as a directed at new groups kind of historical amalgam, placing the the nation. The song is obviously a More imDessalines in the midst of the war of independence. "Emperor" to evoke a kind of alliance between "Jean-Pierre portant, however, it seems Dessalines sought to kill-and HaiIbo"- the very one who in another song the land. founder in of a clear project oft taking over tis pursuit in the 1950S offers, in conAnother song collected by Mennesson-Rigaud and of the roles of both densed form, a narrative of Haiti's independence, it. Here is the song as tranToussaint Louverture and Dessalines within with my English translation. scribed by Mennesson-Rigaud, Dessalines Toro d'Haëti Toussaint té mouri mal : 000 Li minm' pas pé mouri mal. Dessalines Toro d'Haîti clear project oft taking over tis pursuit in the 1950S offers, in conAnother song collected by Mennesson-Rigaud and of the roles of both densed form, a narrative of Haiti's independence, it. Here is the song as tranToussaint Louverture and Dessalines within with my English translation. scribed by Mennesson-Rigaud, Dessalines Toro d'Haëti Toussaint té mouri mal : 000 Li minm' pas pé mouri mal. Dessalines Toro d'Haîti --- Page 224 --- THINKING HAITIAN INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 209 Yacanbanda Moin sans manman Sans papa Yo finn' touyé tout' race là Yo pas touyé moin Toussaint té mouri mal 000 Li minm pas pé mouri mal. Dessalines sé Toro d'Haiti Jour-là éh. Parol'la té palé déjà Dessalines Gangan Parol'la té palé déjà Toussaint died badly 000 He wasn't afraid to die badly. Dessalines is the Bull of Haiti Yacanbanda I've got no mother No father They tried to kill my whole race They didn't kill me Toussaint died badly . 000 He wasn't afraid to die badly. Dessalines is the Bull of Haiti That day This has been said before Dessalines is an oungan This has been said before This might be the best, or at least most powerful, briefhistory of the final phase of the Haitian Revolution available. It begins by evoking the death of Louverture, dying "badly" but unafraid. And then, in the next line, condenses the historical role played by Dessalines in taking over the struggle, 7) becoming the "Bull of Haiti. Yet the mention is also shadowed by a dark future: for if they are powerful, bulls are also the great sacrificial offerings made to Ogou in Haitian Vodou. Calling Dessalines a "bull" is also perhaps a way of reminding those who sing and hear this song that ultimately he was sacrificed, quite literally chopped down and into pieces, not long after independence. After vocalizing a bit of langaj-terms whose meaning is often hidden and elliptical, presented as bits of African tongues-with the word "Yacanbanda, the song then turns into a more individual account. Being mother- the mention is also shadowed by a dark future: for if they are powerful, bulls are also the great sacrificial offerings made to Ogou in Haitian Vodou. Calling Dessalines a "bull" is also perhaps a way of reminding those who sing and hear this song that ultimately he was sacrificed, quite literally chopped down and into pieces, not long after independence. After vocalizing a bit of langaj-terms whose meaning is often hidden and elliptical, presented as bits of African tongues-with the word "Yacanbanda, the song then turns into a more individual account. Being mother- --- Page 225 --- 210 LAURENT DUBOIS description of the condition of the less and fatherless was, of course, a good Haiti. Though in African-born slaves who were everywhere in independent here also be linked to the war, which is summed up this case the loss might final phases of the Haitian War in what is probably a reference to the brutal The singer, though, is "They tried to kill my whole race. of Independence: outlived both Louverture and Dessalines, who a survivor, the one who has been said before, n is a reminder that their sacrifices. "This has can recount that has been and will continue to be the song is an old one, the story is one the is sung by an oungan who when song repeated. And, potently-especially venerable statement himselfin some way in a lineage-the therefore places in some sense the original oungan, that Dessalines was an oungan, perhaps "bull" of the country. what it means for him to the helps to deepen evoke what was perhaps the most overSuch songs, of course, powerfully that of violent loss. The riding experience of the period of independence: registered in Vodou, disease, and disruption clearly cataclysm ofwar, hunger, which to respond, process, and heal. which also became a space through in fact, described an inciobserver Michel-Etienne Descourtilz, The French fruit, meat, fish, milk, and other dent in 1803 in which worshippers carrying in the Artibonite Plain. A call food gathered around an ancient mapou tree who was fightout from the priests in the area: their "great god, had gone had been wounded in the war. He ing for their prosperity and their liberty" and women harfood and medicine to help him heal. And SO men needed could to the mapou tree, "happy to be vested, cooked, and brought what they and a half later, something for their divinity." In 1949, a century able to do Vodou calling on a Iwa recorded a song in a ceremony Mennesson-Rigaud in the war.' n26 named Danhi, who had been "wounded with broader of specific loss coexist in the Vodou corpus These traces by exile from Africa. A number reflections on the larger loss represented for independence within a of songs resituate the history of Haiti's struggle that begin not in Haiti but larger historical and cultural epic. These are songs of a much speak to the struggles of the slaves as part Africa and elliptically broader creation of a new culture. references to Africa, both in the form Vodou songs include many kinds of and in the evocation of speGuinen to which the dead return of an ancestral Central Africa. One funerary song, for incific place names within West and There are many calls: "M'ap ale Upembal" ("Im going to Upemba!") catestance, both as a place and a broader references more broadly to the "Congo" for instance, a slave of Africanness. In one particularly powerful song, the "Look gory the Atlantic to the roua-yo-the kings-of Congo: pleads across These songs also at times take up the comat what they are doing to mel" creoles (born in the colony) and plex cultural and social interplay between for incific place names within West and There are many calls: "M'ap ale Upembal" ("Im going to Upemba!") catestance, both as a place and a broader references more broadly to the "Congo" for instance, a slave of Africanness. In one particularly powerful song, the "Look gory the Atlantic to the roua-yo-the kings-of Congo: pleads across These songs also at times take up the comat what they are doing to mel" creoles (born in the colony) and plex cultural and social interplay between --- Page 226 --- THINKING HAITIAN INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 211 African-born. But, interestingly, in contrast to academic interpretations that sometimes reify this interplay into a set ofr relatively fixed and dichotomous social positions, these songs also offer them as more mutable and shifting categories. "I'm a Creole-Congo, one song offers simply, and potently.27 The following two songs, however, offer specific narratives that evoke the middle passage as a starting point to a larger story. The first of these was sung to me Erol Josué in February of 2011,28 Depi m soti nan Ginen Depi m soti nan Ginen, moun y ape sonde mwen Se mwen-menm (w osin O) rasin O Depi m soti nan Ginen, moun y ape sonde mwen ) se mwen-menm, O gwo woch o! M soti an ba dlo, mwen vole "dans les airs" dan lèzè (an lè) Kou yo kwè yo pran mwen, m tounen lafimen O Jou yo konnen sa m sèvi, latè va tranble Jou yo konnen non vanyan mwen, loray va gwonde se mwen-menm, O rasin o! Depi m soti nan ginen, moun y ape sonde mwen se mwen-menm, O rasin o! M soti an ba dlo, mwen vole "dans les airs" dan lèzè (an lè) Kou yo kwè yo pran mwen, m tounen lafimen O Jou yo konnen non vanyan m, latè va tranble, ey Jou yo konnen sa m sèvi, loray va gwonde Se mwen-menm, O rasin o! M di se mwen-menm, O gwo woch O. Since I left Africa, people have been testing me I am the root Since I left Africa, people have been testing me I am a great rock I came from under the water, I fly up into the sky When they thought they captured me, I turned to smoke When they find out who I serve, the earth will tremble When they learn my real name, the storm will thunder I am the root Since I left Africa, people have been testing me I am the root Since I left Africa, people have been testing me I am a great rock I came from under the water, I fly up into the sky testing me I am the root Since I left Africa, people have been testing me I am a great rock I came from under the water, I fly up into the sky When they thought they captured me, I turned to smoke When they find out who I serve, the earth will tremble When they learn my real name, the storm will thunder I am the root Since I left Africa, people have been testing me I am the root Since I left Africa, people have been testing me I am a great rock I came from under the water, I fly up into the sky --- Page 227 --- 212 LAURENT DUBOIS they captured me, I turned to smoke When they thought the earth will tremble When they find out who I serve, thunder When they learn my real name, the storm will I am the root I am a great rock with a longue durée The song is powerful in part for its complex engagement as to make evokes a distant time in such a way history: "Since I left Africa" identifies this moment as the beit recent, even personal, in scope. It also been confronted in part of a set of trials and tests, all of which have ginning rock. > The fact that this "I" because the "I" is at once a "root" and a "great In Haitian "under the water" taps into another web of symbols. comes from and are called on and out during ceremoVodou, the lwa live under water the Atlantic Ocean as a nies. But that layers onto another set of symbols: site of ancestral for those lost on the Middle Passage, as a giant graveyard in the depths of the water death and memory. In this song, though, an origin uncaptured. doesn't preclude a soaring present, in reference- though one easily recognized The song makes an elliptical rebel Makandal, who context-to a historical figure, that ofthe the Haitian the use of poison. Accordmasters in the 1750S through sowed terror among in and set to be accounts, when he was captured 1798 ing to contemporary of Cap Français in front of a crowd, burned at the stake in the main plaza archive tells that the plaza he burst open the ropes tying him. The written burned to death. Yet it is anthen cleared, and Makandal was retied and was remembered: that Makandal, using an ability to other outcome that is more haunt from insect, flew to lurk and Saint-Domingue transform into an away the truth of the matter, since then on. The latter story, in a sense, captures and social impact in presence had a profound political Makandal's spectral the colony, both among slaves and masters." different form that also Makandal's story takes a slightly In the song, of all those who, when masters sought makes it into the story of everyone, Finally, the song them, "turned to smoke" in one way or another. to capture learn the "real name" and the turns towards a powerful future: when "they" earth will is, the lwa of Vodou-the truth of who the singer serves-that while also issuing a future prophesy, tremble. The song condenses history backwards into the past sending those who sing the song simultaneously future of and transformation. and propelling them into a triumph that evokes the Midsimilar happens in another Vodou song Something set of ongoing struggles. In this song, dle Passage as a foundation for a long becomes a metaphor of the passage itself, described in detail, the experience for the creation of a new culture. the lwa of Vodou-the truth of who the singer serves-that while also issuing a future prophesy, tremble. The song condenses history backwards into the past sending those who sing the song simultaneously future of and transformation. and propelling them into a triumph that evokes the Midsimilar happens in another Vodou song Something set of ongoing struggles. In this song, dle Passage as a foundation for a long becomes a metaphor of the passage itself, described in detail, the experience for the creation of a new culture. --- Page 228 --- THINKING HAITIAN INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 213 Sou Lan Me Sou lan me a n'ap navige Agwet a woyo Gen yon tan ya we nou Sou lan me a n'ap navige Yo pran de pyé-nou Yo enchéné dè ponyet-nou Yo lagè'n anba kal Negriyé sou dlo Lanmè move Batimen krévé Li prèt pou'l koulé Negriyé sou dlo Na fon lanmè Li fè vwal dlo Li prèt pou'l koulé Anba kal batiman Nou tout se youn'n O Anba kal negriyé Sin kité'l koulé Peson p'ap sové Agwet a woyo Nou tout abo W' 'pa wè nou angagé Nou angagé papa, nou angagé Nou angagé Lasirèn, nou angagé (On the ocean we are sailing Agwe in Oyo There will come a time when they'll see us On the ocean we are sailing They took our feet They chained our two wrists They dropped us in the bottom Slave ship under the water The ocean is bad --- Page 229 --- 214 LAURENT DUBOIS The ship is broken It's ready to sink Slave ship under the water At the bottom of the ocean It's covered in water It's ready to sink In the bottom ofthe ship We are all one In the bottom of the slave ship Ifit sinks No one will be saved Agwe in Oyo We're all on board Don't you see we're trapped We're trapped, papa, trapped We're trapped Lasirèn, trapped] Sung in the present tense by an oungan or an assembly in a ceremony, the song places the group back on the slave ship itself. That historical experience becomes the place from which entreaties are issued to the Iwa Agwe and Lasirèn. These two control the ocean, ocean crossings, and more broadly travel-in more recent decades they are often invoked by those embarking on the dangerous trip across the ocean to Miami or other parts ofthe Caribbean. In this song, though, Agwe is also given a specific home in Africa- -Oyo. And the song is offered to him, as a plea of sorts, but also as a promise. For in the first verse, from the bottom of the slave ship, comes a kind of threat about the future: "There will come a time when they'll see us, " which I read as a suggestion that at one point the tables will be turned, and the enslaved will be rising up against their masters. In the context in which the song is sung in today's Haiti, of course, such a rebellion is established as past rather than future hope. In that sense the singers connect back to ancestors on the slave ship, acknowledging that they were looking ahead to a day of liberation. "In the bottom of the ship/We are all one, " the song announces, summing up in one potent phrase the process ofi interaction and creolization that would ultimately produce Haiti's culture-a process that is archived itself in the very structures of Vodou, which organizes the lwa according to "nations" of origin, including Congo and Nago nations. But the most powerful and complex symbolism in the song involves the fact that the ship is sinking. It . In that sense the singers connect back to ancestors on the slave ship, acknowledging that they were looking ahead to a day of liberation. "In the bottom of the ship/We are all one, " the song announces, summing up in one potent phrase the process ofi interaction and creolization that would ultimately produce Haiti's culture-a process that is archived itself in the very structures of Vodou, which organizes the lwa according to "nations" of origin, including Congo and Nago nations. But the most powerful and complex symbolism in the song involves the fact that the ship is sinking. It --- Page 230 --- INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 215 THINKING HAITIAN this doomed ship, one in which the singers are is with the image ofbeing on is polysemic. It may also In fact, though, the term angagé quite "trapped." 97 as in the engagés, or indenbe a way of saying "enslaved" or "indentured," But it also can be a way of saying "we tured laborers of early colonial times. who command the sea into committed" and asking for help from those is are If there is one final twist to the song, however, it which they are sinking. are decidedly alive, in the are singing it those in the slave ship that as they in new types of subjection, perpetually trapped and sinking perhaps Haipresent, "Nou led, Nou la," goes one common but also still unstoppably present. here." " In singing such a song, tian saying: "We may be ugly, but we're (still) not just of survival but history oftrials is also an assertion a return to a long of power. " this song also evokes specific historical As in "Depi m soti nan Ginen," The image of of broader cultural processes. experiences as a way capturing of contemporary thinkers like the slave ship-central to the theorizations became unity a way of capturing how fragmentation Paul Gilroy--becomes: The mixing of past, future, and presthrough a certain form of oppression. and continuities in certain kinds of connections ent in the song emphasizes of the slave voyage itself. As such, the the face of the fundamental rupture a break with Africa that complexities and dynamics of this experience-of which involves, in of a process of cultural invention was never complete, through precisely the invention of a new Africa in the Americas-comet form of the part, and multivalent symbolism that the thanks to the ambiguities song allows. the vision and experience of Haitian inWhat can such songs tell us about vision, pushing about reorienting our perhaps dependence? They are partly While the political story of indepenus to ask different types of questions. in Haitian history, an encomshaped this period dence obviously profoundly itself would need to take into consideration passing political history of Haiti which these songs trace and the broader social and cultural experiences offers us insight into evoke in ritual contexts. The rich corpus ofVodou song period historical events of the revolution and early independence how the at the time and since. But it also, as imporwere experienced and interpreted perspective on the to take a different interpretive tantly, offers us opportunity ofthe long-term cultural and the political centrality this history, emphasizing Haitian society. that created social transformations Notes Politics, Sex and Manuscripts in the Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative: 1. Deborah Liverpool University Press, 2011). Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: The rich corpus ofVodou song period historical events of the revolution and early independence how the at the time and since. But it also, as imporwere experienced and interpreted perspective on the to take a different interpretive tantly, offers us opportunity ofthe long-term cultural and the political centrality this history, emphasizing Haitian society. that created social transformations Notes Politics, Sex and Manuscripts in the Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative: 1. Deborah Liverpool University Press, 2011). Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: --- Page 231 --- 216 LAURENT DUBOIS d'Haiti en créole haîtien, Journal of Pierre, "L'acte de lindépendance 2. Jacques 168-80. Haitian Studies 17, no. 2 (Fall 2011): of the United Kingdom, MFQ "Liberté ou la mort," The National Archives 3. 1/184thel letter in the original Creole, with English translation, 4- Publishedi in May 2011, is available here: P57TT amtormangenialayndisk oft the role of text in postindependence 5- This broader alternative interpretation Hébrard. The document "Haiti DecHaiti was spurred by a conversation with Jean Rubenstein Library, Manuscript" is in Duke University's laration of Independence Jenson, who did a careful tranRLT Vault 320A items 1-2. My thanks to Deborah with me. of the document, for sharing her analysis scription and analysis in Laurent Dubois, "An Enslaved 6. I discuss these methodological quandaries ofthe French Enlightenment," Re-Thinking the Intellectual History Enlightenment: Laurent Dubois, A Colony ofCitizens: Social History 31, no. 1 (February 2006): 1-14; Caribbean, 1787-1804 (Chapel Hill: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in the French Omohundro Institute of Early of North Carolina Press, published for the University is an attempt to reconstruct political perAmerican History and Culture, 2004) These efforts parallel those of other spectives and action in the case of Guadeloupe. Fick, The Making of Haiti: The scholars working on the period, including Carolyn E. of Tennessee Press, Revolution from Below (Knoxville: University UniSaint Domingue Studies (Bloomington: Indiana 1990); David P. Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Time: The French Revolution and Press, 2002); and the essays in A Turbulent Indiana versity ed. David Gaspar and David Geggus (Bloomington: the Greater Caribbean, in this work from Julius S. Scott, "The University Press, 1997). I took inspiration Communication in the Era oft the HaiCommon Wind: Currents of Afro-American The approach taken by Rebecca diss., Duke University, 1986). tian Revolution" (PhD collaboration with Jean Hébrard, is an Scott in her work, including her most recent of Freedom: Louisiana and obvious model here as well. See Rebecca J. Scott, Degrees University Press, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard Cuba After Slavery (Cambridge, An Atlantic Odysseyin the Rebecca J Scott and Jean Hébrard, Freedom Papers: 2005); MA: Harvard University Press, 2012). Age of Emancipation (Cambridge, Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India (DurGuha, Elementary Aspects of 7- Ranajit ham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999). by Malick W. Ghachem, The Old 8. Such sources are expertly used, for instance, University Press, 2012); and the Haitian Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge Regime The Enslaved Healers of Eighteenthand by Karol K. Weaver, Medical Revolutionaries: Illinois Press, 2006). Century Saint Domingue (Urbana: University of 9- Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative. of this conflict in Laurent Dubois, 10. I seek to examine and lay out the terms Books, 2012). The best Haiti: The Aftershocks of History (New York: Metropolitan Haiti: Casimir, La culture opprimée (Delmas, treatments of this question are Jean bridge: Cambridge Regime The Enslaved Healers of Eighteenthand by Karol K. Weaver, Medical Revolutionaries: Illinois Press, 2006). Century Saint Domingue (Urbana: University of 9- Jenson, Beyond the Slave Narrative. of this conflict in Laurent Dubois, 10. I seek to examine and lay out the terms Books, 2012). The best Haiti: The Aftershocks of History (New York: Metropolitan Haiti: Casimir, La culture opprimée (Delmas, treatments of this question are Jean --- Page 232 --- INDEPENDENCE IN HAITIAN VODOU 217 THINKING HAITIAN Atlas critique d'Haiti (Montréal: Imprimerie Lakay, 2001); and Georges Anglade, d'études et de recherches critiques d'espace, UQAM, 1982). History Groupe Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of 11. Michel-Rolph Trouillot, (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995). des chansons du vodou haiLe grand receuil sacré, ou répertoire 12. Max G. Beauvoir, d'Haîti, 2008); Benjamin Hebblethwaite, tien (Port-au-Prince: Presses Nationales Temple University Press, Vodou Songs in Haitian Creole and English (Philadelphia: (supported by the involved in a large collaborative project 2012). I am currently called the "Vodou Archive" whose goal is to National Endowment for Humanities) and textual format. The beginnings document many ofthese songs in audio, video, ofthe project can be viewed here: wwwuilloc.com/vodou University of CaliHaiti, History, and the Gods (Berkeley: 13. Joan [Colin] Dayan, Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brookfornia Press, 1995); Karen McCarthy Brown, Karen E. Richman, Migration University of California Press, 1991); lyn (Berkeley: University Press of Florida, 2005). and Vodou (Gainesville: The Historical Vision of an Afro-American People 14. Richard Price, First-Time: Richard Price, Travels with Tooy: (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983); University of Chiand the African American Imagination (Chicago: History, Memory, True-Born Maroons (Gainesville: University Press, 2008); Kenneth M. Bilby, cago Press of Florida, 2008). Porto-Novo and Abomey," 7 in Essays on Music Gilbert Rouget, "Court Songs of Univer15ed. Klaus P. Wachsmann (Evanston, IL: Northwestern and History in Africa, sity Press, 1971), 32, 43-44. context of the "Vodou Archive" project I am 16. The interview was done in the of Florida (www.dloc Hebblethwaite of the University working on with Benjamin included the visit to Lakou Badjo in No- .com/vodou). He led a research trip that out interviews, includwith Claire Payton and Eric Barstow carrying vember 2012, of the video is available at http://sites ing the one with Estimé. Their presentation itself is available at http://vimeo The video by Apabndentmbi-ier com/5127314Pat-44 History, esp. 30-31; and Brown, On Ogou and Dessalines see Dayan, Haiti, 17. Mama Lola, chap. 418. Hebblethwaite, Vodou Songs, 259. 19. Ibid., 65.79-80. 20. Ibid., 91. 21. Dayan, Haiti, History, 39-40. Haîtienne des Pères du Odette papers, Bibliothèque visit 22. Mennesson-Rigaud For more on this remarkable collection Saint-Esprit (BHPSE), Port-au-Prince. mamrns Beauvoir, Le grand receuil sacré, 167-68. and cur23choreographer, houngan (Vodou priest), 24. Josué is Haitian musician, d'Ethnologie in Haiti. For an earlier collaborarent director of the Bureau National 21. Dayan, Haiti, History, 39-40. Haîtienne des Pères du Odette papers, Bibliothèque visit 22. Mennesson-Rigaud For more on this remarkable collection Saint-Esprit (BHPSE), Port-au-Prince. mamrns Beauvoir, Le grand receuil sacré, 167-68. and cur23choreographer, houngan (Vodou priest), 24. Josué is Haitian musician, d'Ethnologie in Haiti. For an earlier collaborarent director of the Bureau National --- Page 233 --- 218 LAURENT DUBOIS tion see Laurent Dubois and Erol Josué, "Le vodou, miroir de l'histoire: dialogue, " Tabou: Revue du Musée d'Ethnologie de Genève 5 (2007): 325-40. 25. The song is in the Odette Mennesson-Rigaud papers, BHPSE, page 28. 26. Michel-Etienne Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses observations (Paris: Dufart, 1809), 3:209-10; Odette Menesson-Rigaud papers, BHPSE, Box 1, Folder 1, "Chants de Soukri." 27. I draw these examples both from fieldwork ceremonies in Haiti and France and from the songs gathered by the French ethnographer Odette MennessonRigaud and held in the BHPSE. Some of this collection is available online: http:// Jndpsrimonanunhaiiongfoendbonvjindeckim 28. I recorded Erol Josué singing the song and worked on the translation and transcription with him during a residency at Duke University on February 3, 2011. The video of the song is available here: hup/hins.comhngop8g Josué and I offer an interpretation of Vodou song in a conversation published in Dubois and Josué, "Le vodou." 29. On Makandal see Laurent Dubois, Avengers ofthe New World: The Story ofthe Haitian Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004), chap. 1. 30. This transcription, done in collaboration with Erol Josué, is from a version recorded by Wawa and Rasin Kanga on The Haitian Roots: Volume 1 (2005), part of a series of CDs released by Geronimo Records that offered ceremonial songs to the Haitian diaspora. Dubois and Josué, "Le vodou." 29. On Makandal see Laurent Dubois, Avengers ofthe New World: The Story ofthe Haitian Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004), chap. 1. 30. This transcription, done in collaboration with Erol Josué, is from a version recorded by Wawa and Rasin Kanga on The Haitian Roots: Volume 1 (2005), part of a series of CDs released by Geronimo Records that offered ceremonial songs to the Haitian diaspora. --- Page 234 --- Commemorations Revolutionary Dessalines and Haitian Jean-Jacques Independence Day, 1804-1904 ERIN ZAVITZ Dessalines, glowing with On the morning of January 1, 1804, Jean-Jacques the Declamarched out to Gonaïves's main square grasping immortal glory, heroes of the revolutionary struggle, ration of Independence. His generals, his secretary him along with Louis Félix Boisrond-Tonnerre, accompanied Soldiers and people from the town and surrounding and writer of the act. sacred liberty tree and richly decorated altar countryside crowded around the from their valiant general. of the homeland waiting for the pronouncement the crowd in Kreyol of the Dessalines climbed the altar's stairs and spoke to the national with what would become atrocities of the French, concluding of our country until our oath: "Let us swear to fight for the Independence made room for Boisrondbreath." As Dessalines stepped back and dying the and crowd enthusiastically Tonnerre to read the declaration, generals of the document, the oath. Switching to French, the language from repeated read the declaration and a message to the people Boisrond-Tonnerre the final words, a reminder to the people to Dessalines. As he pronounced Dessalines cried, "Long live indedefend their newly granted independence, descended the altar of the homeland pendence." " Dessalines and his generals continued celebrating their and paraded to the national palace where they confirmed his position achievements. At some later point they momentous for life.? as governor-general Haitian historian Thomas Mawritten decades after the event by Though is one of the few available for the 1804 ceremony. diou, this brief description that mention the fête have yet to be Unfortunately, contemporary accounts by Haitian historians to refound. Thus we must rely on later descriptions celebration. For this essay, I have construct the details of Haiti's founding he is the most pro-Dessalines specifically used Madiou's narrative because of historians. His text is part of the process commemorating of Haiti's early Moreover, the description highlights the Dessalines that I examine below. founding. central themes of the official memory ofthe nation's 1804 ceremony. diou, this brief description that mention the fête have yet to be Unfortunately, contemporary accounts by Haitian historians to refound. Thus we must rely on later descriptions celebration. For this essay, I have construct the details of Haiti's founding he is the most pro-Dessalines specifically used Madiou's narrative because of historians. His text is part of the process commemorating of Haiti's early Moreover, the description highlights the Dessalines that I examine below. founding. central themes of the official memory ofthe nation's --- Page 235 --- 220 ERIN ZAVITZ of though not all directed towards the goal Fifteen years of revolution, a war-torn landscape, hetindependence, had come to an end. Now, facing the country population, and hostile international environment, and erogeneous the arduous of forming a state had to move forward and start processes Dessalines's iniand performance nation. The Declaration of Independence for life, he established tiated both. First, by naming himself governor-general leadership ofthe generals authoritarian state that relied upon the military an Second, the ceremonies combined print who had fought for independence. memories of the past in order to shape to evoke and physical performance Thus, as the officiant ofthe first the construction ofa new nation and people. for my Day, Dessalines provides an entry point civic festival, Independence in Haiti. investigation of the politics of commemoration the celebration of the holiInternal and external pressures influenced of independencewhich served as a tool to define an official memory Haiday, Dessalines, the fête's creator and only specifically that of Jean-Jacques One of into the Vodou pantheon. tian political leader to be incorporated hero in both life figures, Dessalines was a controversial many revolutionary in this volume illustrate. Murdered by his own and death as the earlier essays and historians removed the memory officers in October 1806, heads of state Nevertheless, beginning in of the founder from official commemorations. the centennial, Descentury and culminating in the mid-nineteenth His journey from creator of salines returned as the father of independence. illustrates the color, class, and official memory to official oblivion and back remained an elusive of nineteenth-century Haiti. As unity regional politics loomed on the horizon, the Haitian state goal and threats to independence in an attempt to reinvigorate and elite turned to the memory of Dessalines the Haitian nation on its one-hundredth birthday. the small but vibrant I rely primarily on To trace these memory struggles, Haitian histories and travelers' acHaitian press, as well as contemporary nineteenth century must Haitis literacy rate in the early counts. Though elite benefited from have been extremely low, the urban French-speaking Le Télégraphe that included a variety of newspapers." For example, a press regularly from 1813 to 1843 and 1824 and the Feuille du Commerce appeared reading public. which indicates there was a permanent to 1860, respectively, had a limited circulation and lifespan, Even though the majority of journals most ofthose who were in a points out, "[they] were read by David Nicholls and they were therefore not position to affect the policy ofthe government, n5 covered compolitical influence. These publications without significant Latin America, and the United States; mercial interests; news from Europe, celebrations. Independence Day and events in Haiti, including the fête took place extended the life of the holiday; although Publication public. which indicates there was a permanent to 1860, respectively, had a limited circulation and lifespan, Even though the majority of journals most ofthose who were in a points out, "[they] were read by David Nicholls and they were therefore not position to affect the policy ofthe government, n5 covered compolitical influence. These publications without significant Latin America, and the United States; mercial interests; news from Europe, celebrations. Independence Day and events in Haiti, including the fête took place extended the life of the holiday; although Publication --- Page 236 --- REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 221 commandants sent in reports between December 31 and January 1, regional the island that appeared in of local festivities from arrondissements across the accounts served as a form the newspaper until as late as March. Reading celebrations of the AmeriAs scholars have shown for of commemoration. contributed to the rise of nationalism and can Revolution, reading accounts feel connected through shared bridged geographic gaps by making people descriptions acts." The ceremonies and their subsequent commemorative Moreover, the reading redefined the island's geography as Haitian. in print allowed elite Haitians to "imagine" of these accounts, in public or private, of other towns." themselves acting in union with the citizens commemoration provided an In Haitis case, the physical performance of being created in print. important supplement to the national community of the Haitian nation; reading, could envision being part The elite, through and audience members could parilliterate army troops more importantly, public performance." Independence Day ticipate in this imagining through historian Carlo Célius the power of these two media, and as art and civic suggests model "consisting of official speeches, religious explains, sets up a events, and popular merrymaking." and Creating National Symbols Declaring Independence in late November 1803, following their surrenThe pull-out of French troops slaves and freeborn people of color, sigder to the insurgent army of former leader Jean-Jacques naled a de facto independence. Although the insurgent November 1803, Dessalines issued a preliminary act of independence on another 29, month.' 10 declaration would not be pronounced for an official public as the date for celebrating the country's Dessalines selected January 1, 1804, not just of a new year but Symbolically charged as the beginning founding. calendar would be measured in years from indepenof a new era, Haiti's colonial More important for a new dence, thus erasing the French past." had been a holiday on the country of former slaves, January 1 traditionally and redefined it as a Dessalines thus maintained this designation plantation. moment to celebrate complete liberty. sought to unite a newly Facing a diverse population, the performance revolution and inspire them in the formed people around the triumph ofthe 12 In contrast to the printed docunew project of nation- and state-formation." the barriers of celebration could crosS linguistic ment in French, the physical of color and American- and population of free people Haiti's heterogeneous served to educate this public African-born former slaves. The performance national identity. The setting for and to begin the process of constructing a tree and an altar of the homethis momentous occasion included a liberty a newly Facing a diverse population, the performance revolution and inspire them in the formed people around the triumph ofthe 12 In contrast to the printed docunew project of nation- and state-formation." the barriers of celebration could crosS linguistic ment in French, the physical of color and American- and population of free people Haiti's heterogeneous served to educate this public African-born former slaves. The performance national identity. The setting for and to begin the process of constructing a tree and an altar of the homethis momentous occasion included a liberty --- Page 237 --- 222 ERIN ZAVITZ of the direct links to the revolutionary era and the symbolism land, both in 1804, the tree and altar-centerpieces of French Revolution. Beginning national symbols. Describing the althe event-became redefined as new, of wood but historian Carlo Célius explains, "At first only podiums tars, art they were sites of power and of collective later more permanent structures, gathered regularly to remember great memory, sacred ground where people w13 deeds and renew the civic oath ofthe founders. of the declaration In addition to the physical landscape, the language the oath to forever the later commemorations, specifically echoes throughout independence and attacking the French, renounce France. Beyond declaring and tyranny but lacks any discussion the text speaks of freedom from slavery a foundation Instead, it emphasizes a rhetoric of duty and provides of rights. Mimi Sheller points out a similar phenomenon with for authoritarianism. Haiti. She argues, "Citizenship was defined by citizenship in independent (what the citizen owed the the elements of duty, obedience and obligation element of what the state owed state), which far outweighed the rights-based established a series of revolutionary to its citizens. 14 The 1804 declaration language that called on symbols attached to a vengeful and authoritarian for its independence. Haitians to be obedient to the state and forever fight first national The celebration ofJanuary 1, 1804, created-def facto-Haiti's in Marchand in Dessalines officiated festivities the following year holiday. where he established the country's capital. Celebrations the Artibonite Plain, The evening was alive with drums, fifes, began the night of December 31. however, the "African dances of all kinds. >15 The following morning, and rhetoric of the previous year took center stage. military and the anti-French around the altar of the homeland, which now Five thousand troops gathered throne. In the fall of 1804, Dessalines had contained Dessalines's imperial While couplets in the official paper, Gadeclared himself emperor of Haiti. Dessalines's d'Haiti, celebrated his nomination, zette Politique et Commerciale enthusiasm, foreshadowing the growing generals did not all share the same of the throne on the altar Haiti's new elite.' 16 The inclusion divisions among this shift in government and added an impeof the homeland illustrated After Dessalines greeted the rial object to Haiti's revolutionary iconography. the audience of the French Boisrond-Tonnerre rose and reminded 17 While troops, noble deeds ofthe Armée Indigène (indigenous army)." cruelties and of form and language served to link in a new city, Marchand, the repetition with the first celebration." 18 participants and a hero of the revolution, Henry One of Dessalines's leading generals the celebration five days later Christophe, went a step further and repeated Gazette Politique Haîtien. As Haiti's first newspaper, in his home city, Cap reading of the act of reports, the day included its own military procession, troops, noble deeds ofthe Armée Indigène (indigenous army)." cruelties and of form and language served to link in a new city, Marchand, the repetition with the first celebration." 18 participants and a hero of the revolution, Henry One of Dessalines's leading generals the celebration five days later Christophe, went a step further and repeated Gazette Politique Haîtien. As Haiti's first newspaper, in his home city, Cap reading of the act of reports, the day included its own military procession, --- Page 238 --- REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 223 of the oath to die rather than fall under French independence, and swearing in Haïtien allowed more domination again. The repetition of festivities Cap commemin the de facto holiday. Christophe's new Haitians to participate celebration in Marchand and the Haitians with the 1805 oration connected Equally important, foreigners also first Independence Day in Gonaïves. Haiti's existence in front of an inviewed the celebration, thus legitimating ternational audience.' 19 that summer when continued to increase Independence Day's significance Under the heading of"GenDessalines ratified the first Haitian constitution. national festivals for celn article 27 reads: "There shall be eral Dispositions," of the emperor and his august spouse, the birthday ebrating independence, 20 The 1805 constitution codified that of agriculture and of the constitution." constitutions to the presthe holiday, and it would remain in all subsequent national holiday continof January 1 as a ent day. The official pronouncement the and in regional centers across ued the project of merrymaking in capital the country. his last celebration in Marchand. AcIn 1806 Dessalines would oversee Haïtien at the time, "much pomp cording to an American residing in Cap that part of in the capital. One can imagine and splendor was displayed" to the altar ofthe homeland and this pomp included the military procession customary elements of the series of speeches, both of which had become a on these activities, he did celebration. While the visitor gave no comment dinner: "[A] piece of mention the shocking cake supposedly served during was] to exin imitation of the skeleton of a white man [which confectionary chiefs, their hatred ofthe French, by excite and cherish in the minds of the not fail to call to their to their sight such expressive symbols as could hibiting deeds. m22 Haranguing the French recollection, the remembrance oftheir past the words of eating them was a tasty way to supplement was not enough; Boisrond-Tonnerre. skeletons, parallel celebrations As Dessalines's guests dined on sugary and model established took place in Cap Haîtien. Following the constitution celebrations for Indepenby Christophe in 1805, General Capoix organized celebration, an edict was read in dence Day,23 First, several days before the de Mars. In later commanding people to gather at the Champ the streets would appear in the state-sponsored years, announcements of the holiday also read out loud in the these publications were paper, but one can imagine festivities included the expected milstreets," On January 1, the Cap Haïtien As Indepenand reading of the Declaration of Independence. itary display Dessalines and his generals dence Day became codified in the constitution, the of that stressed importance institutionalized a model of Fcommemoration and repeated the public in and securing independence the military gaining to gather at the Champ the streets would appear in the state-sponsored years, announcements of the holiday also read out loud in the these publications were paper, but one can imagine festivities included the expected milstreets," On January 1, the Cap Haïtien As Indepenand reading of the Declaration of Independence. itary display Dessalines and his generals dence Day became codified in the constitution, the of that stressed importance institutionalized a model of Fcommemoration and repeated the public in and securing independence the military gaining --- Page 239 --- 224 ERIN ZAVITZ of Haitians never forgot the atrocities reading of the declaration to ensure commented, the fesvisitor to Haiti the French. Moreover, as an English of engaging in their favourite tivals "afforded the Haytians an opportunity in their recollection amusements, [and were] no less calculated, by reviving history, to keep alive transactions oft their the most important and interesting their m25 of attachment to liberty and to sovereign." those feelings of the Declaration of Independence, While crowds applauded readings and the nascent peasantry were Dessalines's generals unrest was building. In his first two years, Dessalines was growing weary of the new regime the economic disparity headway on great unable to make any significant libres (former slaves). On between the anciens (formerly free) and nouveaux alienated the nouveaux his policies of forced labor and relocation one hand, accumulation of former French proplibres. On the other hand, the state's libres) who had held land erties angered the nascent Haitian elite (anciens lacked any title to the revolution. However, they frequently before or during used the lack of documentation to expropriate prove their claim. Dessalines after a successful campaign in the land for the state. In the summer of 1806, and West, prompting Dessalines turned his attention to the South North, landowners. 27 Memories of the a wave of fear among current and aspiring revolutionary leaders André 1804 massacres and civil war between regional Louverture, which included a suppression campaign Rigaud and Toussaint only increased concerns. To put led by Dessalines in the southern peninsula, Pén military leaders, including Alexandre a stop to the "yoke of Dessalines," Amidst this unrest, the Gazette Politique tion, marched on Port-au-Prince" fête with no mention of the cheerily reported on the emperor's name-day rode to Port-au-Prince to tensions. On October 17, 1806, Dessalines growing an ambush, died at Pont Rouge. meet the insurgents and, during 6, 1806, the paper gave a brief Two weeks after his murder, on November d'Haîti" the opens exof the events. Under the heading "Isle report resume for Dessalines's death: "For some time plaining the context and justification Bad administrahas broken out in several parts of the empire. discontent the safety of the first public offition, various injustices and acts against toward the recently had excited general disgust cials, as well as individuals, that at nine in the >30 The article continues, stating overthrown government." killed at Pont Rouge in an ambush morning on October 17, Dessalines was of voice avoids any him. The use passive with men he thought supported the vague list of his of blame. Dessalines's death is justified by placement conflicts over landownership, taxation, failings. These cover up more specific concludes by suggesting a new and the distribution of power. The report a wise and suitable for the future: "Now, it remains for us to expect direction chief and loyal administrators, make Constitution that could, under paternal ." killed at Pont Rouge in an ambush morning on October 17, Dessalines was of voice avoids any him. The use passive with men he thought supported the vague list of his of blame. Dessalines's death is justified by placement conflicts over landownership, taxation, failings. These cover up more specific concludes by suggesting a new and the distribution of power. The report a wise and suitable for the future: "Now, it remains for us to expect direction chief and loyal administrators, make Constitution that could, under paternal --- Page 240 --- REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 225 and lead us to the fortune for which we us forget the mistakes of the past after Dessalines's assassinan31 A little over two weeks have longingly hoped." to excise the former emperor from tion, the Gazette's article illustrates steps official memory. and the generals' attack as an act of venThe hero was recast as a tyrant who had been described as the geance supported by the people. Dessalines, Washington, became the people's liberator, the Haitian equivalent to George published in the days obstacle blocking Haiti's progress." 32 Fiery proclamations is slaughtered . this sentiment: "Tyranny following October 17 captured p33 Dessalines's removal and new idenLiberty reigns : we are finally free. not only a second chance rather than liberator gave the generals tity as despot and nation but also an opportunity to restart the at the building of a new state history of independent Haiti. Memories of Dessalines From Popular to Official: Evolving Haitis and heads of state to In contrast to the memory work of generals Dessalines's memory in an forget Dessalines, the people of Haiti continued Haitian Oral histories collected by nineteenth-century unofficial capacity. this After the Pont Rouge amhistorian Thomas Madiou recount process. Along the way the Dessalines's body was carried into Port-au-Prince. bush, and smashing it until it was unrecognizcrowd attacked the cadaver, cutting old woman named Défilée this scene of vengeance, an able. Interrupting body and took them to the cemetery." gathered the pieces of the emperor's the remains in an unmarked grave. Soldiers paid by Pétion helped her bury ten old claimed historian Beaubrun Ardouin, who at years Contemporary contended that Défilée was too weak to carry to have witnessed the event, unable to transport and bury the the sack of Dessalines's remains. Instead, of mourning him and placing fallen leader, she took on the emotional duty also Défilée who placed the over the years.5 Perhaps it was flowers on grave on the grave every All Saints' Day. the candle that, Madiou notes, appeared lower classes, suggests that of Haiti's Either way, Défilée as a representative Dessalines remained a figure in popular memory. commemhistories both further illustrate and complicate popular Vodou hero to become a lwa, or deity. oration. Dessalines is the only revolutionary his association with His place in the Vodou pantheon, and more specifically the influence African ofi iron, blacksmiths, and war, suggests Ogou, the god historical However, it is African traditions in shaping Haitian memory" of Dessalines became a lwa. Songs about Dessalines difficult to know when twentieth century but may have existed in enter the written archive in the scholars started before Haitian intellectuals or foreign oral tradition long or deity. oration. Dessalines is the only revolutionary his association with His place in the Vodou pantheon, and more specifically the influence African ofi iron, blacksmiths, and war, suggests Ogou, the god historical However, it is African traditions in shaping Haitian memory" of Dessalines became a lwa. Songs about Dessalines difficult to know when twentieth century but may have existed in enter the written archive in the scholars started before Haitian intellectuals or foreign oral tradition long --- Page 241 --- 226 ERIN ZAVITZ Dayan suspects the process of deification OCrecording them. Colin (Joan) it would be wise to resurrect Descurred before the "literate elite decided the of resurrection m38 As sources clearly document process salines as a hero.' the late 1830s and early 1840S, we could hyled by Haitian intellectuals in was established by this pothesize that Dessalines's popular commemoration the elite in the second half of the time. This would aid in its recuperation by nineteenth century. of Dessalines in official commemoThe process of restoring the memory and overthrow of mixed-race presrations began with the Revolution of 1843 to Boyer. Just as Dessalines had performed independence ident Jean-Pierre leaders of the 1843 revolution used the holiday legitimate the new country, January 1, 1844. of Dessalines to justify their new government. and memory that would correct the failures of Boyer ushered in a new era of regeneration and offer the country a chance to begin anew. had become an established By Boyer's downfall in 1843, Independence Day' In towns across Haiti, holiday, but it also had undergone a significant change. central on the mornand townsfolk gathered in the square troops, dignitaries, the oath to live free and independent, though now ing of January 1 to renew of Haiti in the spring of without any mention of France. French recognition Day. In the affected the content and program of Independence 1825 greatly orders to all district commanders warning winter of 1825, Boyer sent out new in Independence Day cereagainst the use of potentially offensive language of Haiti as an inthat because of France's recognition monies. He explained read out the act of independence dependent state, officials should no longer oath. 39 Ardouin notes that and should avoid naming any nation in the annual He attributed it different from the 1804 version. the new oath was textually state. 40 Recognichange in Haiti's status as a newly recognized to the positive of the national celebration and, by tion required Boyer to revise the content by removing the extension, to reinvent the official memory of Findependence former enemy, France. of maintained BoyThe Revolution of 1843 and the new era regeneration shift in ceremoremoval of France as the enemy, but also began another er's the ofl Haiti's history; this role nial traditions. Dessalines was no longer tyrant memory had deposed Jean-Pierre Boyer. Yet Dessalines's fell to the recently of 1843 contained radical democratic to be censored. While the Revolution mixed-race men from the southern elements, the main leaders were elite of the massacres in Memories of Dessalines's S land expropriation, peninsula. the revolution tempered their commemora1804, and ofthe civil war during were further complicated tions of him. However, regional and color politics of southern black elites who helped propel the remembrance by the vocal general and emperor. Dessalines as revolutionary Boyer. Yet Dessalines's fell to the recently of 1843 contained radical democratic to be censored. While the Revolution mixed-race men from the southern elements, the main leaders were elite of the massacres in Memories of Dessalines's S land expropriation, peninsula. the revolution tempered their commemora1804, and ofthe civil war during were further complicated tions of him. However, regional and color politics of southern black elites who helped propel the remembrance by the vocal general and emperor. Dessalines as revolutionary --- Page 242 --- REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 227 to set up a pension for his widow, Marie-Claire The first step was actually government offered a penHeureuse. A decree from the 1843 provisional the colonial yoke. 41 Awarding of Dessalines's efforts to break sion in memory the memory of Dessalines-he was a a pension to Heureuse domesticated Dessalines's terror with his wife's tolerhusband- and replaced the image of memoirs for saving the lives Heureuse is remembered in histories and ance. whom Dessalines would have murdered." of multiple Frenchmen Charles Hérard, went a step further On January 1, 1844, the new president, He invoked Dessalines and added Dessalines to the official commemoration. thus creatreference to his heroic actions to secure Haiti's independence, in Revolution of 1843 and the struggle for independence. ing a link between the of rule and championed Pétion as the reNevertheless, he criticized his style A return to hero and model to emulate, a sign of state censorship.". hero, publican Dessalines the revolutionary January 1, 1804, meant commemorating not Dessalines the emperor. commemorate the country's Post-1843 heads ofs state continued to officially death. with the first official memorial for Dessalines's founder beginning Moniteur Haitien, the new goremment-aponsored On October 25, 1845, Le director of the national school in Cap paper, published a speech given by the death. 44 In contrast to Hérard's Haîtien on the anniversary of Dessalines's independence and the invocation of the hero ofi 1804, the speaker proclaims of Haiti's hisconstitution as "the most memorable and glorious [acts] referenced Dessalines both as a hero of 1804 tory." Moreover, the speaker style was not a matter of nathat his governing and as emperor, suggesting North, which to that point had given Haiti tional shame-at least not in the decades late, the speech is the both of its monarchs." 45 Though almost four The mourning for the fallen leader. pronouncements first example of public school director are a far step from the head of a local, especially northern, do demonstrate a larger grassroots Dessalines, but they of state celebrating official commemorations of movement that pushed the president to change Dessalines. from cities across the republic sent petitions deEarlier in 1845, citizens 46 The president, Philippe manding that the government honor Dessalines." soldier of the revolution who supplanted Hérard, was a former Guerrier, links to that era. This may help explain and represented one of the dying received. More arrived under his rule and were positively why the petitions black and the elite handpicked him as the best importantly, Guerrier was became the first case of politique de douchoice to placate the masses. He it was a system devised blure. Translated as "the politics of the understudy." who would politicians to elect black puppet presidents by lighter-skinned did not last long in office; he died in April support their agenda. Guerrier rier, links to that era. This may help explain and represented one of the dying received. More arrived under his rule and were positively why the petitions black and the elite handpicked him as the best importantly, Guerrier was became the first case of politique de douchoice to placate the masses. He it was a system devised blure. Translated as "the politics of the understudy." who would politicians to elect black puppet presidents by lighter-skinned did not last long in office; he died in April support their agenda. Guerrier --- Page 243 --- 228 ERIN ZAVITZ Louis Pierrot to respond to "the unanimous 1845.9 It fell to his successor, Pierrot was not a puppet ofthe public opinion. >48 Unlike the aging Guerrier, from the North and noiriste black general mixed-race elite, but a nationalist the petitioners and like Dessalines. It is not surprising that he supported October 27, 1845. The national funeral service for Dessalines on decreed a of black power and celebrated noiriste decision made Pierrot an inheritor rule. In a speech from the leadership in the face of decades of mixed-race Salomon, a member southern city of Les Cayes, Louis Étienne Félicité Lysius He praised expressed this sentiment. of the southern black elite, eloquently of "the avenger of the Pierrot for his noble action of honoring the memory the famous Jeanthe liberator of Haiti, a hero of Independence, black race, Salomon became part of Dessalines." *49 Decades later, as president, Jacques ofl black power he commemorated in 1845. this genealogy of remembering and forgetting The turbulent 1840s created a rapid cycle out of office in 1846 and the first head of state. An army revolt forced Pierrot a casualty of funeral service disappeared from the newspapers, Dessalines's de doublure, Faustin Souchange. In another attempt at politique the regime A member of the National Guard and louque was "elected" president in 1847. for the elite. Soulouque was an former slave, he seemed a viable candidate the a viewed by the elite as "the dull head of illiterate sexagenarian and was his "electors" and took control ofthe Guard.' >50 However, he quickly surprised the predompower he attacked his opposition, government. To consolidate and intellectuals, and pronounced inantly lighter-skinned urban merchants press, histoThough he was ridiculed in the international himself emperor. coronation and court reprerian Murdo MacLeod argues that Soulouque's slaves who could now hold oftrue independence" to former sented "a symbol of this political transformation and titles of their own. An important aspect of the memory of Dessalines." independence was the regime's recuperation constitution. Among its many Soulouque revised the 1846 As emperor, holiday, January 2, Jean-Jacques Deschanges was the creation of a new December 1848 and then as Appearing first as a new law in salines day.32 honored Dessalines for his service to part of a constitutional article, the day for the creation In addition, the 1848 law included a provision the country. that would hang in the National Palace, the of five paintings of Dessalines and the cathedral in Gonaïves. 53 Senate, the Chamber of Representatives, important memUnanimously adopted by the Chamber of Representatives, holiday. In a letter black public also appreciated the new bers of Soulouque's Dessalines's children personally expressed to the state paper, Le Moniteur, official homage to their father. Rectheir gratitude to the emperor for the Dessalines's (junior) letter ognizing Soulouque's magnanimity, Jean-Jacques The creation of the celebrations linked the two emperors." and Soulouque's in Gonaïves. 53 Senate, the Chamber of Representatives, important memUnanimously adopted by the Chamber of Representatives, holiday. In a letter black public also appreciated the new bers of Soulouque's Dessalines's children personally expressed to the state paper, Le Moniteur, official homage to their father. Rectheir gratitude to the emperor for the Dessalines's (junior) letter ognizing Soulouque's magnanimity, Jean-Jacques The creation of the celebrations linked the two emperors." and Soulouque's --- Page 244 --- REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 229 similar to the national day of mourning under Pierrot in January 2 holiday, of Haitian black leaders. Although 1846, placed Soulouque in the genealogy of Haiti he was Dessalines's heir. he was a southerner, as the second emperor next to Day decade, Dessalines took his place Independence For the next resurrection of the figure of Haiti's first emperor celebrations. Soulouque's marked a milestone in the transforand institutionalization of a holiday mixed-race leader Fabre Geffrard mation of official memory. Even after the Desgovernment in 1859 and formed a new republic, toppled Soulouque's sanctioned national salines would maintain his spot in the constitutionally between tradition is a curious continuity holidays." This commemorative and two leaders, black and monarchy and republic, two contrasting regimes, Geffrard's political skill in maintaining nomimixed-race. It also illustrates of the black and mixednal popular support while balancing the demands race Haitian elite. the January holidays pushed Geffrard's Official commemorations beyond members of the Haitian elite ability to appease the fractious elite. In 1860, Rameau, called for the construction of a statue for Dessalines. Septimus black southern black elite and founder of the principally a member of the an part of Haiti's regeneraNational Party, proposed the statue as integral frequently in the paper tion under Geffrard." Articles by Rameau appeared black elite, including which represented the views of the southern L'Union, who in the 1840s supported Dessalines's Salomon, the future president mixed-race editor of Le Progrès, Elie first memorial service. In the capital, the but only to honor Dessalines's Heurtelou, supported the statue's construction However, other memefforts during the War for Independence (1802-3).7 Heurtelou's views and fought bers of the Port-au-Prince elite did not share with the British and French to block all efforts. They even found support about the statue and their conconsuls who met with President Geffrard French men, Dessalines, who had slaughtered cerns over commemorating responded, explaining that he women, and children. Geffrard diplomatically the would take no support the project but that government could personally and potential international stigma part." Regional differences, color politics, official support. Nevertheless, inhibited the statue's construction and any of Dessalines Geffrard's comment suggests that personal commemorations were permissible. of Dessalines disappeared from With the fall of Geffrard, the memory historian Carlo Célius, Desofficial celebrations. In the words of art >59 public, in the antechamber of Haitis national pantheon. salines was "languishing centennial, civic groups and the state reDuring preparations for the 1904 of Dessalines. This time, Haistarted the official recuperation oft the memory ti's founder would truly enter the national pantheon. Dessalines Geffrard's comment suggests that personal commemorations were permissible. of Dessalines disappeared from With the fall of Geffrard, the memory historian Carlo Célius, Desofficial celebrations. In the words of art >59 public, in the antechamber of Haitis national pantheon. salines was "languishing centennial, civic groups and the state reDuring preparations for the 1904 of Dessalines. This time, Haistarted the official recuperation oft the memory ti's founder would truly enter the national pantheon. --- Page 245 --- 230 ERIN ZAVITZ of Haitian intellectuals founded a literary, sciIn the fall of 1891, a group centennial, L'Association du Cenentific, and artistic club for the country's were noiristes and Nationale. 60 Many of these men tenaire de 'indépendance the Lhérisson brothers and Massillon members of the National Party such as centennial celebrathat they wished to organize Coicou. It is unsurprising of Dessalines. Up to this point, civic tions or that they valued the memory societies had been absent from planning Independence groups or private struggles, along with the increased Days1 Mounting state debt and political which had not been available of1904, provided a space, national significance and individuals to work with the govin annual celebrations, for associations ernment in planning the event. from the president, Florvil Within months, the association had approval for its actions: "I can only Hyppolite, who thanked the founding committee to the creation ofa society whose name alone speaks welcome with pleasure had overthrown the previous presits worth. 62 From the North, Hyppolite officials in of northern residents who felt exploited by ident in the name made him amenable to the Port-au-Prince." 63 His regional and color politics centennial of indepenDessalines and the group's efforts to commemorate black leader like which in turn could legitimate his rule as a northern dence, Dessalines. set about meeting its main goal: "[TJo With official support, the group ofthe centennial of our Indepensentiment for the celebration raise patriotic decade to before the actual celebration, memdence.' p64 With more than a go accounts and busied themselves with a variety of activities. Newspaper bers at social events and attempting to speeches capture members reading poetry led to Desschool for workers. 65 In addition, they pilgrimages start a night of his death and raised money for events salines's grave on the anniversary heroes. 66 Unfortunately, preparaand masses to be said for the revolutionary the civil war between supporters tions for the centennial were interrupted by the men repAnténor Firmin and Nord Alexis. Both northerners, of Joseph residents, but also among the inresented divisions not only among regional in the erudite Firmin. 67 elite of Port-au-Prince who could see an ally tellectual raised doubts about the possibility of even celebrating Therefore, members warned that the counthe centennial. The press and official correspondence 68 By December 1902, faced a crisis that threatened its very independence." try General Nord Alexis president, the victorious army oft the North proclaimed the president with the and the association quickly reorganized to present mission of planning for the centennial. 69 Dévot, Justin LhérisAfter only a few weeks in office, Alexis granted Justin Association and other intellectuals of the re-formed son, Dantès Bellegarde, and a budget of three hundred du Centenaire support from the government members warned that the counthe centennial. The press and official correspondence 68 By December 1902, faced a crisis that threatened its very independence." try General Nord Alexis president, the victorious army oft the North proclaimed the president with the and the association quickly reorganized to present mission of planning for the centennial. 69 Dévot, Justin LhérisAfter only a few weeks in office, Alexis granted Justin Association and other intellectuals of the re-formed son, Dantès Bellegarde, and a budget of three hundred du Centenaire support from the government --- Page 246 --- REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 231 dollars. In a letter to the society's former president, Monthousand Haitian declared it would be responsible for the committee sieur Joseph Jérémie, and affordable for the Centennial of organizing a celebration "both dignified further and pub- >70 The association went a step our national Independence" its role, along with to the Haitian people explaining lished a proclamation for the momentous day21 The year leading the government's, in planning heroes, newspaper was filled with conferences on revolutionary up to 1904 to build monuments, and celebraaccounts of the club's activities, petitions of the Haisuch as the centennial tions of events leading to independence, the Battle of Vertières. In addiToussaint Louverture's death, and tian flag, Le Soir, edited by Justin Lhérisson, a member tion, the Port-au-Prince paper countdown to January 1 to make sure of the association, ran a ninety-two-day its readers never forgot the date." 72 the centennial of JeanThe club lasted only a few more years. Following disbanded. RegardDessalines's death in the fall of 1906 the group Jacques Haiti's commemorative actions and words impacted less, the association's of the official memory of independence and practices and the development the Association du CenteDessalines. First, Florvil Hyppolite, who approved for Dessalines on Septemnaire, oversaw the inauguration of a mausoleum A decade later, Nord first official commemoration? ber 19, 1893, the physical Declaration of Independence by traveling Alexis would reenact Dessalines's his speech that morning stating, "It to Gonaives for the centennial. He began Founder to renew, for me to come to the same place as the n74 is a great pleasure oath of Returning to on the Altar of the Homeland, our Independence." the event in 1804connected Alexis and his presidency to original Gonaïves his political legitimacy by holding A northerner and noiriste, he proclaimed Dessalines. The official histhe ceremony in Gonaives and commemorating Alexis's election to the War torian ofthe centennial went SO far as to compare forward.7 both were necessary for Haiti to move for Independence; actions, members of the Association Complementary to the government's multiple conferences and other Haitian aintellectuals organized du Centenaire to correct the injustices of the past on Dessalines. The conferences sought hero.76 Some lecturers admitted balanced picture of the and portray a more "his violence and brutal Dessalines's flaws, calling him a "tyrant" or noting had been out how these negative images energy-7 Others wisely pointed "obscured" our understanding perpetuated by "haters of our race" who have of rememof conferences stressed the importance of him. 78 The collection " "benefactor," and "defender of bering Dessalines as a "founder," "liberator," of Dessalines, Alexis's >79 In response to growing popular support our history." celebration of Dessalines's death government responded with a centennial October 17, 1906, a in October 1906. Alexis issued a proclamation declaring 7 Others wisely pointed "obscured" our understanding perpetuated by "haters of our race" who have of rememof conferences stressed the importance of him. 78 The collection " "benefactor," and "defender of bering Dessalines as a "founder," "liberator," of Dessalines, Alexis's >79 In response to growing popular support our history." celebration of Dessalines's death government responded with a centennial October 17, 1906, a in October 1906. Alexis issued a proclamation declaring --- Page 247 --- 232 ERIN ZAVITZ nationwide memorial services to solemnly remember holiday and calling for Nation.' 80 The service further legitithe "Illustrious Founder of the Haitian Dessalines's death made him mated Alexis's government. Commemorating Haiti. Furthermore, the comand the rightful ruler ofl the heir to black power combined to move Dessalines memorations and long overdue monuments of the national pantheon, and into the main gallery out oft the antechamber resided. where mixed-race revolutionary heroes achievement for the The first of January 1904 symbolized a momentous with economic and island nation. One hundred years ofindependence, even To plan, the state difficulties, was worthy of a proper celebration. the political Days but also welcomed turned to the traditions of past Independence role ofi findividuals influenced participation of private societies. The increased of traditions. The symbolic potential in commemorative new developments and symbolic genealogies of 1904 would quickly dim as commemorations sovereignty. The centenblack power could not sustain the country's fragile Dessalines. No lonmemory of Jean-Jacques nial did offer one rebirth-the the founder of Haiti marched forward ostracized from official memory, ger to accept his rightful place. Notes the French Chateaubriand was by government's Research for this essay supported short-term grant, the Conference on Latin Fellowship. a New York Public Library of History. All transAmerican History, and the University of Florida's Department lations are my own. Tindépendance de notre de combattre jusqu'au dernier soupir pour 1. "Jurons repr. Port-au-Prince: Henri De- * Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (1847-48; pays." schamps, 1988-91), 3:145-46. " The National Archives of the United 2. "Haitian Declaration of Independence, We do not know exactly when the Kingdom, CO 137/m1/1; Madiou, Histoire, 3:151. conferred the title of governor-general for life on Dessalines. generals memoirs, published only months after independence, 3. Boisrond-Tonnerres role writing the declaration: Louis Félix make no mention of the ceremony or his ([Haiti]: Imprimerie CenBoisrond-Tonnerre, Mémoires pour servir à Phistoire d'Hayti Madiou's description 1804), 90-93. Deborah Jenson argues tral du Gouvernement, the Slave Narrative: Politics, Sex, and is "imperial in style.' " Deborah Jenson, Beyond Liverpool University Press, 2011), Manuscripts in the Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: embellished by Madiou, who was writing 87. The details ofthe event mayhave been and during the first reentry of under the aegis of black leader Faustin Soulouque Yet his bias serves to illusthe memory of Dessalines into official commemorations. narrative of the ceremony of recuperation. Moreover, the general trate the process tral du Gouvernement, the Slave Narrative: Politics, Sex, and is "imperial in style.' " Deborah Jenson, Beyond Liverpool University Press, 2011), Manuscripts in the Haitian Revolution (Liverpool: embellished by Madiou, who was writing 87. The details ofthe event mayhave been and during the first reentry of under the aegis of black leader Faustin Soulouque Yet his bias serves to illusthe memory of Dessalines into official commemorations. narrative of the ceremony of recuperation. Moreover, the general trate the process --- Page 248 --- COMMEMORATIONS 233 REVOLUTIONARY Beaubrun Ardouin, Études sur Phistoire d'Haiti, resembles that ofhis colleagues; see Dézobry et E. Magdeleine, 1853-60), suivies de la vie du Général J.-M. Borgella (Paris: et historique, Saint-Rémy, Pétion et Haiti: étude monographique 6:25-30; and Joseph 1956), 4:5-10. 2nd ed. (1854-57; repr. Paris: Berger-Levrault, statistics of Haiti today with estimates Current linguists debate the literacy and 4is fully bilingual in Kreyôl that approximately 5 percent of the population tèt anba (Port-au-Prince: Yon lekôl têt anba nan yon peyi French; see Yves Dejean, rates for French-literate Haitians must Nineteenth-century literacy FOKAL, 2006). have been near this level or even lower. Race, Colour, and National IndeDavid Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier: 5Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996),71. pendence in Haiti, 2nd ed. (New Fetes: The Making of AmeriWaldstreicher, In the Midst of Perpetual 6. See David of North Carolina Press, 1997); (Chapel Hill: University the can Nationalism, 1776-1820 Politics the Street: Festive Culture in and Simon P. Newman, Parades and the of Press, 1997). (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Early American Republic Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread 7. Benedict Anderson, Imagined ofI Nationalism, rev. ed. (London: Verso, 1991). to Anderson's Abercrombie has argued for a similar supplement 8. Thomas and Mistresses ofthe Urban Bolivian Pubprint focus; see Abercrombie, "Mothers in Oruro's Carnival," Postcolonial Predicament and National Imaginary lic Sphere: Predicaments of the Americas, ed. Mark Thurner in After Spanish Rule: Postcolonial Press, 2003),176-220. Henand Andrés Guerrero (Durham, NC: Duke University between official and of Brazilian civic festivals also moves drik Kraay's recent study celebrations: Days of National Fespopular expression using printed texts and public University Press, 2013). Brazil, 1823-1889 (Stanford: Stanford tivity in Rio de Janeiro, the Haitian Revolution, in The World ofthe Carlo Célius, "Neoclassicism and Indiana 9. ed. David Geggus and Norman Fiering (Bloomington: Haitian Revolution, University Press, 2009), 360. in this volume demonstrate, As David Geggus's and Patrick Tardieu's essays 10. in translation in the Times (London), Februthe proclamation existed and appeared ary 6, 1804, 3. Disavowed: Haiti and the Cultures of Slavery in the 11. Sibylle Fischer, Modernity Press, 2004), 230. Age of Revolution (Durham, NC: Duke University Dessalines, would have fully un12. Few members of the audience, including in French made the docBoisrond-Tonnerres' text;however, its publication derstood French-reading public. Thus, in contrast ument fully accessible to an international literate Haitian elite histories and literary works aimed at a small, to the printed celebrations were principally a audience, the national holiday and an international identity on the local level. means of transferring history and constructing Revolution," 71 361. and the Haitian 13. Célius, "Neoclassicism Black Publics and Peasant Radicalism in Mimi Sheller, Democracy after Slavery: 14. University Press of Florida, 2000), 98. Haiti and Jamaica (Gainesville: in contrast ument fully accessible to an international literate Haitian elite histories and literary works aimed at a small, to the printed celebrations were principally a audience, the national holiday and an international identity on the local level. means of transferring history and constructing Revolution," 71 361. and the Haitian 13. Célius, "Neoclassicism Black Publics and Peasant Radicalism in Mimi Sheller, Democracy after Slavery: 14. University Press of Florida, 2000), 98. Haiti and Jamaica (Gainesville: --- Page 249 --- 234 ERIN ZAVITZ 15- Madiou, Histoire, 3:234-35. d'Haiti, November 22, 1804, 8. 16. "Couplets, " Gazette Politique et Commerciale and histories; howreactions often appeared later in memoirs The various negative become labeled as a tyrant and illustrate how Dessalines would quickly See ever, they label would remain in Haitian collective memory. dictator and how long this 6:81; and Edmond Bonnet, ed., Souvenirs Madiou, Histoire, 3:171; Ardouin, Études, Bonnet (Paris: Auguste Durand, 1864), 131. historique de Guy-Joseph 17. Madiou, Histoire, 3:237. describes the ceremony as a commem18. Haitian historian Beaubrun Ardouin oration of January 1, 1804. See Ardouin, Études, 6:19. 36. et Commerciale d'Haiti, January 10, 1805, 19. Gazette Politique Constitutions of the World, www.modern 20. Haiti, Imperial Constitution (1805), -00-805-05:20.f: 1806), The Port-Folio 5, no. 3: Condy Raguet, "Memoirs of Hayti" (February 21. 247. 22. Ibid. author's spelling of Capoix with an "x." 23. Ibid., 246-47 I follow the for Independence Day appeared 24. Under Jean-Pierre Boyer, announcements December 9, 1821, 3December issues of the official paper, Le Télégraphe, in From the Expulsion ofthe French to the Death 25. W. W. Harvey, Sketches of Hayti: 2nd ed. (1827; repr. London: Frank Cass, 1971), 300. Haiti: The AfterofChristophe, Laurent Dubois, 26. Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 40; (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2012), 49. shocks of History of Haiti's postindependence economy and discussion 27. For a more complete "The War on Sugar: Forced Labor, Comland distribution, see Johnhenry Gonzales, (PhD diss., Production and the Origins ofthe Haitian Peasantry, 1791-1843." modity University of Chicago, 2012). 28. Madiou, Histoire, 3:370. 1806, 161. I have been unable to locate issue 42 29. Gazette Politique, October 16, to November 6 to find which would be the next in the series, thus we must jump coverage of the assassination. éclatait dans plusieurs en30. "Depuis quelques temps le mécontentement diverse injustices, et des actes Une mauvaise administration, droits de l'empire. fonctionnaires publics, ainsi que des particucontraires à la sûreté des premiers qui vient d'être renversé," liers, avaient excités un dégoût général du gouvernement November 6, 1806, 169. Gazette Politique, à désirer une Constitution sage et convenable, qui 31. "Il nous reste maintenant administrateurs amis de leur pays, faire oublier puisse, sous un chef paternel et des du bonheur après lequel nos soupirons passés, et nous faire jouir nos malheurs Politique, November 6, 1806, 170. depuis long-temps [sic)," Gazette Gazette Politique, August 1, 1805, 133. 32. 6, 1806, 169. Gazette Politique, à désirer une Constitution sage et convenable, qui 31. "Il nous reste maintenant administrateurs amis de leur pays, faire oublier puisse, sous un chef paternel et des du bonheur après lequel nos soupirons passés, et nous faire jouir nos malheurs Politique, November 6, 1806, 170. depuis long-temps [sic)," Gazette Gazette Politique, August 1, 1805, 133. 32. --- Page 250 --- REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 235 33- "La tyrannie est abattue La liberté renaît : nous sommes enfn libres," Madiou, Histoire, 3:420. 34. Madiou, Histoire, 3:406. The memoirs of General Guy-Joseph Bonnet also recount Défilée burying the body. Bonnet, Souvenirs, 142. 35- Ardouin, Études, 6:74, note 1. 36. Madiou, Histoire, 3:406. 37 Jerry Gilles and Yvrose Gilles, Sèvis ginen: rasin, rityël, respè lan vodou (Davie, FL: Bookmanlit, 2009), 127. 38. Joan (Colin) Dayan, Haiti, History, and the Gods (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 30-31, 4339. Madiou, Histoire, 6:485. 40. Ardouin, Études, 10:11-12. Biblio41. "Décret August 21, 1843." (Port-Républicain: Imprimerie Nationale), thèque Nationale de France. 42. Among the most famous accounts is that of French naturalist Michel-Etienne Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses observations (Paris: Dufart, 1809), 3:304. 43. Feuille du Commerce, February 4 1844, 2-3, and January 21, 1844, 444. Le Moniteur Haitien, October 25, 1845. 2. 45- "[LJes deux actes (independence and 1805 constitution] les plus mémorables et les plus glorieux de l'histoire d'Haiti appartiennent donc à Dessalines, Le Moniteur Haitien, October 25, 1845, 2. 46. Le Moniteur, November 1, 1845.1. 47. Dubois, Haiti, 131; Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 79. Noiristes viewed themselves as supporters ofthe black peasantry and believed political power should be in the hands of the majority (black) population. 48. Le Moniteur, November 1, 1845. 1. 49. "[LJa mémoire du vengeur de la race noire, du libérateur d'Haiti, du héros de T'indépendance, du fameux Jean-Jacques Dessalines, "Procès-verbal" (Aux Cayes: Imprimerie Nationale, 1845), 6. 50. Dubois, Haiti, 145. 51. Murdo MacLeod, "The Soulouque Regime in Haiti, 1847-1859: A Revaluation," 7 Journal ofCaribbean Studies 10, no. 3 (1970): 36. 52. Haiti, Imperial Constitution (1849), Constitutions ofthe World, www.modern smuemspinpvire.etoanbpiduwoedhenteacol-eNT -00-1849-09-17f Louis Joseph Janvier, Les Constitutions d'Haiti, 1801-1885 (Paris: C. Marpon et E. Flammarion, 1886), 261. 53. Le Moniteur, December 22, 1848. 54. Ibid., February 3, 1849. 55- Janvier, Les Constitutions d'Haiti, 272; L'Opinion Nationale, January 5, 1861. 56. L'Union, October 25, 1860. 57- Ibid., December 20, 1860. 58. "Levraud à Thouvenel, Ministre des Affaires Étrangères, December 23, Paris: C. Marpon et E. Flammarion, 1886), 261. 53. Le Moniteur, December 22, 1848. 54. Ibid., February 3, 1849. 55- Janvier, Les Constitutions d'Haiti, 272; L'Opinion Nationale, January 5, 1861. 56. L'Union, October 25, 1860. 57- Ibid., December 20, 1860. 58. "Levraud à Thouvenel, Ministre des Affaires Étrangères, December 23, --- Page 251 --- 236 ERIN ZAVITZ de 1860-68, Centre des Archives Diplomatiques 1860, Correspondance Politique, Nantes. "Neoclassicism and the Haitian Revolution," 389. 59. Célius, (Port-au-Prince: Chéraquit, 1929), 60. Joseph Jérémie, ed. Haiti indépendante association's papers, Joseph members included the editor of the 25-27 Founding author Massillon Coicou, the Lhérisson brothJérémie, the noiriste and nationalist ers, and Pierre Laforest. traditions in Latin America in 61. This stands in contrast to commemorative festivities. See William associations and the state played a role in organizing which Mexico! jViva La Independencial: CelebraH. Beezley and David E. Lorey, eds., jViva Resources, Inc., 2001); Hendrik 16 (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly tions of September of Our Nationality: Independence CeleKraay, "Let us Be Brazilians on the Day Identities in Modern Latin in Negotiating brations in Rio de Janeiro 18405-1860s." of Calgary Press, 2007), 27-48; America, ed. Hendrick Kraay (Calgary: University (Stanford: Stanford National Festivities in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 1823-1899 Days of University Press, 2013). une société dont le titre seul est déjà 62. "Je ne puis voir qu'avec plaisir se créer Jérémie, Haîti indépendante, 31. une recommendation," 63. Dubois, Haiti, 185. célébration du centenaire de notre Inles à la 64. "[EJn vue de préparer esprits dépendance." ' Jérémie, Haiti indépendante, iii. 35-51, 59-74. January 28, 1893; Jérémie, Haiti indépendante, 65. Le Peuple, and October 16, 1900. 66. Le Nouvelliste, October 17, 1899. to run for office again and mem67 Less than a decade later, Firmin would try exile. For author and member bers of the association supported his return from L'exécution des Frères Coicou, his support cost him his life. Gérard Jolibois, Massillon Imprimerie Le Natal S.A., 1986). Coicou (Port-au-Prince: 68. Le Devoir, July 2, 1902, 69. December 30, 1902; Jérémie, Jérémie, Haiti indépendante, iv; Le Nouvelliste, 69. Haiti indépendante, 79. la célébration du Centenaire de "D]une façon à la fois digne et modeste, 70. nationale, " Jérémie, Haiti indépendante, 79. notre Indépendance 71. Ibid., 84. 31, 1903. 72. See Le Soir, September 30-December Imprimerie Aug. A. Héraux, L.C. Lhérisson, Pour Dessalines (Port-au-Prince: 731906),9. moi de venir a la même place que le "C'est une bien grande satisfaction pour 74l'Autel de la Patrie notre serment d'indépendance," Fondateur, faire renouveler sur Le Moniteur, January 2, 1904,1. 1804-1904 (Port-auLes fêtes du centenaire aux Gonaives, 75- Antoine Augustin, Prince: Imprimerie Aug. A. Héraux, 1905), 51. de Dessalines: Conférence historique sur la vie Jean-Jacques 76. Jules Rosemond, que le "C'est une bien grande satisfaction pour 74l'Autel de la Patrie notre serment d'indépendance," Fondateur, faire renouveler sur Le Moniteur, January 2, 1904,1. 1804-1904 (Port-auLes fêtes du centenaire aux Gonaives, 75- Antoine Augustin, Prince: Imprimerie Aug. A. Héraux, 1905), 51. de Dessalines: Conférence historique sur la vie Jean-Jacques 76. Jules Rosemond, --- Page 252 --- REVOLUTIONARY COMMEMORATIONS 237 fondateur de lindépendance haitienne (Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de l'Abeille, 1903), 20. 77- Lhérisson, Pour Dessalines, 8; Rosemond, Conférence historique, 50. 78. Septimus Marius, "Discours apologique: en mémoire de Jean-Jacques Dessalines" (Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie Aug. A. Héraux, 1906), 3; Duraciné Vaval, "Conférences historiques: Dessalines devant l'histoire et Toussaint Louverture à travers la littérature nationale" (Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de l'Abeille, 1906),13. 79. Marius, "Discours apologique, n 3; Lhérisson, Pour Dessalines, 8-10. 80. Jérémie, Haiti indépendante, 129. --- Page 253 --- --- Page 254 --- Appendix The Haitian Declaration of Independence The following is a transcription of the Haitian Declaration of Independence according to the official printed copies held at The National Archives of the United Kingdom. This version maintains all original spelling, capitalization, and typos. The translation was produced collaboratively by the editor and contributors of this volume. LIBERTY OR DEATH. LIBERTÉ, OU LA MORT. INDIGENOUS ARMY. ARMÉE INDIGÈNE. TODAY, January first, eighteen hun- AUJOURD'HUI premier Janvier, mil dred and four, the General in Chief huit cent quatre, le Général en Chef of the Indigenous army, accomde l'armée Indigène, accompagné panied by the Generals, Chiefs of des Généraux, Chefs de l'armée, the army, who were summoned in convoqués à l'effet de prendre les order to take the measures that will mesures qui doivent tendre au bonensure the welfare of the country. heur du pays. After having made known to the Après avoir fait connaitre aux assembled Generals, his true inten- Généraux assemblés, ses véritables tions, which are to assure forever a intentions, d'assurer à jamais aux stable Government for the IndigeIndigènes d'Hayti, un Gouvernous of Hayti, his primary objecnement stable, objet de sa plus vive tive; which he did in a speech that sollicitude; ce qu'il a fait par un dishas been made known to Foreign cours qui tend à faire connaître aux Powers, his resolution to make the Puissances Étrangères, la résolution country independent, and to enjoy de rendre le pays indépendant, et a liberty consecrated by the blood of de jouir d'une liberté consacrée the inhabitants of this Island; and par le sang du peuple de cette Isle; after having taken their advice, has et après avoir recueilli les avis, a asked that each of the assembled demandé que chacun des Généraux Generals take an oath to renounce assemblés prononçât le serment to make the Puissances Étrangères, la résolution country independent, and to enjoy de rendre le pays indépendant, et a liberty consecrated by the blood of de jouir d'une liberté consacrée the inhabitants of this Island; and par le sang du peuple de cette Isle; after having taken their advice, has et après avoir recueilli les avis, a asked that each of the assembled demandé que chacun des Généraux Generals take an oath to renounce assemblés prononçât le serment --- Page 255 --- 240 APPENDIX France forever, to die rather than de renoncer à jamais à la France, live under its dominion, and to fight de mourir plutôt que de vivre sous for independence until their last sa domination, et de combattre breath. jusqu'au dernier soupir pour T'indépendance. The Generals, deeply moved by Les Généraux, pénétrés de ces these sacred principles, after having principes sacrés, après avoir donné given with a unanimous voice their d'une voix unanime leur adhésion adherence to the clearly stated proj- au projet bien manifesté d'indépenect ofindependence, have all sworn dance, ont tous juré à la postérité, à to posterity, to the whole universe, to l'univers entier, de renoncer à jamais renounce France forever, and to die à la France, et de mourir plutôt que de rather than live under its dominion. vivre sous sa domination. Done at Gonaives, this 19t, of January Fait aux Gonaives, ce 1°r, Janvier 1804 and the 18t. day ofthe indepen- 1804 et le 1°, jour de l'indépendance dence of Hayti d'Hayti. Signed, DESSALINES, General in Signés, DESSALINES, Général en chief; Christophe, Pétion, Clerchef; Christophe, Pétion, Clervaux, Geffrard, Vernet, Gabart, vaux, Geffrard, Vernet, Gabart, Division Generals; P. Romain, Généraux de Division; P. Romain, E. G[éjrin, F. Capoix, Daut, JeanE. Gerin, F. Capoix, Daut, JeanLouis-Francois, Fléjrou, Cangé, Louis-François, Ferou, Cangé, L. Bazelais, Magloire Ambroise, L. Bazelais, Magloire Ambroise, J. Jques. Herne, Toussaint Brave, J. Jques. Herne, Toussaint Brave, Yayou, Brigadier Generals; Bonnet, Yayou, Généraux de Brigade; Bonnet, F. Papalier, Morelly, Chevalier, F. Papalier, Morelly, Chevalier, Marion, Adjutant Generals; Magny, Marion, Adjudans-Genéraux; Magny, Roux, Chiefs of Brigade; Charléjron, Roux, Chefs de Brigade; Chareron, B. Loret, Quené, Makajoux, Dupuy, B. Loret, Quené, Makajoux, Dupuy, Carbonne, Diaquoi ainé, Raphaël, Carbonne, Diaquoi ainé, Raphaël, Malet, Derenoncourt, Officers of Malet, Derenoncourt, Officiers de the army, and Boisrond Tonnerre, larmée, et Boisrond Tonnerre, Selcjretary Seérétaire. THE GENERAL IN CHIEF, LE GÉNÉRAL EN CHEF, TO THE PEOPLE OF HAYTI AU PEUPLE D'HAYTI. CITIZENS, CITOYENS, IT is not enough to have expelled CE n'est pas assez d'avoir expulsé from your country the barbarians de votre pays les barbares qui l'ont who have bloodied it for two centuensanglanté depuis deux siècles; ries; it is not enough to have put an ce n'est pas assez d'avoir mis un retary Seérétaire. THE GENERAL IN CHIEF, LE GÉNÉRAL EN CHEF, TO THE PEOPLE OF HAYTI AU PEUPLE D'HAYTI. CITIZENS, CITOYENS, IT is not enough to have expelled CE n'est pas assez d'avoir expulsé from your country the barbarians de votre pays les barbares qui l'ont who have bloodied it for two centuensanglanté depuis deux siècles; ries; it is not enough to have put an ce n'est pas assez d'avoir mis un --- Page 256 --- APPENDIX 241 factions that frein aux factions toujours renaisend to those resurgent santes qui se jouaient tour-à-tour one after another mocked the phande liberté que la france of which france exposed du fantôme tom liberty last à vos yeux; il faut par un to our eyes; it is necessary by a exposait d'autorité nationale, national authority, to forever dernier acte act of assurer à jamais l'empire de la ensure the empire of liberty in the liberté dans le pays qui nous a vu country that gave us birth; we must naitre; il faut ravir au gouvernement seize from the inhuman governinhumain qui tient depuis longment that has for a long time kept dans la torpeur in the most humiliating torpor, tems nos esprits us must la plus humiliante, tout espoir de all hope of re-enslaving us; we réasservir; il faut enfin vivre then live independent or die. nous mourir. indépendans ou let Indépendance, ou la mort.. Independence, or death... mots sacrés nous rallient, et these sacred words unite us, and let que ces des combats et of battle, and of qu'ils soient le signal them be the signal de notre réunion. our reunion. Citoyens, mes Compatriotes, jai Citizens, my Countrymen, I have solemnel ces solemn day those rassemblé dans ce jour assembled on this militaires courageux, qui, à la veille courageous soldiers, who, as liberty les derniers soupirs de have spilled their blood to de recueillir lay dying, la liberté, ont prodigué leur sang save her; these Generals who have ces Généraux qui ont efforts against tyranny, pour la sauver; guided your guidé VOS efforts contre la tyrannie, have not yet done enough for your encore assez fait pour the French name still n'ont point happiness... votre bonheur... le nom français haunts our country. lugubre encore nos contrées. Tout y retrace le souvenir des Everything here recalls the cruautés de ce peuple barbare; nos memory of the cruelties oft those nos villes, tout barbarous people; our laws, our lois, nos mceurs, française; still encore porte T'empreinte manners, our towns, everything dis-je, il existe des français dans carries the imprint of the French; que vous croyez libres Frenchmen notre Isle, et vous what do I say, there are de cette République Island, and you think et indépendans in our yet a combattu toutes les nations, il you are free and independent of qui n'a jamais vaincu which fought every est vrai; mais qui that Republic celles qui ont voulu être libres. other nation, it is true; but which those who are has never vanquished determined to be free. Eh quoi! victimes pendant What! victims for fourteen years de notre crédulité et and indulgence; quatorze ans of our credulity de notre indulgence; vaincus, non vanquished, not by French armies, attu toutes les nations, il you are free and independent of qui n'a jamais vaincu which fought every est vrai; mais qui that Republic celles qui ont voulu être libres. other nation, it is true; but which those who are has never vanquished determined to be free. Eh quoi! victimes pendant What! victims for fourteen years de notre crédulité et and indulgence; quatorze ans of our credulity de notre indulgence; vaincus, non vanquished, not by French armies, --- Page 257 --- 242 APPENDIX but by the misleading eloquence of their agents' proclamations; par des armées françaises, mais par when la will we be tired ofl breathing the pipeuse éloquence des proclasame air as they do? What do mations de leurs agens; quand have in common with these we nous lasserons-nous de respirer le tioners? Their execumême air qu'eux? Qu'avons-nous cruelty compared to de commun our patient moderation; their color avec ce peuple bourwith ours, the vast of reau? Sa cruauté comparée à notre expanse the patiente seas that separate us, our modération; sa couleur avenging à la nôtre, l'étendue climate, all tell us that they are not des mers qui our brothers, that they will nous séparent, notre climat never be, nous disent vengeur and that if they find asylum assez qu'ils ne sont pas us, they will again be the among nos frères, qu'ils ne le deviendront of our troubles and instigators jamais, et que s'ils trouvent un our divisions. asile parmi nous, ils seront encore les machinateurs de nos troubles et de Native Citizens, nos divisions. men, women, Citoyens girls and children, cast your Indigènes, hommes, on every part of this Island, look gaze femmes, filles et enfans, portés your wives, for VOS regards sur toutes les your husbands, your de cette Isle, parties brothers, and your sisters; what do cherchez-y, vous I say, look for your children, VOS épouses, vous VOS maris, vous suckling babies? What has your VOS frères, vous VOS soeurs; que ofthem... I shudder to become dis-je, cherchez-y VOS enfans, VOS the say it.. enfans à la mamelle? prey oft these vultures. Instead Que sont-ils ofthese precious victims, devenus... Je frémis de le dire.. saddened your la proie de ces vautours. Au lieu de eye only sees their assasces victimes sins; these tigers still covered with intéressantes, votre their blood, and whose atrocious ceil consterné n'apperçoit que leurs presence reproaches assassins; que les tigres dégoutyour insensitant encore de leur tivity and your culpable slowness sang, et dont in avenging them. What are l'affreuse présence vous reproche waiting for before you votre insensibilité et votre coupable appeasing their lenteur à les spirits; remember that you want venger. Qu'attendezvous pour leurs your remains to rest near those of appaiser mânes; your fathers, when you have driven songez que vous avez voulu que VOS tyranny out; will you descend into restes reposassent auprès de ceux de their tombs without VOS pères, quand vous avez chassé having avenged la tyrannie; them? No, their bones would releur descendrez-vous dans pulse yours. tombes, sans les avoir vengés? Non, leur ossemens repousseraient And les vôtres. you precious men, intrepid Et vous hommes précieux, , when you have driven songez que vous avez voulu que VOS tyranny out; will you descend into restes reposassent auprès de ceux de their tombs without VOS pères, quand vous avez chassé having avenged la tyrannie; them? No, their bones would releur descendrez-vous dans pulse yours. tombes, sans les avoir vengés? Non, leur ossemens repousseraient And les vôtres. you precious men, intrepid Et vous hommes précieux, --- Page 258 --- APPENDIX 243 Généraux intrépides qui, insenGenerals who, without concern malheurs, have sibles à VOS propres for your own misfortunes, la liberté en lui resuscitated liberty by giving her avez ressuscité sachez blood; know that you have prodiguant tout votre sang; all your vous n'avez rien fait, si vous nothing, unless you que accomplished but ne donnez aux nations un exemple give to the nations a terrible, mais juste, de la vengeance just, example of the vengeance that terrible, fier nation que doit exercer un peuple must be wrought by a proud d'avoir recouvré sa liberté, et jaloux of having recovered its liberty, and effrayons tous of maintaining it; let us de la maintenir; nous jealous dare ceux qui oseraient tenter de frighten all those who would commençons par to take it from us again: let us la ravir encore: to try Let them les français.. Qu'ils frémissent begin with the French.. nos côtes, sinon par le shudder when they approach our en abordant y ont of souvenir des cruautés qu'ils coasts, if not from the memory moins la résolution perpetrated there, exercées, au par the cruelties they that terrible que nous allons prendre then by the terrible resolution de dévouer à la mort, quiconque we shall enter into of putting to souillerait de son pied who is born French, né français, death, anyone le territoire de la liberté. and who would soil with their sacri- sacrilége legious foot the territory of liberty. osé être libres, We have dared to be free, let us Nous avons nous-mémes et pour and for osons l'être par dare to be SO by ourselves nous-mëmes; imitons T'enfant qui ourselves; let us imitate the growing poids brise la breaks the grandit: son propre child: his own weight lisière lui devient inutile et l'enbassinet that has become useless to qui trave dans sa marche. Quel peuple him and that shackles him in his nous! quel peuple march. What people fought for us? a combattu pour les fruits de nos What nation would reap the fruits of voudrait recueillir what dishonorable travaux? Et quelle déshonorante our labors? And absurdité que de vaincre pour être absurdity it would be to vanquish to Esclaves!.. laissons aux become slaves. Slaves let us leave esclaves. qualificative; have français cette épithète that epithet to the French; they vaincu pour cesser d'être to lose their freedom. ils ont won, only let libres. Let us walk in other footsteps, Marchons sur d'autres traces, us imitate those nations who, carryqui, portant their solicitude all the way to the imitons ces peuples l'aveing leurs sollicitudes jusques sur future and not willing to leave an de laisser à la example of cowardice for posterity, nir et appréhendant de la lâcheté, ont to be exterminated postérité l'exemple have preferred être exterminés que rayés rather than to lose their place on the préférés libres. du nombre des peuples list of free nations. itate those nations who, carryqui, portant their solicitude all the way to the imitons ces peuples l'aveing leurs sollicitudes jusques sur future and not willing to leave an de laisser à la example of cowardice for posterity, nir et appréhendant de la lâcheté, ont to be exterminated postérité l'exemple have preferred être exterminés que rayés rather than to lose their place on the préférés libres. du nombre des peuples list of free nations. --- Page 259 --- 244 APPENDIX Gardons-nous cependant que Let us ensure however that a ne détruise spirit does not destroy l'esprit de prosélitisme proselytizing breathe notre ouvrage; laissons en paix our work; let our neighbors nos voisins, qu'ils vivent in peace, let them live quietly under respirer des lois of the laws that they have paisiblement sous l'égide the aegis se sont faites, et n'allons made for themselves, and let us qu'ils révolutionnaires, firebrands pas, boutes-feu not go, as revolutionary of nous érigeant en législateur des proclaiming ourselves legislators Antilles, faire consister notre gloire the Antilles, seek glory by disturbà troubler le repos des Isles qui ing the tranquility ofthe neighboravoisinent; elles n'ont point, ing Islands; they have not, like the nous nous habitons, inhabit, been drenched comme celles que one that we été arrosées du sang innocent de with the innocent blood oft their habitans; ils n'ont point de inhabitants; they have no vengeance leurs contre l'autorité that vengeance à exercer to claim from the authority qui les protège. protects them. Heureuses de n'avoir jamais Fortunate to have never known les Aléaux qui nous ont the scourges that have destroyed us; connu que faire wish for our welfare. détruit; elles ne peuvent they can only des voeux pour notre prospérité. but Paix à nos voisins, mais Peace to our neighbors, haine French name, eter- anathême au nom français, anathema to the éternelle à la france: voilà notre cri. nal hatred to france: that is our cry. d'Hayti! mon heuNatives of Hayti! My happy desIndigènes à être the sentinel reuse destinée me réservait tiny was to be one day la sentinelle qui dût veiller who is to guard the idol to which un jour de l'idole à laquelle vous sacrifice: I have stood guard, à la garde you alone; and ifl sacrifiez: jai veillé, combattu, fought, sometimes seul; et si jai été assez have been SO fortunate to deliver to quelquefois de remettre en VOS the sacred charge you entrusted heureux que you that it is now mains le dépôt sacré que vous to my care, remember m'avez confié, songez que c'est à your turn to preserve it. In fighting à le conserver. En for liberty, I labored towards vous maintenant your combattant pour votre liberté jai traBefore consolimy own happiness. in- vaillé à mon propre bonheur. Avant dating it by laws that ensure your de la consolider par des lois qui asdividual liberty, your Chiefs, whom I libre individualité, VOS here, and I, owe you surent votre am assembling Chefs, que Jassemble ici, et moithe last proof of our devotion. même nous vous devons la dernière preuve de notre dévouement. Généraux, et vous Chefs, réunis Generals, and you Chiefs, gathde moi pour le bonheur de ered here with me for the happiness ici près dating it by laws that ensure your de la consolider par des lois qui asdividual liberty, your Chiefs, whom I libre individualité, VOS here, and I, owe you surent votre am assembling Chefs, que Jassemble ici, et moithe last proof of our devotion. même nous vous devons la dernière preuve de notre dévouement. Généraux, et vous Chefs, réunis Generals, and you Chiefs, gathde moi pour le bonheur de ered here with me for the happiness ici près --- Page 260 --- APPENDIX 245 notre le jour est arrivé, ce jour of our country, the day has arrived, pays, notre gloire, notre this day will eternalize our glory, our qui doit éterniser indépendance. independence. S'il pouvait exister parmi nous Should a cool heart be amongst tiède, s'éloigne et let him draw back, and tremble un coeur qu'il you, the tremble de prononcer le serment at the thought of pronouncing doit nous unir. oath that is to unite us. qui à Punivers entier, à la postérité, the whole universe, Jurons Let uS swear before à nous-mèmes de renoncer à jamais à to posterity, to ourselves to renounce et de mourir plutôt que de and to die rather than la france, France forever, vivre sous sa domination. live under its dominion. the De combattrej jusqu'au dernier soupir Tofight until our last breath for l'indépendance de notre pays. independence ofour country. pour who have too Et toi, peuple trop long-tems And you, people infortuné, témoin du serment que long been unfortunate, witness the souviens toi que remember nous prononçons, oath that we are taking, c'est sur ta constance et ton courage that I have counted on your fidelity quand je me suis when I entered the pur- que jai compté and courage lancé dans la carrière de la liberté suit of liberty to fight the despotism combattre le despotisme et and the tyranny against which you pour y tu luttais la tyrannie contre lesquels had struggled for fourteen years; quatorze ans; rapelle-toi remember that I have sacrificed depuis sacrifié voler à ta defense, que jai tout pour everything to fly to your enfans, fortune, children, fortune, and now défense, parens, suis riche parents, that et que maintenant je ne I am rich only in your liberty; de ta liberté; que mon nom name has become a horror to que les my and that est devenu en horreur à tous all those who want slavery, qui veulent l'esclavage, et despots and tyrants never utter it peuples et les tyrans ne le unless to curse the day that I was que les despotes maudissant le born; and if you ever rejected or prononcent qu'en naître; et si jamais while receiving the laws jour qui m'a vu grumbled tu refusais ou recevais en murmuthat the spirit that watches over les lois le génie qui veille destiny dictates to me for your rant que ton your would deserve the à tes destins me dictera pour happiness, you bonheur, tu mériterais le sort des fate of ungrateful peoples. peuples ingrats. idea; Mais loin de moi cette affreuse But I reject this shocking idée; tu seras le soutien de la liberté you will be the support of the liberty vu grumbled tu refusais ou recevais en murmuthat the spirit that watches over les lois le génie qui veille destiny dictates to me for your rant que ton your would deserve the à tes destins me dictera pour happiness, you bonheur, tu mériterais le sort des fate of ungrateful peoples. peuples ingrats. idea; Mais loin de moi cette affreuse But I reject this shocking idée; tu seras le soutien de la liberté you will be the support of the liberty --- Page 261 --- 246 APPENDIX you cherish, the support of the chief que tu chéris, l'appui du Chef qui te who commands you. commande. Take then before him the oath Prête donc entre ses mains le ofl living free and independent, and serment de vivre libre et indépento prefer death to anything that will dant, et de préférer la mort à tout try to place you back under the yoke. ce qui tendrait à te remettre sous Swear at last, to pursue forever the le joug. Jure enfin, de poursuivre à traitors and the enemies of your jamais les traîtres et les ennemis de independence. ton indépendance. DONE at the Headquarters at FAIT au Quartier-général des Gonaives, the first January, cighteen Gonaives, le premier Janvier, mil hundred and four, the first year of huit cent quatre, l'An premier de independence, Findépendance, Signed, J. J. DESSALINES. Signé, J. J. DESSALINES. IN THE NAME OF THE PEOPLE AU NOM DU PEUPLE OF HAYTI. D'HAYTI. WE the Generals in Chief of the NOUS Généraux en Chefs des Armies of the Island of Hayti, Armées de l'Isle d'Hayti, pénétrés penetrated with gratitude for the de reconnaissance des bienfaits que benefits guaranteed by the General nous avons éprouvés du Général en in Chief, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Chef, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, le the protector of the liberty which the protecteur de la liberté dont jouit le nation enjoys. peuple. In the name of liberty, in the Au nom de la liberté, au nom de name ofi independence, in the name T'indépendance, au nom du peuple of the people he has made happy, qu'ila rendu heureux, nous le we proclaim him GovernorGeneral, proclamons Gouverneur-Général, for life, of Hayti; we swear to blindly à vie, d'Hayti; nous jurons d'obéir obey the Laws issued by his author- aveuglement aux Lois émanées ity, the only one we acknowledge: de son autorité, la seule que nous we give him power to make peace, reconnaitrons: nous lui donnons le war, and to name his successor. droit de faire la paix, la guerre et de nommer son successeur. Done at the Headquarters of Fait au QuartierGénéral des GoGonaives, this 1", of January 1804, naives, ce 1", Janvier 1804, et le 1", and the 1"t. day of independence jour de T'indépendance. --- Page 262 --- APPENDIX 247 Signed, Gabart, P. Romain, J. Herne, Signés, Gabart, P. Romain, J. Herne, Capoix, Christophe, Geffrard, Capoix, Christophe, Geffrard, E. G(é]rin, Vernet, Pétion, Clervaux, E. Gerin, Vernet, Pétion, Clervaux, Jean-Louis-Francois, Cangé, F[élrou, Jean-Louis-François, Cangé, Ferou, Yayou, Touissant Brave, Magloire Yayou, Toussaint Brave, Magloire Ambroise, Louis Bazelais. Ambroise, Louis Bazelais. AT PORT-AU-PRINCE, FROM THE AU PORT-AU-PRINCE, DE L'IMGOVERNMENT PRINTING PRESS. PRIMERIE DU GOUVERNEMENT. in, Vernet, Pétion, Clervaux, Jean-Louis-Francois, Cangé, F[élrou, Jean-Louis-François, Cangé, Ferou, Yayou, Touissant Brave, Magloire Yayou, Toussaint Brave, Magloire Ambroise, Louis Bazelais. Ambroise, Louis Bazelais. AT PORT-AU-PRINCE, FROM THE AU PORT-AU-PRINCE, DE L'IMGOVERNMENT PRINTING PRESS. PRIMERIE DU GOUVERNEMENT. --- Page 263 --- --- Page 264 --- Bibliography Abercrombie, Thomas A. "Mothers and Mistresses of the Urban Bolivian Public Sphere: Postcolonial Predicament and National Imaginary in Oruro's Carnival." In After Spanish Rule: Postcolonial Predicaments ofthe Americas, ed. Mark Thurner and Andrés Guerrero. 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Emotion Embodied Wood, Gordon S. The Radicalism 9 (2009): 464-77 ofthe American Revolution. The American Revolution: A New York: Knopf, 1991. Yacou, Alain. "Le péril haïtien History. New York: Modern Library, 2002. à Cuba: de la révolution de nègre à la l'indépendance, 1791-1825.' 7 In La révolution reconnaissance tures, nouvelles dimensions, vol. française et Haiti: filiations, 2, ed. Michel Hector. rupschamps, 1991. Port-au-Prince: Henri DeZizek, Slavoj. In Defense OfLost Causes. 2nd ed. London and New York: Verso, 2009. haïtien History. New York: Modern Library, 2002. à Cuba: de la révolution de nègre à la l'indépendance, 1791-1825.' 7 In La révolution reconnaissance tures, nouvelles dimensions, vol. française et Haiti: filiations, 2, ed. Michel Hector. rupschamps, 1991. Port-au-Prince: Henri DeZizek, Slavoj. In Defense OfLost Causes. 2nd ed. London and New York: Verso, 2009. --- Page 282 --- Contributors Professor of History at Harvard DAVID ARMITAGE is the Lloyd C. Blankfein Declaration of his fourteen books to date are The Independence: University. Among Revolutions in Global Context, C. 1760-1840 (coA Global History (2008), The Age of Foundations of Modern International 2010), edited with Sanjay Subrahmanyam, (coauthored with Jo Guldi, 2014). Thought (2013), and The History Manifesto of Human Sciences of the State University JEAN CASIMIR teaches at the Faculty of Haiti and the Caribbean. He courses on culture and society of Haiti, including Economic Commission for Latin Amerpreviously served with the United Nations ambassador to the United ica and the Caribbean and represented his country as his published books are La of American States. Among States and the Organization Mars award oft the Faculty of which received the Jean-Price cultura oprimida (1980), Haiti; La Caraibe, une et divisible (1991); Haiti, acuérEthnology, State University of interminable dialogue de sourds (2009); and date de 1804 (2007); Haiti et ses élites, un Haiti de mis amores (2012). of Romance Studies and HisLAURENT DUBOIS is the Marcello Lotti Professor the New World: The Story He is the author of Avengers of tory at Duke University. The of History (2012). He is Haitian Revolution (2004) and Haiti: Aftershocks of the of the banjo in the Atlantic World. currently working on a history Assistant Professor of History at Georgia State University. JULIA GAFFIELD is in the Remaking of the Early NineteenthShe is the author of"Haiti and Jamaica 2012) and Haitian ConnecAtlantic World," (William and Mary Quarterly, Century World: Recognition after Revolution (2015). tions in the Atlantic Professor of History and advisor for the TransJOHN GARRIGUS is Associate of Texas at Arlington. He is the Atlantic History PhD Program at the University (2006), which won of Haiti: Race and Citizenship in Saint-Domingue author Before for French Historical Studies. He COthe Gilbert Chinard Prize from the Society on the Haitian Revwith Laurent Dubois, a collection of primary sources edited, 2012) and Haitian ConnecAtlantic World," (William and Mary Quarterly, Century World: Recognition after Revolution (2015). tions in the Atlantic Professor of History and advisor for the TransJOHN GARRIGUS is Associate of Texas at Arlington. He is the Atlantic History PhD Program at the University (2006), which won of Haiti: Race and Citizenship in Saint-Domingue author Before for French Historical Studies. He COthe Gilbert Chinard Prize from the Society on the Haitian Revwith Laurent Dubois, a collection of primary sources edited, --- Page 283 --- 268 CONTRIBUTORS in the Caribbean (2006). He is currently working olution entitled Slave Revolution with Trevor Burnard of the study of Saint-Domingue and Jamaica on a comparative University of Melbourne. of History at the University of Florida, Gainesville. DAVID GEGGUS is Professor Haitian Revolutionary Studies His books include Slavery, War and Revolution (1982), History (2014). The Haitian Revolution: A Documentary (2002), and, most recently, Professor of History at MIT and the author MALICK W. GHACHEM is Associate of The Old Regime and the Haitian Revolution (2012). author of two books on the Haitian Revolution. The PHILIPPE GIRARD is the retraced the Haitian war of indepenfirst, The Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon (2011), Louverture's memoir (2014). dence. The second was a critical edition of Toussaint State University. He and Department Head at McNeese He is Professor of History is working on a biography of" Toussaint Louverture. Studies and Global Health and JENSON is Professor of Romance DEBORAH Institute at Duke University, where she also Director of the Franklin Humanities theme of Bass Connections initiatives including the "Brain and Society" codirects in Paris global education program. Her publicaand the Duke Neurohumanities The Haiti Issue (2005), Beyond the Slave tions include Yale French Studies, No. 107: Revolution (2011), Unconscious Politics, Sex, and Manuscripts in the Haitian Narrative: Colonial Trauma, and Global Sovereignties (with Warwick Dominions: Psychoanalysis, and Poetry of Haitian Independence (with Anderson and Richard C. Keller, 2011), Doris Kadish, 2015). William T. Bryan Chair of History at the University JEREMY D. POPKIN is the Revolution include Facing Racial Revof Kentucky. His publications on the Haitian You Are All Free: The Accounts ofthe Haitian Insurrection (2007), olution: Eyewitness and A Concise History of the Revolution and the Abolition of Slavery (2010), Haitian Haitian Revolution (2012). Information Science Specialist Curator at the BiblioPATRICK TARDIEU is the thèque Haitienne des Pères du Saint-Esprit. of History, Philosophy, ZAVITZ is Assistant Professor in the Department ERIN Western. Her research has received and Social Science at the University of Montana Fellowship and the Chafrom the Dan David Foundation's Young Scholars others. She is the support Humanities and Social Sciences Fellowship among teaubriand Genesis in the Haitian Press: Massillon Coicou's author of "Encountering Creole by 'La Noire," in La Espanola: Isla de Encuentros (edited Fin-de-Siècle Feuilleton Greiger, Jessica Barzen, and Silke Jansen, 2015). Hanna ERIN Western. Her research has received and Social Science at the University of Montana Fellowship and the Chafrom the Dan David Foundation's Young Scholars others. She is the support Humanities and Social Sciences Fellowship among teaubriand Genesis in the Haitian Press: Massillon Coicou's author of "Encountering Creole by 'La Noire," in La Espanola: Isla de Encuentros (edited Fin-de-Siècle Feuilleton Greiger, Jessica Barzen, and Silke Jansen, 2015). Hanna --- Page 284 --- Index Abercrombie, Thomas, 233n8 Ancien Régime, 182, 194 abolition ofslavery, 99-100, 102-3, 105, anciens libres, 39n37, 224 112, 141, 144, 148-49. 152n13, 184; in anthropology, 72, 80, 82, 85-86, 207 French Empire, 26, 112n11, 127, 142, Aponte, José Antonio, 147 193;in Saint-Domingue, 4-5, 26, Aquin, 45, 47, 49-50, 52, 57n54 29-30, 67, 104, 108, 124, 187,194-95 Aravamudan, Srinivas, 80 Abomey, 205 archives, vii,7, 10, 12, 37n7, 62, 65-66, Abrantès, Laure Junot d,74-75 139, 203-4, 239 Abricots, 197 Ardouin, Beaubrun, 6-7, 10, 28, 33-35. acculturation, 189 42-43, 55n7, 59, 63-64, 116, 121, 123, Achilles,76 127-128, 134124, 134n28, 143, 194, Adams, John, 143 225-26, 234m18 Adams, John Quincy, 173-74. 18on47, Aristotle, 76 18ons1 Armée Indigène, 9, 11-12, 26, 34, 58Africa, and people of African descent, 59, 161, 197, 222 ix, 2, 17n4, 18n6, 26-27, 38n13, 45, Armitage, David, viii, ix, xi, 101, 104, 59, 67.77-79. 81-82, 88, 88n1, 112n3, 122 91n43, 106, 129, 137, 140, 143, 146, Armstrong, Andrew, 174 165,1 184, 189-90, 195, 199, 201, 206, armies, 4, 81; Dessalines's, 12, 26, 50, 207-12, 214-15, 221, 222, 226 66,72, 146, 161; French, 4-5, 27, 32, Agamben, Giorgio, 106 35, 53, 66, 18, 127, 161, 187, 194; evacAge of Revolution, ix-x, 7, 9, 17, 21035, uation of French, 5, 34, 58-59, n8, 25-26, 98, 109, 111, 112n6, 151 184; Haitian, 11, 63, 150, 221, 228, 230; Aimé, B., 34 Louverture's, 50, 142, 145; rebel, 145, Alaux, Gustave d', 86 168, 221. See also Armée Indigène Albany (ship), 175 Artibonite, 127, 208, 210, 222 Albany Register, 166 Artigas, José Gervasio, 172 Alexis, Nord, 230-32 assimilation, 186. See also acculturation Alvarez, Benita Rodriguez, 1 associated statehood, 29 American Declaration of Independence. Association de Généalogie d'Haiti, See under United States 57n40 American occupation of Haiti, 8 asylum, 99,1 105, 119, 148, 156n81 American Revolution. See United States Atlantic Ocean, viii, 48, 51, 60, 66, 210, Amis des noirs, 50, 86 212-14 assimilation, 186. See also acculturation Alvarez, Benita Rodriguez, 1 associated statehood, 29 American Declaration of Independence. Association de Généalogie d'Haiti, See under United States 57n40 American occupation of Haiti, 8 asylum, 99,1 105, 119, 148, 156n81 American Revolution. See United States Atlantic Ocean, viii, 48, 51, 60, 66, 210, Amis des noirs, 50, 86 212-14 --- Page 285 --- 270 INDEX Atlantic revolutions. See Age of Boileau, Nicolas, 83 Revolution Bois Caïman, 3, 18n7, 101 Atlantic World, vii-viii, ix, xi, 1-3, 5, Boisron, Marie Catherine, 44-45 7-10, 12, 16-17, 25-26, 36, 61, 66, Boisrond, Claude, 47 97-100, 103-5, 108-11, 129, 137, 147, Boisrond, François, 45-47 151, 164, 172, 174, 176 Boisrond, Laurent, 50 audience, 14, 21043, 26, 31, 74, 104, 120, Boisrond, Louis-François, 49-50 136, 173, 221-23, 233n12 Boisrond, Marie Adelaide, 47 Auerbach, Erich, 80 Boisrond, Marie Françoise, 47 Auguste, Claude,7 Boisrond, Mathurin, 43,47 Auguste, Marcel,7 Boisrond-Tonnerre, Louis Félix, 41n48, Aurora General Advertiser 42-57; naming of, 43, 48; Mémoires, (Philadelphia), 166 21n3, 42-43, 51-53, 232n3 Austrian Empire, 9 Boissé, Marie Rose, 47 authoritarianism, 30, 98, 103, 109-11, Bolivar, Simôn, 32, 66, 99, 105, 149, 151 196, 203, 220, 222 Bonaparte, Napoléon, viii, 4, 26, 29authorship (ofthe Haitian Declaration 30, 32, 52, 66, 77, 101, 107, 129, 138, of Independence), 13, 26-29.42, 141-42, 145, 150, 184, 194, 201 53-54, 64-65.72-73.76, 85, 116, Bonnet, Guy-Joseph, 116, 121, 125, 13314, 121-23, 130, 219 Avila, Martin, 1 Bombay, viii, 12 bossale, 67, 106, 187. 77, 101, 107, 129, 138, of Independence), 13, 26-29.42, 141-42, 145, 150, 184, 194, 201 53-54, 64-65.72-73.76, 85, 116, Bonnet, Guy-Joseph, 116, 121, 125, 13314, 121-23, 130, 219 Avila, Martin, 1 Bombay, viii, 12 bossale, 67, 106, 187. See also Africa, and Badi, Azo, 205 people of African descent Baltimore, 161, 171, 174-75 Boston, 166 Banda Oriental, 172 Boukman, 3 Barbados, 146, 188 Bourbonneles-Bains, 115 Barsalou, Lawrence,79-80 Boury, Jacques, 46 Barstow, Eric, 205, 217n16 Boyer, Jean-Pierre, 33, 148-49, 151, 173Barthes, Roland, 75 74, 226, 234n24 Bastille, 193 Brandom, Eric, 135152 Battle of Vertières, 231 Braquehais, Pierre, 47 Beauvoir, Max, 208 Brière, Jean-François, 170 Bellegarde, Dantès, 230 brigands, 18, 166 Benot, Yves, 29 Brissot, Jean-Pierre, 140, 142 Benton, Lauren, 172, 176, 179n40 broadside printing, vii, 11-12, 20n29, Bergeaud, Émile, 128 37n7, 62, 65, 201 Besse, Martial, 143 Broca, Paul, 82, 85-86, gon31, 91n43 Biassou, Georges, 126 Brown, Gordon S., 162, 174 Bibliothèque Haîtienne des Pères du Brown, Karen McCarthy, 204, 206 Saint-Esprit, 207 Buck-Morss, Susan, 131 Bilby, Kenneth, 204 Bullet, Jeannot, 126 Bissainthe, Max, 64 Bureau des Domaines, 50 Blackburn, Robin, 33-34, 40n47, 16 Bureau National d'Ethnologie (Haiti), Blake, William, 78-79, 81, 87 217n24 blood, 1, 5, 16, 28, 31-32, 39n37, 42, 65.73-74.76-77. 18, 121, 123-26, Cangé, Pierre, 53 128-29, 138 Cap Français. See Cap Haîtien Boca Nigua (Dominican Republic), 140 Cap Haîtien, 1, 5, 39n39, 40n39, 43,49, --- Page 286 --- INDEX 271 52, 60, 62-63, 112n1, 18-119, 126, Clervaux, Augustin, 5, 35, 41054, 41n57, 173, 212, 222-23, 227 59-60, 88ns, 121 Cap Henry. Cap Français. See Cap Haîtien Boca Nigua (Dominican Republic), 140 Cap Haîtien, 1, 5, 39n39, 40n39, 43,49, --- Page 286 --- INDEX 271 52, 60, 62-63, 112n1, 18-119, 126, Clervaux, Augustin, 5, 35, 41054, 41n57, 173, 212, 222-23, 227 59-60, 88ns, 121 Cap Henry. See Cap Haïtien Coal, Clement, 175 capitalism, 188, 193 cocoa, 163 Capois-la-Mort, François (also CapoixCode civil (France), 107 la-Mort), 223 Code Henry (1812), 204 caporalisme agraire (agrarian Code noir, 107, 110, 124, 183, 186, 193, authoritarianism), 188, 196 captives, 2, 61, 148, 181-82, 186-87, coffee, 2, 4, 47, 55-56n21, 161, 163, 171 189-92, 195-96, 198 cognitive linguistics, 13, 75,79 Cartagena, 141, 147 Coicou, Massillon, 230, 236n60, Casimir, Jean, 2-3, 15, 202-3 236n67 Catling, J, 164 colonialism, viii, 1-4, 8-9, 25-26, Cauna, Jacques de, 6 28-30, 40n46, 44-46, 48-52, 54, Cavaillon, 47, 52 57n48, 61, 66.72-73.75-78-29.85, Célius, Carlo, 221-22, 229 9on33, 91n43, 97,99, 101-2, 104-8, Chanlatte, François Desrivières, 150 112n11, 116-19, 124, 126-27, 129,131, Chanlatte, Juste, 28, 39n37.41048, 137-43, 144- 50, 165, 167-70, 181-88, 123-24 190-95.197-98, 203, 205, 212, 215, Charéron, Jean-Jacques, 33, 41n48, 221, 227 64-65, 121 colonists, 3, 14, 25, 28-29, 31, 33, 35-36, Charleston, South Carolina, 140, 147, 44-45,49, 54, 5517.73. , 144- 50, 165, 167-70, 181-88, 123-24 190-95.197-98, 203, 205, 212, 215, Charéron, Jean-Jacques, 33, 41n48, 221, 227 64-65, 121 colonists, 3, 14, 25, 28-29, 31, 33, 35-36, Charleston, South Carolina, 140, 147, 44-45,49, 54, 5517.73. 81, 88, 120, 122, 124, 126-27, 129-30, 134n32, 181, Chavannes, Jean-Baptiste, 18 186, 197 Chazotte, Peter Stephen, 124-25 Conseil des Notables (Saintchildren, 32, 34, 40n39, 43, 45-49, 50, Domingue), 62 52-53, 58-59, 67.73-74. 83, 16, Continental Congress, 104 119-20, 124, 133n9, 192, 228-29 commemorations ofi independence, Chirinos, José Leonardo, 141 219-32, 232n3, 234m18 Christophe, Henry, 5, 30, 35, 41054, commerce, 51, 108, 163, 169, 197 41057, 59-60, 86-87, 88ns, 121, Congo, 210-11, 214; kingdom of, 2 125, 148, 150-51, 170-75, 222-23; as Congo River, 2 monarch, 106, 173, 18on45 constitutions, 199, 224; 1787, of the citizens, 193; active, 182; French, 2-3, United States, 102; 1795, of France, 166, 195; Haitian, 2, 33, 62-63.73, 112n11; 1801, of Saint-Domingue, 76, 117,1 120,127-28, 221-22, 227; pas4, 30, 66, 100-102, 104, 107, 109, sive, 182; United States, 171, 174-75 145-46, 168, 182, 184; 1805, of Haiti, citizenship, 2-4, 30, 148-49, 183, 222 72, 104, 109, 146, 168, 223, 227; City Gazette and Daily Advertiser 1806, of Haiti, 148; 1807, of Haiti, (Charleston), 166 148; 1816 revision, of Haiti, 148-49; civil war: in Haiti (1806-20), 106, 148, 1846, of Haiti, 228 173, 18on46; in Haiti (1902), 230; in consuls, 7; American, 18on51 Saint-Domingue (1799-1800), 29, Corbet, Edward, 64 34, 50, 122, 124, 143, 224, 226; in the Coro revolt, 141 United States (1861-65), 176; Vattel's Council of Five Hundred (France), 43, analysis of, 168 Clark V. , 148, 1846, of Haiti, 228 173, 18on46; in Haiti (1902), 230; in consuls, 7; American, 18on51 Saint-Domingue (1799-1800), 29, Corbet, Edward, 64 34, 50, 122, 124, 143, 224, 226; in the Coro revolt, 141 United States (1861-65), 176; Vattel's Council of Five Hundred (France), 43, analysis of, 168 Clark V. the United States (1809), 167, counter-plantation system, 3, 190-91, 169-70 203-4 --- Page 287 --- 272 INDEX courts, 168, 203; Circuit Court of 52-53, 55n7, 59-66,72-76.78. 80, Pennsylvania, 167, 170; claims cases 82, 85-87, 88ns, 9on33, 95-101, by merchants against the Haitian 104-11, 13n25, 115-16, 118-25, 127-31, government, 171-76; colonial, 44; 132n4, 134n24, 134n28, 16-39, District Court of Eastern Pennsyl145-51, 152n13, 156n68, 161, 164, 166, vania, 167; prize, 167; US, 164, 168, 173-74, 180n46, 194, 201-3, 167-68, 170 205-10, 219-32, 232n3, 233n12; creole, 26, 53-54, 67, 106, 141, 210-11; assassination, 31, 148, 224-25, 228, creolization, 197, 214; languages, 33, 231-32, 232n3, 234m16; children, 202, 209. See also Krèyol/Creole 228; as emperor, 1, 30-31, 88n5, Cri des colons (1810), 86 119, 146, 164, 206, 208, 222-29; Croix-des-Bouquets, 81 as governor general, 11-12, 26, 30, Cuba, 145, 147-48, 150, 164, 197; 64, 125, 219-20, 232n2; as lwva, 16, governor of, 5; slave conspiracies, 205-6, 225 39, 140 Dessalines, Marie- Claire Heureuse cultivators (cultivateurs), 4, 49, 104, 144, Félicité Bonheur, 125, 164-65, 223, 146, 182, 184,193 Curaçao, 141, 143,151 Dévot, Justin, 230 Diaquoi (or Diakwé), General, 125 Dahomey, 205 Diaz, Michele, 84 Danticat, Edwidge, 95 dictatorships, 8-9, 30, 109, 117, 125, Danton, Georges, 142 130-31, 234016 Daut, Marlene, 161-62, 170, 18on45 Dictionnaire de bibliographie haitienne, Davies, Henry, 175 Davis, David Brion, 102 Diderot, Denis, 123-24, 129, 134 Davis, Natalie Zemon, 97 dignity, 5, 121, 175, 190 Dayan, Colin (Joan), 207, 226 diplomacy, 14, 42, 64, 145-46, 150, dechoukaj, 28 161-62, 166-67, 169-72, 175-77, 229 Declaration ofthe Rights of Man and of discrimination, 2, 48, 100, 113, 182 the Citizen (1789), 3, 102, 112n11, 151. , 5, 121, 175, 190 Dayan, Colin (Joan), 207, 226 diplomacy, 14, 42, 64, 145-46, 150, dechoukaj, 28 161-62, 166-67, 169-72, 175-77, 229 Declaration ofthe Rights of Man and of discrimination, 2, 48, 100, 113, 182 the Citizen (1789), 3, 102, 112n11, 151. Domage (cousin of Dessalines), 125 See also rights Drescher, Seymour, 150 decolonization, 26, 30, 91n43, 146 drums, 81, 206, 222 de facto independence, 15, 29, 101, 128, Dubois, Laurent, 3, 6, 16, 25, 116, 132n4 221-22 Dufay, Louis, 115 Défilée (Haitian woman), 225 Duke University, 76-77, 202, 205, Dehaene, Stanislas, 9on33 218n28 Dehoux, J. B., 85 Duvalier dictatorships, 8, 112, 130 de jure independence, 15, 29 De la gérontocratie en Haiti, 87 earthquake, 8, 10 democracy, 17, 25, 30-31, 110, 137, 226 education, 13, 28, 41, 44, 48, 51, 53, 64, Desai, Rutavik, 84 73,7 77, 85, 87, 9on33. 12n1, 117, 121, Descoubes, Alexis, 47 124, 164, 185, 188-89, 191, 221 Descourtilz, Michel-Etienne, 88n1, Egerton, Douglas, 143, 154146 134n21, 135136, 210 Ely, William, 164-65 Deslondes, Charles, 147 emancipation, 29, 103, 140-42, 144, Dessalines, Jean-Jacques, vii, 4-5, 9, 146, 153119, 182-87, 193,1 195-96. See 11-16, 26-35, 37n9, 38n22, 39n37, also abolition 40n44, 40n47, 41054, 42, 44, 50, Embargo Act (1807), 167 --- Page 288 --- INDEX 273 emergency law, 106-9, 121 and abolition, 140-41; army of, 4-5, Enlightenment, 12, 25.97.1 129 26-27, 29, 32, 34-35, 41057, 52-53, enslaved people, 2-4, 15, 26-27, 29-30, 59, 66,72, 96-97, 118-19, 122, 127, 34, 39n37, 45-47, 49, 52, 66,76-77, 146, 148, 161, 168, 184; authority of, 82, 88, 99, 102-3, 106, 117-18, 127, viii, 4.73, 120, 168, 223; citizens 131, 137, 139-42, 144-50, 166, 176, of, 2, 166; and citizenship, 2; and 181-89, 192-93, 195, 197-98, 201, colonialism, 44-45, 50, 107, 141-42, 203, 210, 212, 214-15, 221, 224, 228. 106, 117-18, 127, viii, 4.73, 120, 168, 223; citizens 131, 137, 139-42, 144-50, 166, 176, of, 2, 166; and citizenship, 2; and 181-89, 192-93, 195, 197-98, 201, colonialism, 44-45, 50, 107, 141-42, 203, 210, 212, 214-15, 221, 224, 228. 221; colonists of, 3, 6, 44, 54-55, See also captives 129,138, 181, 197; colonies of, viii, equality, 9,74, 102-3, 113n24, 166, 185, 26, 30, 63, 101, 112n11, 138, 144, 152, 194; legal, 103, 108, 185: racial, 26, 169-70, 185, 195; commissioners of, 29, 31, 50, 72, 86, 149 3,49,1 126, 142-43. 201; culture of, 51; ethnicity, 86, 131, 183, 186, 189-91,198 documents of, 11, 43; and education, Eurocentrism, 86, 181, 195, 197-98 28, 48, 64; Empire of, 1, 4-5, 101, Europe, 2, 4, 5,7, 17, 26, 28, 33,47, 167, 170; government of, 4, 54, 127, 51, 66,72, 74,77, 18, 123, 128, 130, 142, 144, 150, 164, 166-67, 202, 139-40, 142-43, 151, 184-85, 187-88, 229; language of, 12, 14, 26-27, ,33, 199, 202, 220 37n7, 43, 76-77, 97, 107-8, Estates General, France, 49 121-22, 13317.136-37, 201-2, 114135, 219, Estimé, Dorsainville, 205, 216n16 220-21, 23314, 233112; laws of, evacuation of French army, 5, 35, 44, 101-2, 107, 112n11, 141, 145, 150, 40n39, 59, 161, 168 186; monarchy of, 141; National Convention, 115; navy of, 18on45; Félix, Marie Louise, 47 planters from, 185. 224; privateers Ferrand, Jean-Louis, 77, 89n16, 119, 168 from, 164; recognition of Haiti, 16, Ferrer, Ada, 105, 139-40, 148 226; refugees from, 141; Republic, 3, Feuille du Commerce, 220 26, 29; Revolution, vii, 8, 17, Fick, Carolyn, 6 44, 49,74, 97-98, 100, 111, 112n6, 25,30, Firmin, Joseph Anténor, 72, 85-86, 117, 122-23, 126, 129-30, 137, 140-41, 230, 236n67 143, 151, 182-83, 193-94,1 198, 222; Fischer, Sybille, 25 slaveholders from, 27; troops of, 4 flag, 66, 231 25, 58, 127, 221; and violence, viii, 33, Flemish estates, 9 52, 116, 219, 222, 224. -86, 117, 122-23, 126, 129-30, 137, 140-41, 230, 236n67 143, 151, 182-83, 193-94,1 198, 222; Fischer, Sybille, 25 slaveholders from, 27; troops of, 4 flag, 66, 231 25, 58, 127, 221; and violence, viii, 33, Flemish estates, 9 52, 116, 219, 222, 224. See also war Floridas, 166 for independence forgeries, 38n19 freedom, 3-5, 14, 17, 30-33, 66,76, 82, Fort-Dauphin (now Fort-Liberté), 60, 99, 103, 110, 115-17, 127, 131, 137, 141, 119, 127, 135n35 148, 184, 186-89, 193-97, 203, 206, Fouchard, Jean, 63 France, viii, 1-5, 11-12, 14,1 16, 26, 28-34. free soil, 105, 148 40n44, 40n46, 41048, 42-44, 4851, 52-54, 56n29, 57148, 67.73-74. Gaffield, Julia, 15, 37n7, 62, 64-65.77, 76-77. 81-82, 86, 97-101, 102, 105, 88ns, 97, 104, 127, 147, 201 107-8, 110, 115, 18-19, 121, 127-31, Gallant, Christine, 78 132n1, 134n21, 136, 138, 140, 142-45, Gallatin, Albert, 15, 162 147, 148, 150, 154146, 161-62, 164Gallese, Vittorio, 85 65,1 167-71, 177, 181-82, 184, 187,191, Garrigus, John, 6,13 193-95.198-99. 207, 210, 218n27, Gaston, Colonel, 125 222-23, 226, 227, 229, 235142; Gautarel (soldier), 73 --- Page 289 --- 274 INDEX Gazette politique et commerciale d'Hayti, Guiana, 152013 222, 224-25, 234n29 Guinen, 210 Geffrard, Fabre, 229 Geffrard, Nicolas, 34, 52, 125 Haiti as member of a community of Geggus, David, 6-7,13, 15,42, 98,137. , 226, 227, 229, 235142; Gautarel (soldier), 73 --- Page 289 --- 274 INDEX Gazette politique et commerciale d'Hayti, Guiana, 152013 222, 224-25, 234n29 Guinen, 210 Geffrard, Fabre, 229 Geffrard, Nicolas, 34, 52, 125 Haiti as member of a community of Geggus, David, 6-7,13, 15,42, 98,137. nations/sovereign state, 5,1 108, 162, 339, 233n10 164, 176 Gelée, Claude-Charles, 44 Haitian exceptionalism, 8, 98, 103 genocide, 32-33, 54, n6, 132n5, 187 Haitian revolution of 1843, 226-27 Genovese, Eugene, 137 handwritten copies, vii, 12-13, 77, 201, George III (king), 119 Gérin, Étienne, 34 Happy Couple (ship), 163 German Coast Uprising (181), 147 Harnet (ship), 173 Germantown (ship), 175 head of state, 109, 172, 174, 220, 225, Ghachem, Malick, 17, 30, 37n11, 39n31, 227; Dessalines as, 12, 26, 29, 106, 120, 127, 180n46, 228 Gilroy, Paul, 215 Hebblethwaite, Benjamin, 206, 216n5 Girard, Philippe, 5, 15, 40n39, 116, 122, Hébrard, Jean, 197 130, 132 Hector, Michel, 61, 70n17 Gonaïves, 1, 9, 11, 25-26, 32, 60, 63-64, Hédouville, Gabriel d',143 95-97, 99, 104-6, 205, 219, 223, Hérard, Charlemagne, 52 228, 231 Hérard, Charles, 227 Gonzalez, Johnhenry, 177n3 Hérard, Marie, 45, 57n54 Gould, Eliga, 21n43, 114037 Heurtelou, Elie, 229 Gran Colombia, 65-66 Hogstrom, Larson, 84 Great Britain, 14, 16, 29, 40n39, 146, holidays, 11, 34, 41055, 88n5, 220-26, 187-88; abolition in, 193; Admiralty/ 228-29, 232, 233112, 233n8 navy of, 12, 31, 65, 18, 146, 173; Holst-Knudsen, Heidi, 132n agents of, 11, 135n35, 145; and the Homer, 76 American Revolution, 119; army of, Horner, Joseph P., 175 142; blockade of Saint-Domingue by, houmfou, 205 5, 142; British Empire, 61, 64, 96, Hugues, Victor, 142-43, 88n5 101; consuls of, 229; newspapers Hymne Haytiène (1803), 14, 58, 65, 67n1 of, 61, 69m3, 74; occupation of Hyppolite, Florvil, 230-31 Martinique by, 147; occupation of Saint-Domingue by, 3, 26, 124, Iacoboni, Marco, 80 140-41; slaveowners of, 148; and Ibo (nation), 207 the slave trade, 143, 146; and trade, Ibo, Jean-Pierre, 206, 207-8 40n44, 127; treaties with, 143. n1 of, 61, 69m3, 74; occupation of Hyppolite, Florvil, 230-31 Martinique by, 147; occupation of Saint-Domingue by, 3, 26, 124, Iacoboni, Marco, 80 140-41; slaveowners of, 148; and Ibo (nation), 207 the slave trade, 143, 146; and trade, Ibo, Jean-Pierre, 206, 207-8 40n44, 127; treaties with, 143. See identity, 8,33, 36, 51, 53-54, 100, 111, 130, also Jamaica; Trinidad 140, 151, 182-83, 186, 192, 221, 233112 Grégoire, Henri (Abbé), 199 "I have Avenged America" speech. See Grito de Dolores (Mexico, 1810), 16 proclamation of April 28, 1804 Grito de Iparanga (Brazil, 1822), 16 indemnity, 150, 171 Gros, Gabriel, 126, 134132 indentured servants/laborers, 183, 188, grounded cognition theory, 79-83 195, 215 Guadeloupe, 142-43, 147, 151, 152n13, Independence Day, 6, 32, 61, 220-21, 188, 216 223, 226, 229, 234124; bicentennial, Guerrier, Philippe, 227, 228 69n3; centennial, 62, 220, 229-32, Guha, Ranajit, 203 236n64; sesquicentennial, --- Page 290 --- INDEX 275 Independence Hall (Philadelphia), 10 Laforest, Pierre, 236n60 Indians/Amerindians, 33-34.45 La Fossette, 119 indigo, 45, 47 Lakoff, George, 73, 75.79 Indostan (ship), 166, 173 lakou, 192, 203, 205; Lakou Badjo, 205, inequality, 17, 185 217n16 Inginac, Balthazar, 174, 180 Lamoureux, Catherine, 49 isolation, 8, 42-43, 53. 66, ,151, 161-62 landowners and landownership, 35, 53, 183, 186, 224 Jacmel, 146, 173 language and linguistics, 2, 12-15, 27, Jacquesson, Henri, 48 32-33, 42, 53-54, 63,7 72,75.79-80, Jacquesson, Pierre Simon, 48 82-85, 87, 91n43, 101, 105-7, 109-10, Jamaica, 3, 5, 31, 37n7, 65, 105, 127, 113n24, 16, 121-22, 124-25, 136, 190, 141-43, 145-46, 148, 151; governor of, 202-4, 219, 221-222, 226, 23314. 75.79-80, Jacquesson, Pierre Simon, 48 82-85, 87, 91n43, 101, 105-7, 109-10, Jamaica, 3, 5, 31, 37n7, 65, 105, 127, 113n24, 16, 121-22, 124-25, 136, 190, 141-43, 145-46, 148, 151; governor of, 202-4, 219, 221-222, 226, 23314. 5, 11-12, 64, 135135, 143, 164 See also cognitive linguistics; France, James, C. L. R., 6, 29, 40n44, 143 language of; Krèyol Janvier, Louis Joseph, 85 Lartigue, Arnaud André Roberjot, 147 Jefferson, Thomas, viii, ix, 104-5, 151, L'Association du Centenaire de VIndépen161, 166 dance Nationale, 230-31 Jenson, Deborah, 13-14, 21n35, 27-28, Latin America, 6, 9, 17,30, 66, 98, 105, 34-35, 37n10, 42, 80, 116-17, 122, 111, 112n6, 151, 220, 236n61 146, 201, 216n5 Laurent, Gérard Mentor, 7, 38n19, 60 Jérémie, 50, 124-25 law, 13, 39n31, 97, 99-100, 104-7,109Jérémie, Joseph, 231, 236n60 10, 113n11, 123, 149, 162, 167-70, ,172, Johnson, Mark, 73, 75, 79, 82 185, 195, 199; Haiti, 11, 30-31, 59-60, Johnson, Michael P., 147 62-64, 99, 102, 104, 107, 120-21, Jomini, Antoine-Henri de,72 138, 148, 184, 204, 228; natural, 14, Josué, Erol, 208, 211, 217n24, 218n28, 108; of Saint-Domingue, 48, 98, 103, 218ngo 108. See also Code civil; Code Henry; Journal de Campagne, 65 Code noir; emergency law; France, Journal Officiel (Port-au-Prince), 64 laws of; law of nations; United States justice, 5, 68ni, 97, 120, 123, 127-28, law of nations, 15, 105, 123, 162, 164, 194;injustice, 122, 171, 224, 231 168, 171, 176 Leclerc, Charles, 4, 5, 32, 41057, 18, 123, Kaplan, Lynda, 202; expedition to Saint-Domingue Kane, Archibald, 162-65, 178n10 (1802), 4, 29, 41057, 52, 54, 66, n8, Kane, Elias, 162-64 125, 126-27, 145, 201 Kane, James, 163, 178no Les Cayes, 43-44, 47-49, 52, 228 Kane, Julie, 83, 87 Levasseur, Armand, 72 Kerpoisson, 53 Lewis, Jacob, 166, 173-74, 180n46 King, Rufus, 166 Lhérisson, Justin, 230-31, 236n60 Kingdom of Congo, 2, 210, 214 Lhérisson, L. Kane, James, 163, 178no Les Cayes, 43-44, 47-49, 52, 228 Kane, Julie, 83, 87 Levasseur, Armand, 72 Kerpoisson, 53 Lewis, Jacob, 166, 173-74, 180n46 King, Rufus, 166 Lhérisson, Justin, 230-31, 236n60 Kingdom of Congo, 2, 210, 214 Lhérisson, L. C., 230, 236n60 Kosovo, 10 Liberia, 16, 149, 177 Kraay, Hendrik, 233n8 liberty, 4-5,1 13, 59, 66,76, 103, 107-9, Krèyol/Creole, 33, 40147,124, 201-2, 120, 123, 137-38, 142, 144, 149, 210, 204, 216 221, 224-25; general, 99, 102-4, n2ng, 144; individual, 99, 102-4, Labadie, Guillaume, 49 108, 12ng Lacey, Simon, 84, 87 Lincoln, Abraham, 16, 177 --- Page 291 --- 276 INDEX Logan, Rayford, 161-62, 165.173.175. 219-20, 222, 224-32, 232n3, 180n47 London, vii, viii, 37n7, 65 Mennesson-Rigaud, Odette, 207-8, 210 longue durée, 212 mercantilism, 162, 188, 191, 194-95 Louis XVIII (king), 150 merchants, 2, 5, 52, 140, 143, 145, 161Louverture, Toussaint, 4, 27, 29-31, 65,1 167, 169-77.178mo, 18on45, 228 35.40n47, 50-51, 54, 66, 85-86, metaphor, 2, 14, 27.36.73-76.79-80, 98-104, 106-9, 110, 12n9, 122, 82-85, 87, 204, 212 126-27, 139, 141-49, 151, 168, 184, Mexico, 1, 16 188,196, 205, 208-10, 224, 231 Middle Passage. See slave trade Lundahl, Mats, 6 military, 1, 9, 12, 26, 30, 52, 72-73,75, L'Union, 38n24, 64-65, 81, 229 85, 88, 96, 102, 106, 110, n8, 120-22, Iwa, 16, 205-6, 210, 212, 214, 225; Agwe, 124-25, 127, 133114, 140, 142, 146, 206-7, 213-14; Ezili, 206; Danhi, 150, 153, 191, 203, 206, 220, 222-24 210; Lasirèn, 213-14; Loko Atisou, militias, 46 206; Ogou, 206, 209, 225. See also Miranda, Francisco de, 66, 140, 146, Jean-Jacques Dessalines 156n68 modernity, 25, 198 MacLeod, Murdo, 228 Moise, Claude, 103 Maddow, Rachel, vii, viii, monarchy, 2-3, 30, 106, 129, 207, 229. Madiou, Thomas, 6-7,10-11, 26-28, See also Christophe, Henry 32-33, 35, 3717. also Miranda, Francisco de, 66, 140, 146, Jean-Jacques Dessalines 156n68 modernity, 25, 198 MacLeod, Murdo, 228 Moise, Claude, 103 Maddow, Rachel, vii, viii, monarchy, 2-3, 30, 106, 129, 207, 229. Madiou, Thomas, 6-7,10-11, 26-28, See also Christophe, Henry 32-33, 35, 3717. 38n22, 39n38, 42, Moniteur Haitien, Le (Port-au-Prince), 59-60, 63,70, n6, 121, 127-28, 146, 227-28 181, 189, 194, 196, 219, 225, 232n3, Morton, Washington, 166 232n87 Moyse rebellion (1801), 127, 135135 Madison, James, 164-65.171 mulâtre, 7, 41054, 43, 53, 193, 197-98 mahogany, 2, 161 Makandal, 206, 212 Nago, 205-6, 214 Mangonès, Edmond, 70n22 naming (of Haiti/"Hayti"), 11, 33-34, Manigat, Leslie, 32, 34, 61 40n46, 60 Maracaibo, 141 National Archives (London), 7, 10, 12, Marcelin, Milo, 206 37n7, 62, 65, 88n5 Marchand (Haiti), 222-23 National Archives (Washington, DC), maroons, 139, 148-49.156n81, 183, 187, 192, 194 National Convention (France), 3, 112n11, marriage, 44-45, 47-49, 163 115, 142 Marseillaise, 58, 129 National Guard, 118, 228 Martelly, Michel, 202 nationalism, 221 Martinique, 138, 147, 152n13, 188 National Library of Jamaica, 135n35 massacres, 6, 9, 14, 32-33, 35, 39n39, national palace, 219, 228 40n43, 41048, 41n57, 43, 54-55. 107, Nau, Ignace, 80, 82 110, 115-19, 122, 124-31, 133n9, 138, Nemours, Auguste, 7 166, 224, 226. See also genocide Nérette (colonial officer), 52-53 Matthewson, Tim, 162, 166 Nesbitt, Nick, 25 McGilchrist, lain, 87 Nessler, Graham, 145 memory (and memories), 10, 16-17, 28, neurobiology, 82, 87 59, 66,73.77-78, 80, 99-100, 106, neuroscience, 80, 84-87 119, 123, 128-29, 190, 192, 196, 212, New Granada, 32, 141 53 Matthewson, Tim, 162, 166 Nesbitt, Nick, 25 McGilchrist, lain, 87 Nessler, Graham, 145 memory (and memories), 10, 16-17, 28, neurobiology, 82, 87 59, 66,73.77-78, 80, 99-100, 106, neuroscience, 80, 84-87 119, 123, 128-29, 190, 192, 196, 212, New Granada, 32, 141 --- Page 292 --- INDEX 277 newspapers, vii, viii, 13, 21n35, 34, 61, n8; planters, 26, 43, 44-48, 50, 52, 64.74. 81, 136, 220-21, 228, 230-31 54, 55113, 124, 138-41, 144-45, 148, New York, 40, 161, 163-64, 166 174, 184-89, 191, 193-95; societies, New-York Historical Society, vii, ix, xi, 1 4, 17,78, 98, 102-3, 107, 111, New York Times Magazine, 112n1 147, 149, 181-91, 193, 196-98, 137-39, 201, Nicholls, David, 220 203-4 noirisme, 228, 230-31, 235147, 236n60 poetry, 73-76, 78-79, 82-84, 87, 88n5, Non-Intercourse Act (1809), 167, 149, 230; poetics, 13, 27,72, 75,77, 169-70 79, 81-84, 87, 122 nonrecognition, 162, 170-72, 175-77 Pointe Coupée, Louisiana, 140 notary, 44-45, 48 politique du doublure, 228 Nouët, Jean-Claude, 132n1 Polverel, Étienne, 3, 103, 126, 202 nouveaux libres, 63, 224 Popkin, Jeremy, 14, 98, 13n11 November 29, 1803, declaration of Port-au-Prince, viii, 12, 26, 32, 43.46, independence (Saint-Domingue), 64, 81, 112n1, n8, 149, 163, 173-75. Nouët, Jean-Claude, 132n1 Polverel, Étienne, 3, 103, 126, 202 nouveaux libres, 63, 224 Popkin, Jeremy, 14, 98, 13n11 November 29, 1803, declaration of Port-au-Prince, viii, 12, 26, 32, 43.46, independence (Saint-Domingue), 64, 81, 112n1, n8, 149, 163, 173-75. 5-6, 10, 33-35, 58-62, 66, 88ns, 121, 207, 224-25,229-31 136, 138, 195, 221 Porto-Novo, 205 Normandy, 44 poverty, 8, 46 Nugent, George, 11, 64, 135135 Pradine, Jean-Baptiste Symphore Linstant de, 11, 59-60, 64 Ogden, Samuel G., 166 Prévost, Julien (Comte de Limonade), Ogé, Vincent, jeune, 44, 48, 55n8, n8 oligarchies, 181, 185, 188, 191, 194-95 Price, Richard, 204 Oliver, Robert, 174 printing press, 12, 63-65 oral history, 7-8, 15-16, 204, 225 prisoners, 51, 18, 126, 129, 141, 146, 183, O'Shaughnessy, Andrew, ix, xi 185, 187, 189, 191, 196, 198, 205; of ouanga, 190, 207 war, 5 prisons, 117, 185-86 Panama Congress (1826), 66 privateers, 141-42, 164, 172, 176, 194 Papillon, Jean-François, 140 proclamation of April 28, 1804 ("Ihave Paris, 48-51, 65, 85, 117, 142 avenged America"), 14, 39137,73, Payton, Claire, 205, 217n16 88n5, 123, 131, 134n28, 138 Peace of Basel (1795), 3, 144 Progrès, Le (Port-au-Prince), 229 peasants, 224, 235147 Prophète, Ernst, 95-98, 109, 112n1 Pedro I, Dom (of Brazil), 16 Prosser, Gabriel, 143 performance, 15, 58, 81, 136, 220-21, 226 Pétion, Alexandre, 41n50, 66, 99, 105- quasi-slave system. See cultivators 6, 143, 148-51, 174,194, 225, 227 Quasi War (1797-98), 143 Petit-Trou, 52 Quintilian, 75 Philadelphia, viii, 61, 161, 175 Pichon, Louis André, 164, 166 Rabinowitz, Richard, 1 Pierre, Jacques, 197, 202 Rachel Maddow Show, vii, viii Pierrot, Louis, 228-29 Raimond, Julien, 44-45, 47-54.56n29, Pinto, Antonio, 140 57n48 piracy (pirates), 194 Rainsford, Marcus, 37n7, 61-62 plantations, 2, 4, 11, 41055, 45, 47, 49Rameau, Septimus, 229 51, 53, 81, 102, 108, 121, 126, 143-44, Raynal, Abbé Guillaume Thomas, 146, 183, 186, 192, 221; owners, 2, 123-24, ,129, 134n28 57n48 piracy (pirates), 194 Rainsford, Marcus, 37n7, 61-62 plantations, 2, 4, 11, 41055, 45, 47, 49Rameau, Septimus, 229 51, 53, 81, 102, 108, 121, 126, 143-44, Raynal, Abbé Guillaume Thomas, 146, 183, 186, 192, 221; owners, 2, 123-24, ,129, 134n28 --- Page 293 --- 278 INDEX recognition ofi independence, viii, 95-98, 101-4, 106-7, 109-11, 15-18, 10-11, 15-16, 64, 110, 117, 128, 149127, 129, 131, 139-45, 147, 161, 165, 50, 162, 170-77, 226. See also 167, 181-82, 185, 187-88, 191-95.197, de facto independence; de jure 202, 212 independence; nonrecognition Saint-Louis, Vertus, 6 Reign ofTerror, 51 Saint-Louis, 49, 52-53 reparations, 16 Saint-Rémy, Joseph, 42-43 repatriation, 146 Salomon, Louis Étienne Félicité Lysius, republic, 25, 29, 110, 142, 147; French, 228-29 3. 26, 107, 184, 193-94; of Haiti, Sannon, Pauléus, 60 30-31, 64, 104, 106, 148, 227, 229; sans-culottes, 194 republicanism, 17, 30-31, 98, 110, 141, Santiago de Cuba, 197 184, 194-95 Santo Domingo, 77, 119, 138, 140, 142, resistance, 52, 66, 98, 117, 119, 122, 139, 144-45, 148, 168; 1801 invasion of, 186-88, 190, 192, 196 144:1804-5 invasion of, 33. 146; revolution, Haitian, of 1843, 226-27 1822 annexation of, 33, 67, 149,151 Revue de la Société Haitienne d'Histoire Sartre, Jean-Paul, 79, 86 et de Géographie, 63 Sasportas, Abraham, 140 Richman, Karen, 204 Sasportas, Isaac, 140, 143, 151 Richmond, 143 Sathian, Krish, 84 Rigaud, André, 50-51, 86, 122, 124, 141, Savarese, Ralph James, 79, 83 143, 151, 224 Scott, Julius S., 216n6 rights, 2, 15, 17, 25, 30-31, 35, 58-59,1 124, Scott, Rebecca, 197, 216n6 128, 131, 136, 145, 168, 171, 175, 182-84, secession, 29, 31, 184,193 193, 195, 198-99, 222; human, 25, Sepinwall, Alyssa Goldstein, 132n5 110, 124, 195; individual, 117; politiSeven Years' War, 100, 111, 183 cal, 26, 184, 196; property, 187; Shapiro, Norman,73 republican, 30; rights of man, 3, 102, Sheller, Mimi, 7, 222 109, 112n11, 13m16, 123, 130, 138, 151 ships, 5, 53, 64, 144, 148, 167, 180, 213Robert H. 195; individual, 117; politiSeven Years' War, 100, 111, 183 cal, 26, 184, 196; property, 187; Shapiro, Norman,73 republican, 30; rights of man, 3, 102, Sheller, Mimi, 7, 222 109, 112n11, 13m16, 123, 130, 138, 151 ships, 5, 53, 64, 144, 148, 167, 180, 213Robert H. Smith International Center 15; British, 5, n8, 142; US, 40n39, for Jefferson Studies, ix, xi 143, 161, 163-64, 166-67, 171, 173,175 Robinson, William Davis, 173-74 slave revolts, 36, 48,78, 134n32, 136-37 Rochambeau, Donatien, 5, 52, 18, 123 139-42, 147, 150 Romain, P., 171 slave system, 2, 4, 18 Rose V. Himely (1804), 179n32 slave trade, 2, 66, 78, 104, 143, 146-47, Rouget, Gilbert, 205 184, 188, 192-93, 197, 207, 211-12 Roumain, Jacques, 206 slaves. See enslaved people Roume, Philippe, 143, 151 Société d'anthropologie, 85 Roux, Pierre, 63 Soir, Le (Port-au-Prince), 231 royalists, 141, 184, 194 Sonthonax, Léger-Félicité, 3, 49, 51, 81, rule oflaw, 100-103, 106, 108-10 103, 126, 142, 148, 194, 201-2 runaway slaves. See maroons Soulouque, Faustin, 86, 228-29, 232n3 Sousa Santos, Boaventura de, 197 sailors, 105, 119, 126, 134n34, 143 South America, 39-40, 146, 149, 163 Saint-Christophe, 44-45 South Asia, 9 Saint-Domingue, viii, 1-5, 9, 13, 26, 29, Southeast Asia, 183 31, 33-34, 36, 41n55, 43-44, 18- 54 South Sudan, 10 56n29, 59, 61, 63, 66, 71040,78, 85, sovereignty, 4, 9-11, 14-15,17, 33, 64, Saint-Christophe, 44-45 South Asia, 9 Saint-Domingue, viii, 1-5, 9, 13, 26, 29, Southeast Asia, 183 31, 33-34, 36, 41n55, 43-44, 18- 54 South Sudan, 10 56n29, 59, 61, 63, 66, 71040,78, 85, sovereignty, 4, 9-11, 14-15,17, 33, 64, --- Page 294 --- INDEX 279 66, 100, 105, 108, 111, 126, 137,139, Trouillot, Henock, 60 150, 168-70, 172, 175, 181, 183-85. Trouillot, Michel-Rolph, 6, 55-56n21, 190, 192-96, 198-99, 232 78, 106, 176, 204 Spain, 32-33, 66-67, 88ns, 99, 119, 127, Tussac, François-Richard de, 86 138, 144-45, 147-49, 168; invasion of Saint-Domingue, 3-4, 26, 140-41, United Kingdom, 183, 188 United States, vii, viii, 5, 9,12, 16, Spinoza, Baruch, 25 61-62, 88n5, 97, 100, 104, 108, Stalin, Joseph, 151 110,138, 140, 143, 145, 147, 149, 161- "state of exception" (also "state of 70, 172-75, 220; citizens of, 171, emergency"), 106-9, 121 175-77; Civil War, 176; Congress, 64, Stedman, John, 78 165-67, 169, 173-74: constitution, Stella (Bergeaud), 128 101-2; Declaration of Independence, Stilla, Randall, 84 viii, ix, 6, 8-11, 13-16, 21038, 21043, St. Lucia, 142 34,78, 96, 98, 101, 103, 106, 108, St. Marc, 162, 164 12n3, 112n6, 114n37, 119, 121, 128; St. Vincent, 142 foreign policy, 161-62, 170, 172, 177; sugar, 1-2, 4, 45, 81-82, 142, 163, 223 government, 162, 164-73.1 175-77; law, 167; military, 75; occupation Tailors' conspiracy (Bahia), 141 of Haiti, 8; press, viii, 21035, 34, Tainos, 33, 41153 37n10, 61, 136-37; prohibition on Tapia, Angel Sanz, 151 trade with St. Domingo, 165-67, Tardieu, Patrick, 6, 11, 38n24, 233n10 170; representatives of, 9, 143,162, Taylor, Mr. (American merchant), 73 165, 174; Revolution, vii, 17, 97-98, Télégraphe, Le (Port-au-Prince), 220 100-101, 103-4, 109, 111, 143, 151, Thoret, Norbert, 39n39, 115-19, 125, 128, 221; Senate, 166. ieu, Patrick, 6, 11, 38n24, 233n10 170; representatives of, 9, 143,162, Taylor, Mr. (American merchant), 73 165, 174; Revolution, vii, 17, 97-98, Télégraphe, Le (Port-au-Prince), 220 100-101, 103-4, 109, 111, 143, 151, Thoret, Norbert, 39n39, 115-19, 125, 128, 221; Senate, 166. See also courts; 131, 132n1, 133n9 merchants; ships; trade tigers, 14, 31, 72-79, 86-88, 88n1, universalism, 17, 15, 31, 79-80,139, 89n2o, 123 184-85.191 Tonnerre (France), 48 Torbec Parish, 45-48, 55n13 vagabonds, 102 trade, 25, 29, 40n44,43, 86, 102, 161Vansina, Jan, 204 62, 185, 188; British, 40n44, 127, 174; Vastey, Pompée Valentin (Baron de illegal, 167, 170; US, 162-72, 174-77. Vastey), 148, 185, 196-97, 199, 203 See also slave trade Vattel, Emer de, 14, 123, 168 transcription, 12-13, 21035, 76-77. 82, Venezuela, 12, 65-66, 141, 149 202, 207-8, 216n5, 218n28, 218n30 vengeance, viii, 28, 31-32, 35, 39n37, 43, translation, 12, 29, 37n7, 38n22, 40n41, 67n1, 73, 77. 79, 83, 120, 122-25, 127, 73, 106, 108, 112n8, 130, 13317, 136, 129-31, 136, 222, 225, 228 193, 197, 201, 205, 207-8, 218n28, Vermont, 9 Vernet, André, 163 treaty, 5, 114n37, 143-44; trade, 40n44, Versailles, 1, 47-48 127, 163, 174 Vertières, Battle of, 231 Treaty of Ryswick (1697), 181 Vesey, Denmark, 147-48 tree of liberty (also liberty tree), 27, 219, violence: 4, 10, 13-14, 16, 32, 42-44, 50, 221-22 52, 54-72-73.78-79. 114n37, 143-44; trade, 40n44, Versailles, 1, 47-48 127, 163, 174 Vertières, Battle of, 231 Treaty of Ryswick (1697), 181 Vesey, Denmark, 147-48 tree of liberty (also liberty tree), 27, 219, violence: 4, 10, 13-14, 16, 32, 42-44, 50, 221-22 52, 54-72-73.78-79. 95, 115-19, 122, Trimble, Michael, 87 126-31, 134134, 166, 187, 231 Trinidad, 147 Vixen (ship), 175 --- Page 295 --- 280 INDEX Vodou (vaudoux), 78, 196, 204-5, Wernicke, Karl, 82 209-10, 214, 225; ceremony, 204, Whitfield, W. L., 135135 206, 210; pantheon, 16, 205-6, 212, women, 2, 32, 40n39, 44-45, 47-48, 220, 225; ritual, 16, 206; songs, 8, 53.73, 104, n6, 18-19, 125, 133n9, 11, 16, 204, 207-15, 218n28; "Vodou 163-64, 181, 192, 210, 225, 227, 229 Archive,' 217n12, 217n16 Wood, Gordon, 109 wanga. See ouanga Yayou (Haitian General), 27 War of Independence (Haiti), 4, 13, 26, yellow fever, 4 34, 52-53, 100-101, 106-7, 207-8, 210, 16, n8, 122, 229, 231 Zavitz, Erin, 16 Washington, George, 151, 225 Zizek, Slavoj, 131 weapons, 63, 66, 145, 148, 161, 164, 184, zombies, 187 --- Page 296 --- Recent Books in the Jeffersonian America Series Maurizio Valsania Nature's Man: Thomas Jefferson's Philosophical Anthropology John Ragosta Religious Freedom: Jefferson's Legacy, America's Creed Robert M. S. McDonald, editor Sons of the Father: George Washington and His Protégés Simon P. Newman and Peter S. Onuf, editors Paine and Jefferson in the Age of Revolutions Daniel Peart Era of Experimentation: American Political Practices in the Early Republic Margaret Sumner Collegiate Republic: Cultivating an Ideal Society in Early America Christa Dierksheide Amelioration and Empire: Progress and Slavery in the Plantation Americas John A. Ruddiman Becoming Men of Some Consequence: Youth and Military Service in the Revolutionary War Jonathan J. Den Hartog Patriotism and Piety: Federalist Politics and Religious Struggle in the New American Nation Patrick Griffin, Robert G. Ingram, Peter S. Onuf, and Brian Schoen, editors Between Sovereignty and Anarchy: The Politics of Violence in the American Revolutionary Era Armin Mattes "Citizens ofa Common Intellectual Homeland": The Transatlantic Origins of American Democracy and Nationhood Julia Gaffield, editor The Haitian Declaration of Independence: Creation, Context, and Legacy --- Page 297 ---